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THE DOCTRINE OF THE INNER LIGHT, EVANGELICALISM AND WOMEN IN THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

Martin Meeker

The Society of Friends, known more commonly as the Quakers, were unique among the Christian sects which arose during the nonconformist and anti-royalist period in England known as the Interregnum (1646-1660). While they were similar to other nonconformist churches of the era in regards to a dislike of the Church of England, the Quakers' beliefs and practices set them apart. Specifically, the members of the Society saw themselves as a "peculiar" people who took great heed to the biblical demand, "Be not conformed to this world."1 However, the early Quakers' reliance on the Bible as a source of spiritual knowledge and inspiration was secondary to their belief in the Inner Light as the primary path to salvation and communication with God.2

George Fox, a founder of the Society of Friends, understood the Inner Light to be the cornerstone of belief and salvation: "I saw it shine through all, and that they that believed in it came out of condemnation and came to the light of life." However, he did not experience the Light through scripture: "This (revelation) I saw in the pure openings of the Light without the help of any man, neither did I then know where to find it in the Scriptures." Fox concluded, "I was glad that I was commanded to turn people to that inward light...

1 Romans 12:2. This was employed prominently by Quakers from the founding of the Society of Friends through the nineteenth century.

2 As evidenced in the journal of George Fox and epistles, issued in the early years of Quakerism, the phrase "Inner Light" was rarely used; rather, phrases such as "light of Jesus," "light of Christ," "inward light," or simply "the light" were frequently used. I have chosen to use the phrase, "Inner Light," because once the theological dust of the English Civil War settled and evangelicalism was in decline, the phrase "Inner Light" was most commonly applied to the concept; see Caroline Stephen, Quaker Stron2holds. ed. by Mary Gould Ogilvie (ca. 1890; Wallingford, PA: Pendle Hill, 1951).

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by which all might know their salvation, and their way to God. "3 The Inner Light also proved to be a powerful and unique doctrine outside the realm of the mystical, and into the arena of gender relations. The idea that no man, or priest, should stand between man, woman and God led to the belief in spiritual equality for the sexes. As a result, this doctrine gave rise to multitudes of consequences for the position of women within the Society of Friends and how they saw themselves in the world.4

For nearly two hundred years, the doctrine of the Inner Light served as the foundation for Quaker theology. Nevertheless, the doctrine of the Inner Light proved to be historically and theologically unstable in Quakerism during the religious turmoil caused by the rise of English evangelicalism in the early nineteenth century. This atmosphere of religious upheaval forms the backdrop for the study of the doctrine of the Inner Light, evangelicalism and women in the Society of Friends. In this context, the emphasis on the Inner Light was shunned in favor of a reliance on the infallibility of the Bible to insure one's salvation. Therefore, through the Society's official emphasis on the primacy of biblical scripture, Quaker women were no longer encouraged to be guided by the doctrine of Inner Light. Curiously, it was exactly in this period that Quaker women began consistently lobbying for an expansion of their rights as women. As will be discussed later at length, the rising agitation of Victorian Quaker women culminated in their first public demands for equal organizational and political rights in the setting of the 1873 Quaker London Yearly Meeting.

While the burgeoning women's rights and suffrage movements and the increasing involvement of women in many aspects of

3 George Fox, The Journal of Geoq e Fox, revised edition by John L. Nickalls (ca. 1694; Cambridge: University Press, 1952), pp. 33-35; also see, B...u.il.k of Christian Discipline of the Society of Friends, (London: Samuel Harris & Co., 1883), pp. 3-28.

4 For the radical consequences the doctrine of the Inner Light had for seventeenth century women, see, Phyllis Mack, Visionary Women: Ecstatic Prophecy in Seventeenth Century En&Jand, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

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Christian vocation played a large part in encouraging Quaker women to demand expanded rights, this essay examines how and why these women used language and actions directly related to Quaker theology. Thus, the aim is to explore Quaker women's lives and their position within the Society of Friends in relation to the theological concepts of the Inner Light and evangelicalism in Victorian England. Specifically, the answer to the question of whether evangelicalism, with its emphasis on misogynist biblical scripture,5 played a preventative or encouraging role in women's agitation for expanded rights will be addressed. Moreover, it is expected that the extent to which the doctrine of the Inner Light helped to raise women's and men's consciousness regarding the inequality of the sexes in the material world will be discovered. Finally, these questions will be framed within the enduring debate in women's history and the history of religion regarding the degree to which Christianity has played a liberating or oppressive role in women's lives.6

While Quaker theology has previously been examined in relation to the beliefs and practices of its members, 7 only allusions have been made to its implications for women and their position within the Society of Friends. A number of articles have been written looking specifically at the individual activist and radical Victorian Quaker woman.8 However, these articles seem to downplay the role of religion as a motivating and organizing principle in the

5 For two instructive examples see, 1 Timothy 2:11-15 and 1 Corinthians 14:34-35.

6 This debate is directly addressed in a number of recent books and articles; see Dale A. Johnson, Women in Enelish Relieion, 1700-1925. (New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1983); Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Feminist Consciousness; From the Middle Aees to 1870, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); and Janet Horowitz Murray, Strone-Minded Women and Other Lost Voices from Nineteenth Century Eneland, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982).

7 For a general discussion of Victorian Quakerism, see Elizabeth Isichei, Victorian Quakers, and Rufus M. Jones, The Later Periods of Quakerism, (London: Macmillan and Co., Limited, 1921).

