POS 470 SENIOR SEM ROUGH DRAFT

Reparation demands from former European colonies in Africa and the Caribbean

POS 470 A F: POLITICAL SCIENCE SENIOR SEMINAR Spring Semester 2016

MARY WILLIAMS

Dr. Rachel Cremona

April 22, 2016

Word Count: 7,090

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The history of European expansion within Africa and the Caribbean is a complex and

long history of slavery, racism, capitalism, colonialism and neocolonialism. The consequences of

colonialism have resulted in long-lasting contemporary physical and psychological effects for the

African people and those of African descent within the African diaspora. Many researchers have

shown that there is a correlation between the history of European imperialism and the current

political, social, and economic underdevelopment in Africa and the Caribbean. Numerous studies

done on slavery and colonialism have shown that there are legitimate connections between the

history of colonialism and the current-day situation in Africa and the Caribbean. Since the end of

colonialism, African and Caribbean countries have undergone complicated transitions into

independent nations with mass poverty and slow advancement in economic, social, and political

progress.

Many political activists have stated that imperialism is responsible for the development of

the West and the underdevelopment of Africa and the Caribbean, and therefore western countries

are responsible for aiding these regions with their development in the post-colonial era. This

perspective is reflected in the contemporary demands for reparations from former European

colonies. The issue of reparations for historically oppressed groups has always been a heavily

controversial and debated topic due to the complexities surrounding the subject. Some believe

that the events of slavery and colonialism happened too long ago and therefore descendants of

African slaves do not deserve reparations. This is significant because the topic of reparations is

important due to the implications of the outcome of the issue. The subject of reparations for

former European colonies has many consequences, particularly on the economies of African,

Caribbean and European nations. If African and Caribbean countries are successful in receiving

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reparations from the Europeans, it may also affect the current political and economic relationship

between the former colonies and former colonial powers.

Contrary to popular belief there is still a strong connection between former European

colonies and Western European colonial powers. European governments are fully aware of the

historical connection between their countries and developing countries and do have certain

political and economic procedures intended on mitigating tension, however they do not satisfy

the reparation requirements demanded by Africa and the Caribbean. Also, if the reparation

demands of African and Caribbean countries are paid, this could result in immensely aiding the

progress and development of those regions. Although there is research that shows a correlation

between colonialism and current underdevelopment, there are several consequences of

colonialism that are not properly addressed.

Former European colonies in Africa and the Caribbean deserve reparations based on the

evident relationship between their current state of underdevelopment and the slavery and

imperialism they experienced due to the Europeans. Although slavery and imperialism are

historical events, hundreds of years of oppression and white supremacy have resulted in the slow

progression of African and Caribbean countries currently. The grievances that these former

European colonies list are significant because they are legitimate requests that European

countries can fulfill in order to remedy the problems between the developed and developing

nations. It cannot be ignored that a large part of the progression and success of European

countries is due to their economic and political gains from years of slavery and imperialism.

Thus requests made from African and Caribbean nations about rightful compensation due

to their part in sustaining European prosperity should not be dismissed carelessly by the

Europeans. Demands such as a formal apology from European governments, European aid with

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infrastructure, healthcare, education, and debt cancellation within these developing nations are

reasonable based on the severity of the consequences of European actions historically within

these regions. Furthermore, the payment of reparations to oppressed people is not a new concept

as other historically oppressed groups have received some type of compensation. This same

argument can be made in the case of African slavery and imperialism reparations due to the

direct link between historical European oppression and the underdevelopment of Africa and the

African Diaspora.

Consequently, author Edwin Etieyibo explains that there is both a legal and moral

argument within the pro-reparations movement. He states that “the exploitation of the human and

natural resources of Africa by Western nations [through colonialism] derailed the social,

economic and political experiences of the people of Africa.”1 This assertion that there is a direct

link between colonialism and African underdevelopment supports the claims that there is a

legitimate demand for reparations from former European colonies.

Likewise author Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann states that Western countries should take

the grievances of former colonies very seriously considering the fact that there is a growing

sense of anti-Western sentiment within developing countries and this will result in devastating

consequences for the West if not properly addressed. She explains that Western countries should

take the reparation movement more seriously because “If Africans are convinced that Westerners

are not paying attention to them, then they are more likely to support anti-Western political

movements, and less likely to have any trust in the West.”2 Furthermore, she explains that there

1 Edwin Etieyibo, “Political Reparationists and the Moral Case for Reparations to Africa for Colonialism.” Africa Insight 40, no. 4 (March 2011): 22-34. SocINDEX with Full Text, EBSCOhost (accessed February 18, 2016), 30.

2 Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, “Reparations for the Slave Trade: Rhetoric, Law, History and Political Realities”. Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 41, No. 3, Rethinking Rights in Africa: The Struggle for Meaning and the

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is the threat of these developing countries putting their anti-Western sentiments into violent

occurrences. She explains that the outcome of reparations for Africa could significantly affect

Western-African relations.

