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7/26/2019 Politics Thai
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/politics-thai 1/4
1. What are major causes, debates, contents and impacts of the 1990s political reform
and the 1997 constitution to the Thai politics? How did they pae the way to the
Tha!sin re"ime and the Thai #a! Thai party to rise in power?
Reformations of Thai decentralization were mostly initiated throughout the 1980s and
early 1990s. Firstly, some minor changes are included in the initial reforms of the local
institutions and increase remarkably in the e increase in the local authoritys re!enue sharing.
"es#ite to these fledgling reforms, the attem#t of the go!ernment is without serious
renegotiation on the arrangements of centre$local until the leading u# #eriod of the 199%
constitution #romulgation. &n general, these strongly #olitical efforts and the fiscal
decentralization are attributed by #re!ious 'rime (inister )huan *eek#ai+s in his first
administration 199-$199/. &n that #eriod of time, Thailands socio$economic and #olitical
situation in common had turned into the decentralization fa!or. The economic de!elo#ment of
Thailand from 190s had lessen the fear #ercei!ed that the cultural di!ersity will endanger
the national integration. n the ethnic minorities as#ect, the !iews had shifted from the
issues of national security during the cold war to decentralization and the issue of li!elihood
in 1990s. 2ssumingly, the more willing of minorities were to identify the nation$state of Thai
since there are more for them to obtain economically. (oreo!er, after the cold war ended,
there was the less of threat from communism to the national security. 2dditionally, thecolla#se of the central #laned economies in the #rior 3astern 4loc #rom#ted a trend of
demands for more #olitical #artici#ation by citizens in Thailand as well. There are two
reasons for beginning the decentralization as following5
1. The economic de!elo#ment and the e6tent of democratic ideas through the country
that mentioned #re!iously can be im#lied that much of the citizenry had de!elo#ed more
intensely aware of their rights and therefore demanded more #olitical #artici#ation.
-. &t was #ointed out that the decentralization agenda was mostly been ins#ired by the
lobbying and #olitical act of emergent organizations of ci!il society, which noticed it as an
intention to rise trans#arency and res#onsibility in go!ernment and o!ercome the #ower of
corru#t national #oliticians and bureaucrats. These grou#s of ci!il society found associates,
howe!er, in the indigenous #olitical bosses who e6#ected to ad!antage from more nati!e
autonomy and control o!er resources deli!ered to localities by the domestic go!ernment.
7econdly, and as im#ortance as the need to enhance democracy, this was the country
leaders recognition on that the central go!ernment could not sol!e e!ery of #ro!incial
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#roblems in Thailand if there is no substantial centre$local relations alteration and the
fundamental #roblematic rethinking in facing with the local go!ernments. 2t last, an aborti!e
#rodemocracy demonstrators but !ery brutal crackdown in 199- had not only assisted the
e6#ectations concertize on the common #o#ulation in regard of economical and #olitical
reform, but it had also com#elled most of all the key #olitical #arties in the national election
cam#aign of 199- to embrace the electoral #latforms that #romising to ad!ance
decentralization !ia the local elections and sub national fiscal autonomy establishment.
owe!er, this does not im#ly the #olitical #artys mainstream that were con!inced by the
decentralization #olices and genuinely su##orted on this obecti!e. &n #lace, the against the
military dictatorshi# and a corollary democracy su##ort in wides#read #o#ular hatred ust
sim#ly left the #oliticians with all stri#es a little choice rather than to cater for the electorate
by the decentralization )onstitution endorsing in 199% and a 1999 "ecentralization 2ct. 4oth
had s#ecified the ambitious go!ernmental structures decentralization #rogram. &n the ne6t
few years, the local bodies election were formed in the le!el of munici#al, sub$district, and
#ro!incial le!el, by the way the first local administration bodies so called Tambon le!el were
formed during 199: after Tambon 2dministrati!e 2uthority 2ct and Tambon )ouncil. The
decentralization #rocess since then had formed se!eral of local le!el administration outfits.
There were more than ,%00 T2s by 1999 and the role of rural communities in T2s are
su##osed to rise and this em#ower them on their #olicy formulation and decision making.
;nder this effort, many of tasks in coo#eration with the #ersonnel and budget from the
central administration ha!e been transferred at the le!el of local go!ernment. The
res#onsibility of T2s is related to fi!e tasks which are5
1/ 'lanning and de!elo#ment of local and community<
-/ 'romotion of local economic de!elo#ment, in!estment, em#loyment, trade, and
tourism<
=/ *ocal #ublic ser!ices #ro!ision<
:/ 7ocial welfare ser!ices, including education, #rimary health care, housing, arts and
cultures, and<
/ 'romotion of democratic !alues, ci!il rights, #ublic #artici#ation, law and order,
conflict resolution.