8 See Kenneth Cornfield, "Elizabeth Heyrick: Radical Quaker," Relieiopin the Lives of Enelish Women: 1760-1930, ed. by Gail Malmgreen (London: Croom Helm, 1986); and Gail Malmgreen, "Anne Knight and the Radical Subculture," Quaker History, (Fall 1982), pp. 100-13.

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lives of Quaker women. At least three works have specifically addressed the issues of gender and the relations between the sexes in the atmosphere of the richly gendered discourse of Quakerism. 9

However. the works expressly deal with the beginnings of Quakerism and consequently have only a contextual relevance to an essay dealing with the interactions between evangelicalism, the doctrine of the Inner Light and Quaker women.

An anonymous article published in the Quaker journal, The Friend, two months prior to the 1873 Yearly Meeting, set the stage for the event that was to take place. The article specifically addressed the issues of women in the ministry. the segregation of the Yearly Meetings and Quaker theology. Initially, the author asserted that when discussing the "rightful position of women in various relationships in life. . . it is natural to revert to the principles long advocated by Friends considering the true sphere of Women."10 The author continued by discussing George Fox's advocacy of women's spiritual equality in the context of the doctrine of the Inner Light. She stated that the advocates of women's rights claimed their demands only to be an extension of Quaker theology. but the author recognized the apprehension of many Quakers when writing, "The very phrase 'Woman's Rights' conveys a distasteful impression to most of us. The words have an ungentle sound."11 However, instead of using such reasoning to dismiss women's equality, the author concluded:

9 For a rather traditional article on the relations between the sexes in regard to marriage, see Jacques Tuai, "Sexual Equality and Conjugal Harmony: The Way to Celestial Bliss. A View of Early Quaker Matrimony," The Journal of the Friends' Historical Society, (1988), Volume 55: pp. 161-74. For a more expansive, ambitious discussion of gender in that era, see Phyllis Mack, Visionary Women. American Quaker gender relations in the nineteenth century are discussed in the collection of essays, Witnesses for Chan e; Quaker Women Oyer Three Centuries, ed. by Elisabeth Potts Brown and Susan Mosher Stuard (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1989).

10 The Friend, (1873), p. 56.11 Ibid., p. 56.

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But can times of change and revolution in the existing order of things ever be beautiful? A great movement is undoubtedly in progress, long-established ideas concerning the sphere of women are being overturned... politically... we cannot but think that there are rights withheld, and that the possession of the vote would exercise an educating influence upon women... As Friends should we not be the first to admit that every woman has a right to fulfill (sic) her mission, whatever it may be--and wherein her mission lies it is not for others to determine. I 2

Thus, the issue of women's rights within the Society of Friends was ripe for a truly significant occurrence in which women not only demanded expanded rights, but a degree of organizational and political equality with male Quakers.

The 1873 Women's Yearly Meeting began quietly with the usual expressions of sympathy for the personal losses of the preceding year and continued with its usual business of reading and discussing queries as well as the reading of the minutes of the previous mee ti ng. 13 However, as the meeting progressed, more substantial issues began to be raised, such as the danger of religion in becoming too sentimental if emotions were discussed and, on the final day of the meeting, an extremely controversial issue was forced into discussion.

On that day the Women's Meeting was visited by Joseph Thorpe, J.J. Dymond and Joshua Green, in their capacity as deputies from the Men's Meeting. They came to discuss with the women members the state of the Society, and specifically, "to consider the cause of the relative numerical declension (in members), and the

12 Ibid., pp. 56-57. .13 The following account of the events at the 1873 Women's Yearly

Meeting and the subsequent debate which it stimulated, are relayed from the issues of The Friend, specifically the 06 May, 01 June, 01 August, 01 September,01 October, and 01 December 1873 and 01 January 1874 issues.

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remedy, if such can be found."14 In response to the call for help, the woman clerk of the Meeting asked if the women members might be able to join the Men's Meeting, en mass, to discuss such an importantsubj ect.15 Some women publicly asserted that they should not haveto ask, but should be invited to join the Men's Yearly Meeting. Apparently, the men became frustrated because they assumed that the women should have only been grateful for their concern; but, to their surprise, they were not. It was recorded by the clerk that the men abruptly left after an unsettling visit.

The visit proved to be more significant than most present would have imagined. When the August issue of The Friend was published it included what was to be the first in a six-month series of polemics, addressing the wider issue of women's position in the Society. The first letter was written by a women named H.P.B. Clark. She stated that the incident at the 1873 Yearly Meeting proved that claims about the advantages women held in the Society were merely a facade. She pointed out the hypocrisy when writing:

A body that recognizes the propriety of women's preaching would allow its female members to unite in its business meetings for business... Many are already painfully conscious of the unreality of their Meetings for Discipline, since the little business they do has been for the most part already done for them in the Men's Meetings... [C]an anyone wonder that the interest in these meetings should decline?I6

She concluded her letter by suggesting that it would be more appropriate to call a meeting to discuss the situation of the lack of status for Quaker women, than about the Society's declining

14 The Friend, (1873), p. 154.15 Although by the 1870s it was fairly common for individuals or groups

of women to visit the Men's Yearly Meeting, I was unable to find any instance prior to the 1873 Yearly Meeting in which women requested to hold a joint session of the Women's and Men's Yearly Meetings.

16 The Friend, (1873), p. 203.


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membership. In reality, it was very likely that the issues were strongly interrelated.