One of the major ongoing consequences of imperialism in Africa and the Caribbean, is

the presence of neocolonialism and its effects on current day underdevelopment. For instance,

author Ndirangu Mwaura states that the “present underdeveloped state of Africa is a result of

slavery, colonialism and neocolonialism.”3 Although the history of slavery and colonialism have

had an immense impact on the current state of African and Caribbean countries, it is important to

note that there is still a system of Western dominance and influence across these regions due to

the global expansion of capitalism and democracy.

Mwaura uses the example of Kenya in his case study and explains that the end of

European colonialism did not necessarily end the dominance and influence Western countries

had on African and Caribbean countries. He states that economic dominance became the new

tool of western imperialism and it is done through the international organizations such as the

International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB), “who champion international

capitalism with no capital in the hands of Africans.”4 He further argues that foreign aid is a tool

of Western coercion and “Colonialism and neocolonialism are both systems of foreign

investment and direct foreign investment is not a charitable exercise.”5 He explains that in

Meaning of the Struggle (2007), pp. 427-454. Published by Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Canadian Association of African Studies. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40380098

3 Ndirangu Mwaura, Kenya Today-breaking the Yoke of Colonialism in Africa (New York: Algora Publishing, 2005), 2.

4 Mwaura, Kenya Today-breaking the Yoke of Colonialism in Africa, 8.


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http://www.jstor.org/stable/40380098

Kenya, similarly to the rest of Africa, the premise that foreign investment is a positive force has

led to the complete re-colonization of African economies.6 This pattern has continued and

recently in July 2004, “the Kenya shilling reportedly lost 6% of its value against foreign

currencies, which also contributed to the increase of [Kenya’s] public debt by Kshs 20.7 billion

($250 million).”7 This contemporary system of Western influence and dominance within the

economies of African countries represents the continuation of the relationship between former

colonial countries and former colonies.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) are usually viewed as

helpful tools that aid in the economic progression of developing countries, however, they are also

viewed as tools of western neocolonialism because they are organizations that were created by

western countries and often favor those countries over developing countries. Thus these

organizations may be seen as tools of the West and their aims and goals may be seen as

controversial.

For instance, author Ralph R. Paragg discusses Canadian aid within the Caribbean

commonwealth and whether it is actual aid or just a continuation of neo-colonial practices. He

explains that “Canadian aid has been directed toward infrastructural development such as

transportation, water systems, education, agriculture and marketing, natural resource and energy

development.”8 These may be seen as positive and active aid from the Canadians in order to help



8 Ralph R. Paragg, “Canadian Aid in the Commonwealth Caribbean: Neo-Colonialism or Development?” Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques, Vol. 6, No. 4 (Autumn, 1980), pp. 628-641. Published by University of Toronto Press on behalf of Canadian Public Policy. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3549761

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Caribbean countries develop, however Paragg also explains that there is the issue of Western

countries using aid money as a way to influence and dominate developing countries. In the same

vein, Mwaura argues that the “IMF, WB, and other donors coerce African governments to pursue

policies that will aid foreign countries to entrench and strengthen their grip on African

resources.”9 Thus, the issue over aid vs. neo-colonial dominance remains highly controversial

and debated.

Another crucial economic consequence of colonialism and neocolonialism within Africa

would have to be the resource curse. The resource curse refers to the exploitation of Africa’s

natural resources such as oil, diamonds, and gold, by Western countries and the profit they gain

from the continent. Africa is a continent that is abundant with natural resources, which is why it

has always been attractive to European countries and has unfortunately fallen victim to Western

greed and capitalism. Therefore, as a result of neocolonialism, Western countries are still heavily

involved in the economies of Africa and still dominate not only their economic systems but their

political systems as well.10

Along with economic effects, there are also political effects of colonialism within African

and Caribbean countries. These regions are often plagued with political instability, corruption in

government, military dictatorships, and issues with establishing successful democracies. For

instance, author Ndirangu Mwaura explains that neocolonialism is simply an advanced state of

colonialism and since “colonialism was the originator of dictatorship in Africa, due to the

continued system of neocolonialism, dictatorships will be a permanent feature of the African



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political landscape until neocolonialism is dismantled”11. The lack of a stable political structure

within Africa is very evident as many countries have had periods of military dictatorship, while

others have struggled with establishing successful democracies.

Apart from the political and economic effects of colonialism, there have also been social

and cultural consequences from colonialism in Africa and the Caribbean. Many former colonies

in these regions still speak the languages of their former European powers, and due to

globalization western culture is also heavily influential. Cultural imperialism, as author Ndirangu

Mwaura calls it, is another consequence of neocolonialism and affects many aspects of African

culture whether in religion, education, music and fashion. He explains that “Cultural imperialism

mainly involves the transfer and establishment of Western culture into Africa [and it has become

so heavily ingrained and normalized that some] Africans become culturally alienated from

themselves and imagine that they are superior to other Africans who are less Westernized.”12 The

issue of the cultural consequences of imperialism in Africa and the Caribbean is not as heavily

discussed as the economic and political impacts, however, it is still a significant demonstration of

the long-standing effects of colonialism and neocolonialism within these regions.