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>ot only induced the decentralization but these #olicy reforms also the #olitical
decentralization for e6am#le, through the shifts in local elections, the local residents were
ca#able to make the direct election on the local councils and head of sub district. (oreo!er,
other o##ortunities also gi!en to the local in!ol!ement for instance, the initiations, #ublic
hearings, and referendums that could lead to the new law ado#tion, or #articular go!ernment
#olicy. (oreo!er, now #eo#le do ha!e right to access into the local management #ractices
information and #artici#ate in the #rocesses of #rocurement, as well as im#each the local
e6ecuti!es and re#resentati!es.
The strong forces also #resented against the #olitical decentralization and the s#ecific
bureaucrats that attem#ted by the (inistry of &nterior to influence on the #rocess according to
their way. "es#ite the goal of laudable, too ambitious, the #rogram was on the
decentralization degree. Too much and so tiny units of administration ha!e been created for
e6am#le, the a!erage Tambon cannot su##ort for the #rofessional administrati!e staff or high
school with the beginning of reform #rocess by the (inistry of &nterior to enoy with the right
to a##oint the #ro!incial go!ernors in o##ose to the go!ernors election.
7ince the o##osition to #o#ular go!ernors elections, #ur#osefully, the (inistry of
&nterior formed u# the 'ro!incial 2dministrati!e rganizations '2/ and T2s to be the
alternati!es for administration. &t was also suggested by >agai -001/ that in that #eriod, the
su##ort from (inistry of &nterior on the decentralization #olicies was entirely de#ended on
the self$ser!ing moti!es where, T2s does only a##ear to re#resent for decentralization.
owe!er, the actual obecti!e might be to strengthen the (inistry of &nterior authority
through the go!ernmental offices establishment on Tambon le!el. They may ha!e been with
sincere intention to form many of little T2s to bring #olitics close to #eo#le as much as
#ossible by the way< in consideration of the (inistry of &nterior reluctance to gi!e u# the
#ower with higher sinister intention ha!e come to mind. 4y forming the amount of small
units, the central agents su#eriority is always remained and the little T2s myriad does not
allow that bigger #layers to emerge that could challenge on the relationshi# #ower of the
local$center.
&t seems that the democratic decentralization is feasible and it had gi!en sufficient
wills on #olitical to the #art of central go!ernment to remain with decentralization initiati!e
o!ertime. owe!er, the go!ernments ha!e shifted and with their #olitical agenda when the
#ower was on Thaksin. 7ince then, the decentralizing was at best and not become the to#ic on
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his agenda. 'rime (inister Thaksin 7hinawatra came to #ower since -001$-00, where he
was de#osed by the military cou#. The "ecentralization )ommittee under his go!ernment
had submitted the #lan for "ecentralization &m#lementation to the (inisters )ouncil for a
year in the wake of the legally com#ulsory schedule. (oreo!er, the strategy of Thaksin to
enhance the #owers of the unelected #ro!incial go!ernors is with no doubt a reinter#retation
to the main centre$#eri#hery articles in the 199% )onstitution. 4eneath the new scheme, the
go!ernors with greatly$em#owered would ser!e as the cor#orate )hief 36ecuti!e fficers
)3/ will full authority of management and the final right on e!ery local go!ernmental
branches including #ersonnel, budgets, and amount of assignments. >o #erformance indices
#ro!ided to assess the )3 ?o!ernors #erformances. (oreo!er, none of #rescribing
formalized on the way to select the )3 ?o!ernors. Thailand was a##arently centralizing
during its decentralizing, and at the same #eriod, for the first time in the history Thaksin
recognized the #astoral electorate as doable !oters.
Thus, des#ite the more authoritarian style of go!ernment, he o#ened the door to the
rural electorate #olitical #artici#ation to the national le!el. 2##arently, #olicy by Thaksin to
strengthen his #olitical basis with the rural #o#ulation was seen as the traditional bureaucrats
threats and other @elite interests. 4y forming the !ast #olitical base for the rural #o#ulation,
4angkok seems to ha!e less accountable on him on the electoral su##ort, where the middleclass and urban elite anger on him become largely from the fear to lose the national #olitics
influence, though such of an6iety was more than usual guised as a unwillingness to #ay for
the redistributi!e schemes of @Thaksin for instance, the moratorium debt or uni!ersal health
care. These #olicies had #ro!oked the influential elite grou#s, and #rom#ting them to su##ort
the inter!ention of military in -00.