Clark's letter elicited numerous responses; some were supportive while others were not, but most had something new to add to the debate. The letter most supportive of Clark was written by Mary Waddington. In her letter to the editor, she went beyond Clark's assertion of inconsistency with the organizational rhetoric regarding the Inner Light, and insisted that when "there exists not merely a theoretical mistake, but an active evil in such (an) institution, then the time has come when it needs to be overhauled and ventilated, and made more healthy if it can be."17 Waddington also took into account the history of the Women's Yearly Meetings by stating that the lack of power, and therefore interest, in the meetings had been a gradual development over the previous seventy years. She concluded that the only way to reverse the trend of the declining interest and substance of the Women's Meetings was to allow them to serve an actual function within the Society. She ended with an example by stating that before 1803, when the doctrine of Inner Light was paramount, the Women's Yearly Meeting controlled the funds for poor relief, and thus, had more responsibility than it had in 1873. Waddington's sentiment was echoed in another letter that hoped women would someday be able to do more than spend their Yearly Meetings "playing at business."18

While more tentative in his advocacy of women's rights, William Pollard authored (it was actually a published lecture) an extensive and methodical article in which he asserted that the position of women must change in order to ensure progress. He thought that the Society of Friends had become stagnant, and with the issue of women's rights it was not enough "to let well alone."1 9

Rather, he appealed to progressive impulses to encourage the "acting on the old Quaker belief of Light being given to every man, and every generation, to profit withal, and building upon those old

17 Ibid., p. 226.18 Ibid., p. 227.19 Ibid., p. 337.

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foundations which prophets and apostles and reformers have found sure and safe."20 Specifically, he suggested three points to ensure the expansion of women's roles and their continued participation in the Society. The first was, "Let the liberty granted to women Friends in their corporate capacity be greatly increased," and the second was, "Let women have more real work to do in their meetings - for true work brings the sense of responsibility, and develops interest, and zeal, and strength." The final point was, "Let joint meetings of men and women Friends be regularly held."21 Thus, while his letters were not free of misogynist language, the overall thrust of his argument was advocacy of the expansion of women's opportunities. Pollard supported the Quaker women's agitation for a degree of equality in the Yearly Meetings.

The one letter directly opposing the demands of women for more power and meaningful work was written by a woman who signed her name A.B. She wrote, "I am a woman, and I have no especial liking for being kept down; but I cannot shut my eyes to the fact that woman's place is subordinate to that of man, and that when she claims a right to an equal share. . . she is stepping out of her sphere."22 She concluded her letter by appealing to scripture through the often cited biblical passages: "Let the woman learn in silence with all subjection, for I suffer not a woman to speak in the church" (1 Timothy 2:11-15), and "Let your women keep silence in the churches; for it is not permitted unto them to speak." (1 Corinthians 14:34-35).

At the 1873 Yearly Meeting women demanded for the first time in their era, the sexual integration of the Quakers' organizational and political element. Significantly, an extensive debate ensued in which a number of Quaker women demanded a complete overhaul of the Society's organization. The criticisms of the women were generally based on biblical scripture asserting the inferiority of women to men, while those who supported women's rights spoke the

20 Ibid.21 Ibid., p. 338.22 Ibid., pp. 227-28.



language of the doctrine of the Inner Light and ideas related to it. In the end, the debate remained unresolved for several years. There were no major modifications of the Women's Yearly Meetings or of the general position of women in the Society until 1896, when the Men's Yearly Meeting began admitting women for important discussions. However, an extremely significant event had occurred: the de facto demand by women for organizational and political equality within the Society.

However, a number of questions remain unanswered. Placed in the context of Quaker theology, the most important question to be resolved is what were the roles played by the doctrine of the Inner Light and evangelicalism in relation to the Quaker women's demand for expanded roles? To answer this question, the doctrine of the Inner Light must be examined in regard to its role in Quaker history and women's lives. Additionally, it is essential to explore the mounting demands of Quaker women for expanded rights during the era of evangelical revival. The resolution of these issues will create a better understanding of Quaker theology, its uses, and meanings for women and further evidence about the relationship between Christianity and women's rights.

Robert Barclay, one of the premier prophets of Quakerism, was emphatic in his insistence on the power of the Inner Light and the need to foster and follow it: God, in and by this Light and Seed, invites, calls, exhorts and strives with every man, in order to save him: which, as it is received and not resisted, works the salvation of all .23 This doctrine was based on "the conviction that God does indeed communicate with each one of the spirits He has made."2 4

The Bible was valued, but was seen as subordinate to the Inner Light because scripture was believed to be imperfect. Additionally, the Quakers' had a general distaste for dogma and the religious establishment.

23 Robert Barclay, "An Apology For the True Christian Divinity, As the Same is Held Forth and Preached By the People in Scorn, Called Quakers," (1676), as cited in Isichei, Victorian Quakers, p. 18.

24 Stephen, Quaker Stroneholds. p. 6.

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The distrust of other religious and intellectual forms forged the basis of Quietism, which was the dominant Quaker philosophy from its inception until the rise of evangelicalism in the 1820s. The Quietists understood biblical study and intellectual theology as "a carnal wisdom, a head knowing an outward learning,"25 and thusanathema to the tenets of salvation through the Inner Light. The only aspect of religion that would bring about salvation was the true personal experience of the Inner Light. In addition to the Quietists' distrust of other religions, they were wary of beliefs and practices beyond the pale of the Society of Friends. This distrust is evidenced in their "peculiarity," a key feature of Quaker Quietism. In addition to a ban on marriage to non-Quakers and even an interest in politics, Quaker "peculiarity" also meant that the practice or enjoyment of any form of art, entertainment or sport were all seriously proscribed.26

Many "peculiarities" were also mandated, such as the wearing of a very plain style of clothing and the insistence that all Quakers use archaic language forms.27

The uniqueness of Quakerism carried over into the realm of worship by eliminating the traditional forms of Christian church service. Viewed as outward-looking forms of worship, the sermon, reciting prayer and exclusive biblical study were replaced by simple gatherings. At such times, men and women sat together in a room (albeit on opposite sides) for several hours in silent prayer and meditation. The meetings were spent entirely in quiet reflection unless a member felt particularly moved by the Inner Light and were "guided" by God to speak or pray.