More recently, certain events such as the lawsuit filed by Fourteen Caribbean countries

against their former European colonizers in 2013, has propelled the issue of reparations back into

the mainstream news. The Caribbean countries are suing the governments of France, the United

Kingdom, and the Netherlands for their role in the Atlantic Slave Trade and its long-lasting



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consequences.13 The lawsuit also demands reparations from those three European governments

and in a recent speech at the United Nations General Assembly, the Prime Minister of Saint

Vincent and the Grenadines, Ralph Gonsalves emphasized that these European countries must

pay for their deeds.14 Gonsalves explained that “the awful legacy of the African slave trade still

exists in the Caribbean today and must be repaired for the developmental benefit of [the]

Caribbean societies and all our peoples.”15 There is much evidence to support the claims of

reparations by these former European colonies and for European countries to simply ignore the

historical connections between underdevelopment in these countries and progression in European

countries would be deplorable.

Therefore, in this paper, I intend to argue that former European colonies in Africa and the

Caribbean deserve reparations based on the evident relationship between their current state of

underdevelopment and the slavery and imperialism they experienced due to the Europeans. I will

argue that although slavery and imperialism are historical events, hundreds of years of

oppression and white supremacy have resulted in the slow progression of African and Caribbean

countries currently. The grievances that these former European colonies list are significant

because they are legitimate requests that European countries can fulfill in order to remedy the

tension between the developed and developing nations. It cannot be ignored that a large part of

the progression and success of European countries is due to their economic and political gains

from years of slavery and imperialism. Thus requests made from African and Caribbean nations

about rightful compensation due to their part in sustaining European prosperity should not be

13 Dexter Mullins, “Fourteen Caribbean nations sue European countries for slavery reparations.” Al Jazeera, September 27, 2013. Accessed April 16, 2016. http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2013/9/27/14-caribbean-nationssueeuropeancountriesforreparationsoverslaver.html

14 Ibid.15 Ibid.

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http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2013/9/27/14-caribbean-nationssueeuropeancountriesforreparationsoverslaver.html

http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2013/9/27/14-caribbean-nationssueeuropeancountriesforreparationsoverslaver.html

dismissed carelessly by the Europeans. Therefore, there is a strong case for African slavery and

colonialism reparations due to the direct link between historical European oppression and the

current underdevelopment of Africa and the African Diaspora.

“Let me begin by noting that reparation is not just about money, it is not even mostly

about money; in fact, money is not even one percent of what reparation is about. Reparation is

mostly about making repairs on ourselves—psychological repairs, cultural repairs, social repairs,

institutional repairs, technological repairs, economic repairs, political repairs, repairs of every

type.…”16 These were the words echoed by Professor Chinweizu, a member of the First Pan-

African Conference on Reparations in Abuja, Nigeria on April 27, 1993.

Primarily, the concept or definition of reparations has developed throughout history.

Today, “as a social construct, reparations refer to social movements and political actions that

seek and secure meaningful remedy for gross violations of human rights.”17 For instance,

“victims of genocide, slave labor, and those who suffered from state seizure of lands and

property without due process or compensation could now, in theory, seek remedy for violations

of international law.”18 Reparation, more often than not, usually involves an agitation for

compensation, especially by the victims, as a consequence of the experiences and effects of harm

resulting from the activities of the perpetrators.19

16 Brandon Hamber, “Repairing the Irreparable: dealing with the double-binds of making reparations for crimes of the past.” Ethnicity & Health 5, no. 3/4 (August 2000): 215-226. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed March 16, 2016), 215.

17 Barbara Rose Johnston and Susan Slyomovics, Waging War, Making Peace: Reparations and Human Rights (Walnut Creek, California: Left Coast Press, 2010), 13.

18 Barbara Rose Johnston and Susan Slyomovics, Waging War, Making Peace: Reparations and Human Rights, 13.

19 Ademola Kazeem Fayemi and Olusegun Steven Samuel, “Africa versus the West on Reparation.” Peace Review 26, no. 3 (July 2014): 380-387. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed March 6, 2016), 380.

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Consequently, in the case of reparation demands due to the effects of the African slave

trade and European imperialism, authors Ademola Fayemi and Olusegun Samuel claim that

economic hardship in Africa has compelled a serious reconsideration of the issue of

reparations.20 They state that although at the basic level reparations include monetary

compensation, it can also be “effectuated through public apology, rehabilitation, social

development programs, or a kind of guarantee that such crimes would not be repeated again

(directly or indirectly).”21 The basic definition of reparation implies that compensation is a

component of that demand.

However, the given arguments for reparation demands for African slavery and

imperialism often include much more than monetary compensation. Therefore it involves a much

broader scope than the simple definition of financial compensation. These various means of

reparations are synonymous with demands from former European colonies in Africa and the

Caribbean. Demands such as formal apologies, rehabilitation, reconstruction and compensation

are just some of the main reparation requests. The main claims of former European colonies’

demands for reparation rely on moral, cultural, metaphysical, legal, and psychological reality of

the victims that suffered the pain of slavery and colonialism, directly or otherwise.22

The origins of the African reparation movement began with the Organization of African

Unity (OAU), now succeeded by the African Union (AU). At a meeting in Abuja, Nigeria on

June 28, 1992, the OAU swore in a 12-member Group of Eminent Persons and the purpose of the

group was reparations to Africa.23 In April 1993, the first “Pan-African Conference on 20 Ibid, 380.21 Ibid, 381.22 Ademola Kazeem Fayemi and Olusegun Steven Samuel, “Africa versus the West on Reparation.” Peace Review 26, no. 3 (July 2014): 380-387. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed March 6, 2016), 381.

23 Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, “Reparations to Africa and the Group of Eminent Persons”. Cahiers d'Études Africaines, Vol. 44, Cahier 173/174, Réparations, restitutions, réconciliations: Entre Afriques, Europe et Amériques

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Reparations” was held in Abuja, Nigeria, sponsored by the GEP and the Commission for

Reparations of the Organization of African Unity.24 At the Conference, an official Proclamation

was issued and it referred to the “moral debt” and “the debt of compensation” owed to Africa by

countries that engaged in slavery, colonialism, and neocolonialism.25 However, Author Rhoda

Howard-Hassmann explains that since their formation in 1992, the members of the Group of

Eminent Persons have had a difficult time acquiring a widespread movement for reparations to

Africa.

Although, at the Durban World Conference against racism there had been a commonly

held belief that European countries had an obligation to former colonies due to their part in

Western development. The general consensus stated that “As these [Western] nations largely

owe their political, economic and social domination to the exploitation of Africa, Africans and

Africans in the Diaspora they should recognize their obligation to provide these victims just and

equitable reparations”26 This recognition of the connection between African slavery and

imperialism and the current underdevelopment of Africa provides a strong incentive for former

European colonies seeking reparations.

The Caribbean equivalent of the African Union is the Caribbean Community and

Common Market (CARICOM). The creation of this organization was the result of a 15-year

effort to fulfil the hope of regional integration which started with the creation of the British West

Indies Federation in 1958.27 The West Indies Federation ended in 1962 and eventually became

(2004), pp. 81-97. Published by EHESS. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4393370

24 Ibid, 85.

25 Ibid, 86.26 Ibid, 91.27 Caricom.org, “History of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM),” 2011, accessed March 18, 2016, http://www.caricom.org/jsp/community/history.jsp?menu=community.

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CARICOM.28 The origins of the Caribbean reparations movement began with the first Regional

Reparations Conference which took place on Sunday September 15th, 2013 at St. Vincent and the

Grenadines’ Victoria Park.29 The Conference was mandated by the historic and unanimous

decision of CARICOM Heads of Government in July 2013, in Trinidad and Tobago.30 The Heads

of Government also requested each CARICOM Member State to set up its own National

Reparations Committee to document the effects of European genocide against the indigenous

people of that region, the slave trade in and the enslavement of Africans, and the colonization of

that country.31

During the first Regional Reparations Conference, presenters from various countries

discussed the individual reparations committees in their countries and also their opinions on the

issue itself. Main topics that were discussed included the Middle Passage, deportation, wealth

generated through slavery, and the depopulation and underdevelopment of Africa and the

Caribbean as a result of enslavement.32 The CARICOM Reparations Commission also

emphasized the importance of working with other organizations such as the United Nations and

the African Union in the pursuit of reparations.

The main objectives of the CARICOM Reparations Commission were to:

Establish the moral, ethical and legal case for the payment of Reparations by the Governments of all the former colonial powers and the relevant institutions in those countries, to the nations and people of the Caribbean Community for the Crimes against Humanity of Native Genocide, the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade and a racialized system of chattel Slavery. (CARICOM 2013).33

28 Ibid.29 Caricom.org, “Communique issued at the conclusion of the First Regional Conference on Reparations,” 2013, accessed March 18, 2016, http://www.caricom.org/jsp/pressreleases/press_releases_2013/pres201_13.jsp.30 Ibid.31 Ibid.32 Ibid. 33 Caricom.org, “Communique issued at the conclusion of the First Regional Conference on Reparations,” 2013, accessed March 18, 2016, http://www.caricom.org/jsp/pressreleases/press_releases_2013/pres201_13.jsp.

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http://www.caricom.org/jsp/pressreleases/press_releases_2013/pres201_13.jsp

http://www.caricom.org/jsp/pressreleases/press_releases_2013/pres201_13.jsp

The objectives of the African Union and CARICOM are similar in their assertions that reparation

demands include far more than just monetary compensation. Some of the specific reparation

requests made by both organizations include European aid with public health, education, cultural

institutions, cultural deprivation, psychological trauma, and also scientific and technological

advancement within former colonies.

When specifically looking at the recent demands made by the Fourteen Caribbean nations

suing former European colonizers, they include a Ten-Point Plan which emphasizes their top ten

reparation demands from European countries. Within the list, they demand “a Full & Formal

Apology, Repatriation, an Indigenous Peoples Development Program, Cultural Institutions,

Public Health Crisis, Illiteracy Eradication, an African Knowledge Program, Psychological

Rehabilitation, Technology Transfer, and Debt Cancellation.”34 This detailed list by the

CARICOM Reparations Commission illustrates clearly what Professor Chinweizu described at

the First Pan-African Conference on Reparations in Abuja, Nigeria in 1993. Fundamentally

Reparations is not even remotely about just receiving money from Europe, it is the demand for

compensation by the descendants of African slaves in order for them to repair any economical,

psychological, or political impacts they still suffer from due to slavery and colonialism.