In general, the "peculiarities" of Quaker beliefs and practices had the potential of significantly altering the role of women within the Society, and the world in general, because men and women became spiritual equals. Unlike almost every other Christian sect or denomination, the Quaker woman, because she could directly

25 From The Manchester Friend, as cited in Isichei, Victorian Quakers, p.19.

26 Isichei, Victorian Ouakers, pp. 188-89.27 The members of the Society were to use pronouns out of use by the

1800s such as "thy," "thee" and "thou."



communicate with God through an inspired Inner Light, did not require a spiritual "middle-man" (i.e. a minister or priest) between herself and God. Moreover, both men and women could be recognized as official, though non-professional, ministers. To the dismay of many Quaker men, in the early Victorian period women ministers greatly outnumbered men.28

In addition to the ability to serve as ministers, the Quietist Quaker woman served in a number of related functions, such as uplifting work with the poor, overseeing the education and religion of the young and aiding in the examination of proposed Quaker marriages.29 Initially formed as both an extension of their religious duties and as an auxiliary to the Yearly Meeting, the Women's Yearly Meeting first officially met in 1784.30 While the actions of the Women's Yearly were subject to the approval of the Men's Yearly Meeting, there is evidence to suggest that Quaker women were originally satisfied with and found a sense of power in their new institution. However, much of the real power of the meetings dissipated as a result of larger societal changes. Specifically, the increasing awareness of the extent of the poverty problem led to the conclusion that isolated societies for poor relief were of little assistance.3I

Also, the loosening of Quaker "peculiarities," such as marriage regulations, traditionally policed by women, lessened the power of the Women's Yearly Meeting.

There were many and varied reasons why Quaker women in the Quietist-infused (and Inner Light inspired) early nineteenth

28 Ibid., p. 94.29 William Pollard, "Women's' Meetings for Discipline--How Can They Be

Improved?" The Friend, 01 December 1873, pp. 336-39.30 While early Quaker women met for worship, and unofficially to

discuss matters of the Society during the Yearly Meetings, women were never admitted to the Men's Meetings, and no separate Yearly Meeting for women was officially proposed until 1753 and 1765; both proposals were struck down by the men of the Yearly Meeting. For a discussion of the politics surroundingthe agitation for a Women's Yearly Meeting, see Jones, The Later Periods of Ouakerism, pp. 113-18.

31 Frederic A. Youngs Jr., et al. The En lish Herita e. (Arlington Heights, IL: Forum Press, Inc., 1988), pp. 285-88.

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century did not question the lack of power in the Women's Yearly Meeting as it was instituted in 1784. First, it is currently evident that in the first 30 years or so, the Women's Yearly Meeting did have a useful function, and exercised at least a tenuous amount of power. Additionally, the establishment of the meetings was first advocated by George Fox and Margaret Fell in the mid-1600s, and it is possible that after such a long battle Quaker women were more pleased by the actual victory than the results of the victory. In relation to the influence of Quietism on the period, it is also conceivable that active business and governing positions were not felt to be proper Quaker goals for men or women. For whatever reasons these Quaker women did not agitate for expanding power in the Women's Yearly Meeting, or integration into the Men's Yearly Meeting; it is not possible to know for certain. What is known is that in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Quaker women did not appeal for greater power based on an understanding of the spiritual equality of the sexes inherent and recognized in the doctrine of the Inner Light.

Although not speaking directly to the theme of the Inner Light and its relation to the rights of women, Quietist ministers Hannah Chapman Backhouse (1787-1850) and Sarah Lynes Grubb (1773- 1842) spoke of the importance of the doctrine of Inner Light and the challenge of evangelicalism. Through their words, we can gain an understanding of the position of women in the Society, and their opinions regarding it. Consequently, this will explain the role that the doctrine of the Inner Light played in the lives of Backhouse and Grubb as public ministers and as women who actively engaged in the public sphere.

As a child and young woman, Hannah Chapman Backhouse was noticed to have "a certain force of character (that) distinguished her from other children." Her biographer continued, "The pursuits of her sisters possessed little or no attraction for her; but to join her

brothers in their games and recreations, and her father in his rides, were chief enjoyments."32 While her biographer asserted that these

32 Hannah Chapman Backhouse, "Extracts from Personal Letters and Journal," (1858), University of California-Berkeley (unpublished), p. I.



characteristics "combined to render her an honored instrument in the hand of her God and Savior," from a secular historical point of view, it is more likely that she was attracted to Society of Friends because of their emphasis on the power of the Inner Light and the personality liberating potential contained therein.33

Backhouse's organizational involvement with the Society of Friends did not begin until her mid-30s, after she had performed most of her childbearing duties. She began to actively participate in the Quaker's Monthly, Quarterly and Yearly meetings as a recognized mini ster. 34 After years of domestic hardship, the work of being a minister proved to lift some of the weight off her sometimes traumatic life. After speaking at the 1820 Women's Yearly Meeting, Backhouse wrote:

(My) composure at the moment (of speaking), and after a time the sense of peace which had ensued, seemed to assure me that I had not run without being sent... and in thus again publicly manifesting the intent of my heart I felt the comfort of being no stranger to that hand which, as it once fed me with milk, seemed to me now, after a long night season, to be feeding me with meat.35

She added that her rediscovered active faith had caused a conflict with the domestic duties required of her:

The trivial things of this world have somewhat oppressed me. Is not my spirituality on the borders of idleness and love of self-indulgence? Have been working hard with my dear mother on house-linen and settling my house, with a heart so sunk as to be very unwilling to attend to these necessary things... I often see the virtue and excellency of active life (domesticity), and feel the

33 Ibid., p. 2.34 Ibid., pp. 34-52.35 Ibid., p. 40.

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pressure of another (spiritual). However. I live in faith and hope that both may brighten.36

Thus. Hannah Backhouse's call to an active spiritual life came in conflict with her duties as a nineteenth century woman. Yet. as a woman who felt "guided by divine direction." the calling of the Inner Light could not be suppressed despite the friction it created with the task of fulfilling her socially-mandated womanly duties.37

While most Quietists had deep reservations about the rise of evangelicalism in the Society. Backhouse realized the pernicious implications that it would soon have on her intensely cherished notion of the Inner Light. Speaking in the context of the evangelical challenge to Quakerism. Backhouse wrote:

I believe we must endeavor to... learn from our enemies; and enemies poor old-fashioned Quakerism assuredly has. but I do not fear for it. If faithfulness be but the girdle of her loins. truth will be seen to be her buckler; but if pride--spiritual pride--creeps in for ourselves or our profession, no strength is given to wear that buckler, which can alone be worn in humility.38

Here. Backhouse likened "poor old-fashioned" Quietist Quakerism to a virgin bound in a chastity belt; the evangelical Quakers were implicitly seen as the challengers to her "faithfulness" and "truth." Backhouse claimed that only an absence of pride and maintenance of humility could keep Quietist Quakerism pure of incipient evangelicalism.

However. in her defense of "old-fashioned" Quakerism. Backhouse revealed factors that lead to the decline of Quietism and precluded the active participation of women in the business (and political) matters of the Society. both of which will be discussed later.

36 Ibid.37 Ibid., p. 20.381 bid., p. 205.


Briefly, the emphasis on Quietist humility was not an ideal breeding ground for active agitation for the expansion of the rights of women, even under the influence of the Inner Light and dissatisfaction with current domestic duties. The Society of Friends was well aware of the serious decline in the number of its members, and the participation of the young. The pure humility of Quietism was unable to reinvigorate the members or recruit new ones. It was the dynamism of the early nineteenth century evangelical revival which caught the attention of the younger generation of Quakers, and they were quick to make it the new cornerstone of their faith.39

Although she was a devout Quietist, the life and actions of Sarah Grubb mirrored the rise of evangelicalism in the Society of Friends, with its emphasis of missionary work and an active ministry. Sarah Grubb, by all accounts an exceptional individual, was reported to have felt the intensity of the Inner Light more strongly than most. 40 At age 18, she came forward as a preacher and was recognized as a Quaker minister. She was overcome with zeal by the Inner Light, giving herself entirely to its mysterious workings; this, of course, enabled her to move beyond nineteenth century prescriptions for proper womanly behavior. For example, at the conclusion of a particularly dry and uninspiring Anglican Christmas service, Grubb rose from her seat just as the bishop was exiting and asked loudly if the service was already over. Immediately two ushers came and ejected her from the church. After the experience of being so boldly moved by the Inner Light she said she felt, "Inexpressible joy," adding, "My heavy burden was laid down, and I was like another person." She concluded that the experience opened her to the power of preaching directly through "the true teacher, Jesus Christ."41

Another instance occurred in 1812 at the

of Inner Light Yearly Meetings.

inspired confrontation At the Women's Yearly

39 This paradigm shift within English Quakerism is discussed at length in, Isichei, Victorian Ouakers, pp. 3-25.

40 Sarah Grubb, A Selection of the Letters of the Late Sarah Grubb, (Sudbury: J. Wright, 1848).

41 Ibid., p. 8.



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Meeting there were a number of important issues Grubb believed were not being adequately addressed; so she asked permission to visit the Men's Yearly in order to present the issue in a more politically consequential environment.42 Once she was admitted to the Men's Yearly, she reported feeling the beginning sensations of the power of the Inner Light:

I thought that the word of the Lord was like a fire within me; and when I spoke, it seemed to myself as if it not only made its way through every obstruction, but that the pouring forth of it caused the Earth to tremble... and then I kneeled and came away under the feeling of what is said of the wise, 'Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling.' I was, however, favored with quiet; and again in the Women's Meeting I had to make a few remarks in the gift bestowed; but nothing like setting my mind at liberty, full liberty.43

In addition to forcefully moving into what was recognized as the man's world (the Men's Yearly Meeting), Sarah Grubb, in at least one notable instance, abandoned her socially prescribed motherly duty, receiving much criticism for her actions. Eight months after her she bore her first child, Sarah Grubb left on a five month preaching journey. While she expressed apprehensions about such a trip, she apparently felt the power of the Inner Light to be a greater force than societal standards.44 The criticism against her actions was levied by fellow-Quaker Joseph Gurney Bevan:

Often, I dare say, thy mind turns to this (her newborn); and the tender emotions of a young mother are often felt. Nor would I have thee check them unduly,

42 The specific issue for debate was not directly revealed by the sources available; however, due to the level of concern, I assume that it was related to the rising tide of evangelicalism in the Society.