Regarding the economic underdevelopment of Africa and the Caribbean, many studies

have shown there are definite connections between current economic issues and the history of

slavery and imperialism. Authors Ademola Fayemi and Olusegun Samuel argue that undoubtedly

the West has repressed Africa in a number of ways especially in terms of economic repression

and regression. They state that “fundamentally, on the economic angle, developmental policies

34 Caricom.org. “CARICOM Ten Point Plan for Reparatory Justice.” 2013. Accessed April 16, 2016. http://caricom.org/caricom-ten-point-plan-for-reparatory-justice

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http://caricom.org/caricom-ten-point-plan-for-reparatory-justice

pursued by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) have tended to do more

harm than good in recent decades, leading to heavy debt loads and industrialization programs

that harmed all-important sectors of the indebted countries.”35 The World Bank and the IMF are

seen as tools of Western neocolonialism which results in these organizations being heavily

criticized and scrutinized by its third world members. This is significant because it means that

not only are Africa and the Caribbean affected by the past of slavery and imperialism, they are

also currently impacted by economic neocolonialism that hinders their development. These

present issues of neocolonialism combined with the past legacy of the African slave trade result

in the current movement of reparation demands from Africa and the African Diaspora.

Examining two specific case studies: Haiti and Kenya, clearly illustrates the historical

connection between slavery, colonialism and neocolonialism, and the present day

underdevelopment of Africa and the Caribbean. For example, the history of colonialism in Haiti

began during the second half of the 17th century when the French came to the island and

colonized Haiti which was referred to as Saint Domingue during that time.36 The French

developed a plantation economy, which is still very important for Haiti today and within a few

years the African slaves on the plantations produced various crops that propelled Saint

Domingue as the wealthiest colony of France.37 Eventually in 1803, the slaves of Saint

35 Ademola Kazeem Fayemi and Olusegun Steven Samuel, “Africa versus the West on Reparation.” Peace Review 26, no. 3 (July 2014): 380-387. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed March 6, 2016), 384.

36 Bas Boselie, “Neocolonialism and development in Haiti: a case study on Development Aid and local struggles after the earthquake of 2010.” July 2011. Accessed April 16, 2016. http://gpm.ruhosting.nl/bt/2011/Bas__Boselie__Final_version_-_Bachelorthesis_development_reconstruction_and_neocolonialism_in_Haiti.pdf

37 Boselie, “Neocolonialism and development in Haiti”, 21.

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Domingue revolted and successfully defeated their colonizers and became an independent state

renamed as Haiti, but the rest of the world did not recognize their sovereignty at this point.38

The onset of Haiti’s neocolonialism effects began with the events that took place after its

independence in 1803. Haiti’s economy was largely based on agriculture and consisted mainly of

small farmers. Eventually European powers gained important economic influence in Haiti and

“in fact Haiti became the first test area for neocolonialism: British, French, German, Spanish,

and American traders had great economic influence in the ex-colony.”39 In order for Haiti to be

recognized as an independent country, in 1825 France demanded that Haiti pay 150 million

francs.40 Years later, the debt of 150 million francs was reduced to 90 million francs, an

equivalent of $21 billion USD today and it took Haiti about 122 years to pay it to France.41 This

is how the immense debt of Haiti began in its history and how neocolonialism greatly impacted

the underdevelopment of the country from the very beginning of its independence.

Essentially, “the debt of Haiti to France was ten times the national income of Haiti and

could only be paid off in the form of a loan to European banks and at the end of the 19th century

redemption of public debt and interest cost Haiti 80% of its yearly national income.”42 The

effects of slavery and colonialism on Haiti today are undeniable due to the fact that Haiti is one

of the poorest countries in the world and this is illustrated by the “United Nations Millennium

Development Goals Indicators that conclude that Haiti can be categorized as one of the Least

Developed Countries (LDC) in the world.”43 According to the Human Development Index, Haiti

38 Ibid.

39 Ibid, 22.

40 Ibid.41 Ibid.42 Boselie, “Neocolonialism and development in Haiti”, 22.43 Ibid, 23.

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is ranked 171 out of 179 countries based on income earnings, meaning that Haiti is the poorest

country in the western hemisphere and is also ranked in the category of the poorest countries in

the world.44

Haiti’s economy is currently severely underdeveloped and before American intervention,

it was mostly a plantation economy with small farmers providing the majority of the food supply.

After U.S intervention, the economy of Haiti essentially turned into capitalism with a free market

economy and full access to the U.S markets.45 With Haiti’s new capitalist system came

privatization of companies now owned by multinational corporations. This resulted in Haiti

becoming more economically dependent on foreign investment and has devastated the self-

sufficient agricultural economy that existed previously in Haiti.46 The impact of foreign

investment in Haiti’s economy has been devastating for Haitian companies who cannot compete

with multinational corporations and today Haiti still has to import a majority of its goods in order

to provide food, clothes, and buildings for the Haitian people.47

Similarly, in Kenya, the present-day impacts of slavery and imperialism are evident in

many aspects of the country. Author Ndirangu Mwaura explains that the history of exploitation

and extraction by European colonizers in Africa has now left the continent with severe

consequences such as “political and military weakness, economic weakness, and mass

poverty.”48 He also highlights significant factors that hinder Africa’s current development such

as “neocolonialism, foreign investment, liberalization, lack of leadership, lack of capital, and

44 Ibid, 24.45 Ibid.46 Ibid.47 Boselie, “Neocolonialism and development in Haiti”, 25.48 Ndirangu Mwaura, Kenya Today-breaking the Yoke of Colonialism in Africa (New York: Algora Publishing, 2005), 2.

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under population.”49 The combination of these factors has left countries like Kenya in a

devastatingly underdeveloped status politically, socially, and economically.

Kenya’s colonial period, particularly its first twenty-five years as a British colony from

1895 to 1930, essentially established the basic outlines of the Kenyan economy through colonial

implementations.50 This system significantly transformed the economic behavior of Kenyans

after British imperialism as their economic objectives were now derived from British desires and

imperialist profits. During British imperialism in Kenya, certain restrictions were placed on

Africans such as denying Africans any chance of competing with European agriculture and/or

obtaining the cash for taxes without wage labor.51 Also, for British settlers, the colonial Kenyan

economy provided land and labor at uniquely low cost and while certain important economic

interests of the British were served, simultaneously the colonial economy neglected and

suppressed African economic interests.52 African patterns of land usage and labor were

completely transformed and their control of these resources was sharply reduced.53 This also

resulted in the destruction of the African peasant agricultural system, a significant decline in the

African population, and also a remarkably low-paid labor force without the minimum provisions

of food, housing, or medical attention.54


50 Richard D. Wolff, “Economic Aspects of British Colonialism in Kenya, 1895 to 1930.” The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 30, No. 1, the Tasks of Economic History (Mar., 1970), pp. 273-277. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Economic History Association. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2116744

51 Richard D. Wolff, “Economic Aspects of British Colonialism in Kenya, 1895 to 1930”, 276.

52 Richard D. Wolff, “Economic Aspects of British Colonialism in Kenya, 1895 to 1930”, 277.

53 Ibid, 277.

54 Ibid, 277.

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Author Ndirangu Mwaura emphasizes that like most African countries currently,

agriculture is a significant part of Kenya’s economy. Within the African economic sector, cash

crop growing is geared to serve foreigners and fluctuates or responds to the pattern of production

and consumption in Europe and North America.55 It is the Europeans who set the buying price of

these crops and constantly subjects them to massive cuts.56 Therefore, the terms of trade between

Africa and wealthy countries have been specifically designed to cause Africa’s exports to lose in

value while imports increase in value.57 For example, when African countries began to win

independence, their exports started to lose value and by 1970 they were down by 11%.58 This

according to Mwaura, is a very direct form of exploitation and an example of the economic

neocolonialism that African countries still suffer through today.

Based on this historical evidence, a large part of reparation demands also rely on the

moral arguments that emphasize the psychological impacts of slavery, colonialism, and

neocolonialism. Mainly the exploitation and forced labor of Africans across the globe are

included areas of discussion within moral arguments. For instance author Edwin Etieyibo states

that within the moral argument for reparations, the West can be argued as being morally

accountable for colonialism and reparations due to the exploitation that Africans suffered (such

as murder, theft, oppression, and destruction).59


56 Ibid, 9.

57 Ibid, 9.


59 Edwin Etieyibo, “Political Reparationists and the Moral Case for Reparations to Africa for Colonialism.” Africa Insight 40, no. 4 (March 2011): 22-34. SocINDEX with Full Text, EBSCOhost (accessed February 18, 2016), 32.

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He also asserts that the “West has particular moral obligations to pay reparations to the

people of Africa because colonialism impeded their social, economic and political

experiences.”60 These moral arguments for the payment of reparations correlate with the

CARICOM Ten-Point Plan for reparations that emphasize the long-lasting effects of slavery and

colonialism on the descendants of African slaves. They explain that their demand for reparations

is because of the “enslavement of Africans for hundreds of years, the imposed further racial

apartheid upon emancipated Africans for an additional hundred years and the refusal of

European governments to acknowledge these crimes or to compensate victims and their

descendants.”61

Although the African and Caribbean reparation movements are recently gaining more

momentum and media coverage, the actual probability of former European colonies gaining their

reparation payments is still unknown. Even though there is still an ongoing reparation

movement for former colonies, there have been surprising instances where reparations have been

gained due to European imperialism. For instance, in the case of the Kenyan Mau Mau rebellion

which took place during the 1950s. Mau Mau was a militant African nationalist movement that

originated in the 1950s among the Kikuyu people of Kenya.62

They advocated violent resistance to British imperialism in Kenya and as a result the

British Kenya government declared a state of emergency and began four years of military

opposition against the Kikuyu rebels.63 By the end of 1956, more than 11,000 rebels had been

60 Ibid, 32.61 Caricom.org. “CARICOM Ten Point Plan for Reparatory Justice.” 2013. Accessed April 16, 2016. http://caricom.org/caricom-ten-point-plan-for-reparatory-justice

62 Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. “Mau Mau”, accessed March 16, 2016, http://www.britannica.com/topic/Mau-Mau