43 Ibid., pp. 124-25.44 Ibid., p. 11.



any more than indulge them unduly; for whilst thou canst believe that thou still prefers thy redeemer to they offspring. I consider thy maternal feelings in a manner sanctified; and in degree rejoice in thee. as an object of divine compassion and approbation.45

Unlike her Quietist peer. Hannah Backhouse. Sarah Grubb's experience of the Inner Light seemed to liberate her to a large degree from many nineteenth century conventions. Through an appeal to Grubb's religious devotion. Joseph Bevan hoped to instill in her a sense of womanly. and spiritual motherhood. Apparently. Sarah Grubb had broken free of such prescriptions.

The force of mysticism through the belief in the Inner Light held very strong influences on the lives of Hannah Backhouse and Sarah Grubb, even though it manifested itself quite differently in the lives and actions of the two women. On the one hand. the belief in the Inner Light enabled Hannah Backhouse to become a Quaker minister and recognize her desire to experience more than domestic duties; yet, it did not provide the key to directly challenge those prescriptions. On the other hand. Sarah Grubb employed her belief in the Inner Light to allow her to directly confront the limitations placed on women in the nineteenth century. Even in the face of criticism by fellow Quakers. she was able to justify her actions byappealing to her belief in the Inner Light. Nevertheless. the concept of Quietism. in conjunction with a number of societal factors.46

precluded Backhouse and Grubb from directly lobbying for the rights of women as a group and from confronting the lack of organizational equality in a society that held spiritual equality of the sexes as a cornerstone belief.

By the 1820s both Quietism and the proportion of women ministers were declining as the influence of evangelicalism and the status of the ministers were on the upswing.47 The fact that the

45 Ibid., p. 120.46 See above47 See Isichei, .Y... . . i . c . ...,t.,.. o . r . . j . . . . a . . ,_n_Q_u_ a . k . .e....r.. -.s, , pp. 94-95, for a discussion

on the changing proportions of women ministers, however, the number of male



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status and public visibility of the ministers were expanding can be understood in relation to the decline of Quietism and the rise of Quaker evangelicalism. At the 1829 Yearly Meeting the Evangelists' challenge to Quietist hegemony in the Society became public when an epistle was issued asserting the "paramount authority of scripture."48

Lead by prominent Quakers such as Joseph John Gurney and John Rowntree, the Anglican-influenced Evangelists began to contemporize the Society's beliefs and practices.

The evangelical-influenced Quakers abandoned Quietism for both internal and external reasons. Externally, evangelicalism had been exciting the religious impulses of the English people through working-class Millenarianism and Methodism, and the evangelical infused Anglicanism. 49 Internally, the Quaker Evangelists began to lose faith in the verifiability of a true religious experience, and salvation through the doctrine of the Inner Light. They were becoming convinced of the importance of Original Sin and the pressing need to atone for the sins of humanity. Public good works (i.e. home and foreign missions and philanthropy), as opposed to Quietist reflection and prayer, became necessary for a Christian rebirth and salvation. The main effects of the changing Quaker theology signaled a widespread ignoring, and sometimes abandoning, of the doctrine of the Inner Light in favor of relying on the infallibility of the Bible.50

Whereas the ministry of Quietism has been characterized as a mostly "spontaneous and unorganized itinerant ministry,"5 l the ministry of the nineteenth century Quaker Evangelists began to appear more like clerical-centered Protestantism. The ministers for a long time had the privilege of serving at the mostly honorary,

ministers was never much larger than the number of females; for example, at late as 1874 there were 379 males and 369 females.

48 Isichei, Victorian Quakers, p. 6.49 Gender, sectarianism, and evangelicalism of the late-eighteenth and early-

nineteenth centuries are discussed at length in Deborah Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Dauehters, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985).

50 Isichei, Victorian Quakers, pp. 3-8.51 Jones, The Later Periods of Quakerism, p. 194.•



Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders and traveling to spread the word of God and Quakerism with the economic and spiritual support of the Society. The latter ability became more important and controversial with the rise of evangelicalism in the Society. While the ministers still commonly claimed to be preaching under direct inspiration from God, many ministers' preaching became so stylized and professional as to negate these claims. It was also common for ministers to plan extensive (foreign) missionary travels and become so entrenched in the business of the ministry that by the end of the century they were being accused of "incipient clericalism."52

The influence of evangelicalism went far beyond the style of worship and the form of the ministry; it seriously challenged the revered Quaker notion that they were a "peculiar" and separate people. Specifically, the Quaker traditions regarding the simplicity of dress (especially for women), archaic language and avoidance of the arts slowly began to dissipate. In fact, these visibly outward distinctions began to be questioned before many of the more substantive tenets, such as marriage between Quakers and non Quakers and the ambiguous position of women within the Society.

Implicit in their move away from the idea of a "peculiar' people was the fact that the Quakers were beginning to feel freer to associate with Christians of other denominations, especially when participating .in philanthropic societies. Most notable in this regard was the anti-slavery movement; but Quakers were also found working with Christians of other denominations in the temperance and prison reform movements.5 3

Considering the impact the doctrine of the Inner Light had on Quietist Quaker women, what effect did the rise of evangelicalism and all that it entailed have on women members of the Society? As shown with Hannah Chapman Backhouse and Sarah Grubb, Quaker women empowered themselves through the doctrine of the Inner Light while they were somewhat subdued by the philosophy of

52 From The Christian World, 19 May 1904, cited in Isichei, Victorian Quakers, p. 98.

53 Ibid., p. 12.




Quietism. This interaction of issues helped to create the ambiguous institution of the Women's Yearly Meeting. An important question is what happened to the lives of women and their status within the Society of Friends, when the belief in the Inner Light was officially restrained and the philosophy of Quietism disappeared? To adequately answer this question the beliefs, actions and surrounding discourse of Quaker Evangelist women must be examined.