63 Ibid.

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http://caricom.org/caricom-ten-point-plan-for-reparatory-justice

killed in the fighting, along with about 100 Europeans and 2,000 African loyalists.64 The British

enacted systematic violence against the Mau Mau by putting them in camps and beating and

starving them.65 Some men were castrated and women were sexually assaulted. The significance

of the Mau Mau rebellion according to many historians was that it was more brutal in nature

when compared to other colonial revolts across the British Empire.66

The effects of the British brutality during the Mau Mau rebellion led to the most recent

declaration of reparation payments to Mau Mau victims. Most recently in 2013, Kenyan victims

of the Mau Mau rebellion received compensation from the British government. “According to

the Kenya Human Rights Commission, about 90,000 Kenyans were killed or tortured and

160,000 more were forced by the British into concentration camps during eight years of chaos

and bloodshed during the 1950s.”67 Great Britain announced an out-of-court settlement of about

$30.5m to be split between 5,200 victims, leaving about $4,100 per plaintiff in a country where

the average person earns just $821 a year.68

The British Foreign Secretary William Hague even expressed an apology over the

incident before the British parliament, stating that “the British government recognized that

Kenyans were subject to torture and other forms of ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial

administration and sincerely regrets it.”69 This landmark case of Kenyan Mau Mau victims

receiving reparations illustrates that European governments are fully aware of the long-lasting

64 Ibid.65 “Mau Mau uprising: Bloody history of Kenya conflict.” BBC News, April 07, 2011. Accessed March 16, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-12997138

66 Ibid.67 James Reinl, “Kenyans celebrate Mau Mau compensation win.” Al Jazeera, June 07, 2013. Accessed March 18, 2016. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/06/201366133052307633.html

68 Ibid.69 James Reinl, “Kenyans celebrate Mau Mau compensation win.” Al Jazeera, June 07, 2013. Accessed March 18, 2016. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/06/201366133052307633.html

21

impacts of slavery and imperialism on former colonies, however there is still a reluctance to pay

reparations to these countries. The connection between British imperialist brutality and the

current physical and psychological issues of the Mau Mau victims is synonymous with the

connections between colonialism and with current-day underdevelopment. If there can be an

acknowledgment and compensation due to the atrocities committed during the Mau Mau

rebellion, then the same situation should occur to former European colonies.

Typically the European response towards reparation demands from former colonies has

been to express deep sorrow and regret but nothing else beyond that. For example, while visiting

Jamaica, British Prime Minister David Cameron had simply disregarded the importance of the

issue and had stated that reparation payments were not the right way to go and expressed deep

regret over the history of slavery and colonialism.70 This attitude was similar to that of former

Prime Minister Tony Blair who only expressed deep sorrow over Great Britain’s role in the slave

trade.71 That was all he had to say on the issue and he was heavily criticized for not offering a

full and sincere apology on the reparation issue. The reluctance of European governments to

openly and genuinely address the issue of reparations represents their inability to acknowledge

the grievances of former colonies and attempt to mitigate anti-Western sentiments. Therefore the

topic of reparations continues to be a controversial and heavily debated subject between the

former colonies and the former colonizers.

There is no denial that the legacy of the African slave trade and colonialism has severely

impacted the regions of Africa and the Caribbean today. The historical legacy of these horrific

70 Dan Bilefsky, “David Cameron Grapples With Issue of Slavery Reparations in Jamaica.” New York Times, September 30, 2015. Accessed April 20, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/01/world/americas/david-cameron-grapples-with-issue-of-slavery-reparations-in-jamaica.html?_r=0

71 Bilesfky, “David Cameron Grapples With Issue of Slavery Reparations in Jamaica.”

22

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/01/world/americas/david-cameron-grapples-with-issue-of-slavery-reparations-in-jamaica.html?_r=0

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/01/world/americas/david-cameron-grapples-with-issue-of-slavery-reparations-in-jamaica.html?_r=0

events has had long-lasting consequences in former European colonies which is very evident

within their reparation demands as well. Author Mwene Mushanga explains that although

reparation may not heal all the wounds that were inflicted on African people and their

descendants, it nonetheless represents the first step that would symbolize genuine effort towards

racial reconciliation for amicable interaction in the future between European countries and

former colonies.72

Especially considering the current and rapid globalization along with awareness of

identities and common experiences within and across national borders, reparation would be a

significant step towards a long healing process for descendants of African slaves globally.73 “All

former enslavers and colonial powers have, and should, as a minimum, admit and accept moral

responsibility, and proceed to pay for the goods and services they got by force and treachery

from Africans.”74 Reparation is not solely about economic or political development, it is also

sought to “redress the wrongs of degradation, vandalism, terrorism and other inhuman treatment

Africans experienced during slavery and imperialism.”75 Therefore, the African people and

Africans within the diaspora must unite nationally and internationally and demand their rightful

claim to reparations and hold European governments accountable for the long-lasting

consequences of slavery and colonialism that still impacts them today.76

72 Mwene Mushanga, Slavery and Colonialism: Man's inhumanity to man for which Africans must Demand Reparations. Nairobi, KEN: Law Africa Publishing Ltd, 2011. Accessed February 5, 2016. ProQuest ebrary, 16.

73 Mushanga, Slavery and Colonialism: Man's inhumanity to man for which Africans must Demand Reparations, 16.

74 Ibid, 16.

75 Ibid, 21.

76 Ibid, 22.

23

In order for descendants of African slaves in Africa and the Caribbean to heal from the

wounds of slavery and colonization, reparations must be acquired for the long-term development

of these regions. Furthermore, in the words of the late Martin Luther King, “a society that has

done something special against the Negro for hundreds of years must now do something special

for him, in order to equip him to compete on a just and equal basis.”77 If African and Caribbean

countries are successful in receiving reparations from European governments, it would

immensely help their progress politically, socially, and economically.

77 Mushanga, Slavery and Colonialism: Man's inhumanity to man for which Africans must Demand Reparations, 22.

24

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bilefsky, Dan. “David Cameron Grapples With Issue of Slavery Reparations in Jamaica.” New York Times, September 30, 2015. Accessed April 20, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/01/world/americas/david-cameron-grapples-with-issue-of-slavery-reparations-in-jamaica.html?_r=0

Boselie, Bas. “Neocolonialism and development in Haiti: a case study on Development Aid and local struggles after the earthquake of 2010.” July 2011. Accessed April 16, 2016. http://gpm.ruhosting.nl/bt/2011/Bas__Boselie__Final_version_-_Bachelorthesis_development_reconstruction_and_neocolonialism_in_Haiti.pdf

Caricom.org. “CARICOM Ten Point Plan for Reparatory Justice.” 2013. Accessed April 16, 2016. http://caricom.org/caricom-ten-point-plan-for-reparatory-justice

Caricom.org. “Communique issued at the conclusion of the First Regional Conference on Reparations.” 2013. Accessed March 18, 2016. http://www.caricom.org/jsp/pressreleases/press_releases_2013/pres201_13.jsp

Caricom.org. “History of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM).” 2011. Accessed March 18, 2016. http://www.caricom.org/jsp/community/history.jsp?menu=community

Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. “Mau Mau”, accessed March 16, 2016, http://www.britannica.com/topic/Mau-Mau

Etieyibo, Edwin. 2011. “Political Reparationists and the Moral Case for Reparations to Africa for Colonialism.” Africa Insight 40, no. 4: 22-34. SocINDEX with Full Text, EBSCOhost (accessed February 18, 2016).

Fayemi, Ademola Kazeem, and Olusegun Steven Samuel. “Africa versus the West on Reparation.” Peace Review 26, no. 3 (July 2014): 380-387. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed March 6, 2016).

Hamber, Brandon. “Repairing the Irreparable: dealing with the double-binds of making reparations for crimes of the past.” Ethnicity & Health 5, no. 3/4 (August 2000): 215-226. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed March 16, 2016).

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Howard-Hassmann, Rhoda E. “Reparations to Africa and the Group of Eminent Persons”. Cahiers d'Études Africaines, Vol. 44, Cahier 173/174, Réparations, restitutions, réconciliations: Entre Afriques, Europe et Amériques (2004), pp. 81-97. Published by EHESS. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4393370

Howard-Hassmann, Rhoda E. “Reparations for the Slave Trade: Rhetoric, Law, History and Political Realities”. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines, Vol. 41, No. 3, Rethinking Rights in Africa: The Struggle for Meaning and the Meaning of the Struggle/ Redéfinition des droits en Afrique: Le combat pour leur trouver un sens et le sens du combat (2007), pp. 427-454. Published by Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Canadian Association of African Studies. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40380098

Johnston, Barbara Rose and Susan Slyomovics. Waging War, Making Peace: Reparations and Human Rights. Walnut Creek, US: Left Coast Press, 2010. Accessed March 6, 2016. ProQuest ebrary.

“Mau Mau uprising: Bloody history of Kenya conflict.” BBC News, April 07, 2011. Accessed March 16, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-12997138

Mullins, Dexter. “Fourteen Caribbean nations sue European countries for slavery reparations.” Al Jazeera, September 27, 2013. Accessed April 16, 2016. http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2013/9/27/14-caribbean-nationssueeuropeancountriesforreparationsoverslaver.html

Mushanga, Mwene. Slavery and Colonialism: Man's inhumanity to man for which Africans must Demand Reparations. Nairobi, KEN: Law Africa Publishing Ltd, 2011. Accessed February 5, 2016. ProQuest ebrary.

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Paragg, Ralph R. “Canadian Aid in the Commonwealth Caribbean: Neo-Colonialism or Development?” Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques, Vol. 6, No. 4 (Autumn, 1980), pp. 628-641. Published by University of Toronto Press on behalf of Canadian Public Policy. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3549761

Reinl, James. “Kenyans celebrate Mau Mau compensation win.” Al Jazeera, June 07, 2013. Accessed March 18, 2016. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/06/201366133052307633.html

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Wolff, Richard D. “Economic Aspects of British Colonialism in Kenya, 1895 to 1930.” The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 30, No. 1, the Tasks of Economic History (Mar., 1970), pp. 273-277. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Economic History Association. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2116744

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