Elizabeth Fry's (1780-1845) life spanned the early years of the evangelical revival and her actions foreshadowed those of many women in the Victorian era.54 By any means of comparison, Elizabeth Fry was an exceptional individual; but this should not preclude her life from having great explanatory value in regard to Quaker women and their position within the Society. In addition to being a role model for other Victorian women, Fry's life and actions moved to the realm of popular discourse and helped shape the debate on women's position in society. Elizabeth Fry was also a Quaker and preeminent Evangelist, influenced by the doctrine of the Inner Light, as well as biblical scripture. A study of her life is helpful in determining the influence of the doctrine of the Inner Light and evangelicalism in relation to women's consciousness, and their position within the Society of Friends.

Like the other women examined here, Elizabeth was born into a Quaker family, but became more devout than her brothers and sisters. The characteristics she shared with women such as Backhouse and Grubb were her youthful dislike for authority and a deep religious sentiment. When she was still a teenager, Elizabeth Fry (then Gurney) said, "Another of my qualities which people call bad, but which I think rather good, is that I cannot bear strict authority over me... I do love equality and true democracy."55 Her love for immediate democracy was fostered m her familial

54 Fry's influence was enormous. The role of the publicly active female Christian reformer was pioneered by Elizabeth Fry and fulfilled by many following her. Frances Power Cobbe, in her essay, "Final Cause of Women," described Fry as an ideal role-model for the emerging new woman.

55 Elizabeth Fry, quoted in Georgia King Lewis, Elizabeth Fry, (London:Headley Brothers, 1909), p. 19.

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surroundings. Fry's mother died when she was a child and of the nine surviving children the seven oldest were female. Her nearly all-female environment meant the daughters exercised an amount of domestic power and thus, especially the elder daughters, were able to speak their minds and demand respect.56

What she learned from her familial situation she soon applied to her spiritual life and workings. However, the arrival of marriage and motherhood stifled her spiritual growth. It was not until after she fulfilled her childbearing duties that she became more active in the Society and related pursuits. Her spiritual awakening occurred with the crisis of her father's death. Only a year later she became recognized as a minister in the Society. On this occasion she commented, "I may simply and singly follow my Master in the way of His requirements, whatsoever they may be. I think this will make a way for me in some things that have long been on my mind." 57

Thus, in addition to experiencing a spiritual awakening, Elizabeth Fry saw this as an opportunity to act upon her long time concerns, under the rubric of divine inspiration.

In the face of much criticism, Elizabeth Fry found her greatest calling in the project of prison reform.58 In 1817 she began to work for prison reform, namely the improvement of living conditions for (mostly women) prisoners, and in some cases, the abolishment of capital punishment. She also spent much time in the prisons, especially Newgate Prison, working with the prisoners themselves. She taught them prayer, courteousness and needlework. While Elizabeth Fry's work with the prisoners amounted to encouraging them to become ladies, instead of "unruly women," she did help bring about material improvements in their living conditions as well.

In examining Fry's reform efforts, it is the revelation of her attitudes toward the potential of the collective organization of women that proves to be truly instructive. Fry stated, "Much may be accomplished by the union of forces (of women)."59 However "much"

56 Ibid., pp. 19-22.57 Ibid., p. 41.58 Ibid., pp. 43-46; and The Friend, (1851), pp. 87-88.59 Elizabeth Fry, quoted in Horowitz, Stron -Minded Women, p. 285.



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remains ambiguous, because she felt that an expansion of women's duties into reform would be beneficial both in the societal good (i.e. more disciplined prisoners) it would bring, and by reinvigorating women in their domestic duties.60 Also, the specter of Inner Light guided reform allowed women to begin to claim a right over their own sex. Fry asserted:

May the attention of women be more and more directed to these labors of love (prison reform); and may the time quickly arrive, when there shall not exist... a single public institution... in which the degraded or afflicted females... shall not enjoy the efficacious superintendence of the pious and benevolent of THEIR OWNSEX.61

Even though Elizabeth Fry did not challenge the hegemonic views of proper womanhood, she demanded the right of women to have authority over "their own sex." Set in the context of Fry's religious beliefs, her faith in the Inner Light justified her speaking-out on reform issues while her evangelical sentiment provided the impetus to act and organize publicly.

The important theme which emerges in examining the motivations and reasoning of Elizabeth Fry is the conjunction between evangelical zeal, a belief in the Inner Light, and a growing awareness of the power of men over all women. In 1832, she spoke directly to this intersection of themes:

Though I believe we have scripture authority for it (women's ministry)--still further confirmed by the internal evidence of the power of the Spirit [read: Inner Light], and its external results,--yet, I am obliged to walk

60 Ibid., p. 285.61 Ibid., p. 286.



by faith, rather than sight, in going about as a woman in the work of the ministry.62

Eight years later she was still forced to deal with the issue of being a woman preacher in the face of biblical and societal prescriptions. She described her:

...great fear of women coming too forward in these things (the ministry), beyond what the Scripture dictates; but I am sure the Scripture most clearly and forcibly lays down the principle that the Spirit is not to be grieved, or quenched, or vexed, or resisted; and on this principle I act; under the earnest desire that whatever the Lord leads me into by his Spirit may be done faithfully to Him.63

Fry saw a conjunction between biblical teachings and the doctrine of the Inner Light, allowing her to advocate expanded roles for women. In the end, Elizabeth Fry did not advocate gender equality, but rather, in line with her beliefs she sought an increase in the rights of women. In the context of her reform work, this meant the right of women to take care of their own, even in the dangerous world of the prison.

Integral to Elizabeth Fry's ruminations about the contentious public activities of women was her awareness of the controversial place that Christian female ministers occupied in the Society of Friends, and the society as a whole. At the same time his sister, Elizabeth Fry, was finding justification in scripture and Quaker theology for an expansion of women's roles, John Joseph (J.J.) Gurney used the same sources to different ends in his essay, "On the Ministry of Women" (ca. 1832).64

62 Elizabeth Fry, quoted in Johnson, Women in Enelish Relieion, p. 121.63 Ibid., p. 121.64 Extracts from this revealing article are found in, Ibid., pp. 273-77.



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In some respects, J.J. Gurney's article was quite progressive in relation to women's rights. He staunchly defended the Quaker belief in the right of women, as the spiritual equals of men, to participate in the ministry. The rhetoric he used to defend the practice was in the language of biblical authorization of the doctrine of the Inner Light; "All true ministry is uttered under the immediate influence of the Spirit of Christ."65 However, the tone of his article shifted as he began to address the issue of biblical scripture, especially in relation to the letters of Paul. Gurney said, "the injunctions of the apostle Paul against the public speaking and teaching of women (see 1 Timothy 2:11-15), can only be understood. . . of speaking and teaching which were not inspired, which were not prophesying."6 6 This led to his belief that women should never publicly speak "in their own name."67 Therefore, J.J. Gurney arrived at a markedly different position regarding ideal public roles for women than did Elizabeth Fry. Like Fry, he defended the presence of female ministers in the Society of Friends in terms of the Inner Light and scripture. Unlike her, he asserted in the language of scripture that the role of divinely-inspired minister should be the limit of female participation in the public world.68

65 Ibid., p. 274.66 Ibid., p. 275.67 Ibid., p. 276; also, he objected strongly to the seating of female

delegates at the 1840 London Anti-Slavery Convention.68 Closely related to these issues of evangelicalism and the Inner Light

in relation to rights and position of women in the Society of Friends is Frances Power Cobbe's intriguing and instructive essay, "The Final Cause of Woman" (ca. 1867) in Josephine Butler, ed., Woman's Work and Woman's Culture, (London: Macmillan and Co., 1869). While not a Quaker (she was a Unitarian), Cobbe directly spoke to the progressive potential that the doctrine of the Inner Light had for expanding the rights of women. After "deconstructing" common Victorian myths about the nature of women, Cobbe asserted her belief in the usefulness of the doctrine of the Inner Light, "The founders of the Quakers, in affirming that both man and woman stand in direct and immediate relationship to the Father of Spirits, struck for the first time a note of truth and spiritual liberty which has called forth half the life of their own sect, and which must sound through all Christendom before the right theory of woman's life be universally recognized."


Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, the debate over the position of women in the Society of Friends was building. Moreover, the role of theology was great in forming the opinions and positions which lay behind these debates. The declining importance of the doctrine of the Inner Light in relation to the rise of an evangelical sentiment was evident in the writings and actions of many Quaker individuals of the period. As best exemplified by Elizabeth Fry, these factors helped create the consciousness among a number of publicly active Quaker women that their participation in public activities was justified by the tenets of both the Inner Light and evangelicalism. However, as evidenced by the thoughts of John Joseph Gurney, many Quaker men were loathe to extend their belief in the spiritual equality of the sexes into the material (i.e. political and organizational) world. Specifically, all issues regarding the governing of the Society exclusively resided in the Men's Yearly Meeting. Aided by the rising "feminist consciousness" in Victorian society, but more germane to the Society of Friends, the doctrine of the Inner Light in the context of evangelical zeal provided Quaker women with the language and theological-grounding to actively demand a degree of organizational gender equality. The intersection of these themes became truly evident when women first agitated for a measure of organizational equality at the 1873 London Yearly Meeting.

In conclusion, just over three years after the Quaker women first demanded organizational equality in the Society of Friends, an article appeared on the front page of The Friend, entitled "The Ministry of Women," an article largely a review of the works of Frances Power Cobbe. More importantly, however, it lends much insight into the Victorian woman's perception of the question, is Christianity liberating or oppressive for women? As evidenced by the culmination of writings in that essay, Christianity was seen to be a truly liberating force for women. Frances Power Cobbe asserted:

If there be, in short, a real meaning in the old lesson that God created woman as well as man in His own image, the image being only complete in the complete




humanity, then I think it follows that there is an urgent need that woman's idea of God should have its due place in all our teaching of religion.69

As demonstrated, it was not the force of Christianity per se that expanded the horizons of Victorian women; rather, the women's (evangelically-infused) public mandate of appeal to (spiritual) equality became a liberating force for women. Many Victorian Christian women sought equality openly on the grounds of their spiritual equality with men, and to a large degree this argument would enable women to seek and achieve a wide range of social and political rights.70

69 Frances Power Cobbe, quoted in The Friend, (1876), p. 224.70 For evidence of the success of the argument of spiritual equality, one

need look no further than the accomplishments of the Women's Christian Temperance Union in the United States; see Ruth Bordin, Woman and Temperance, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981).


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