Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education

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pingkian noun \piŋ-kē- ən\

1. flint 2. nom de plume of

revolutionary Emilio Jacinto

3. metaphor for struggle

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PINGKIAN

FEBRUARY 2015

VOLUME/NUMBER

Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND)

and

Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers, Researchers and Other Education

Personnel, International League of Peoples’ Struggles (ILPS)

Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education

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PINGKIAN Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education Volume # Number # ISSN-2244-3142 Copyright© 2015 CONTEND and ILPS All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, except for brief quotations for the purpose of research or private study, or criticism or review, without permission of the publisher. Editors Gonzalo Campoamor II (University of the Philippines) Peter Chua (San Jose State University, USA)Gerry Lanuza (University of the Philippines)Roland Tolentino (University of the Philippines) Layout and Cover design Jose Manuel Sicat Featured art cover ‘Mother Sam’s Boot” by Tilde Acuña International Advisory Board Insert data International Advisory Board Delia Aguilar (University of Connecticut) Joi Barrios (University of California, Berkely) Jonathan Beller (Pratt Institute) Ramon Guillermo (University of the Philippines, Diliman) Caroline Hau (Kyoto University) Bienvenido Lumbera (University of the Philippines, Diliman) Elmer Ordonez Robyn Magalit Rodriguez (University of California, Davis) Epifanio San Juan, Jr. (University of Texas, Austin) Neferti Tadiar (Barnard College) Judy Taguiwalo (University of the Philippines, Diliman) Ed Villegas (University of the Philippines, Manila)

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PINGKIAN \piŋ-kē- ən\, e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education, is published by the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND) and the Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers, Researchers and Other Education Personnel, International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS). Papers submitted for consideration should be sent to the editors via email at pingkian.journal@yahoo.com.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction .................................................................................................. 10

CRITICAL PEDAGOGY

After the storm, what? To the radical and unwavering conviction of the

Martial Law activists

Gerry Lanuza and Sarah Raymundo ....................................................................... 13

Ang Walang Modo at Ang Walang Galos: Hinggil sa Collection ni Abad

Tilde Acuña ....................................................................................................... 17

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC SCHOLARSHIP

Nationalism, the postcolonial state, and violence

Sonny San Juan, Jr. ............................................................................................ 21

US admission of CIA torture: No accountability, against US,

International Laws, not enough

Jose Maria Sison ............................................................................................... 36

Neo-liberal na Atake sa Mundo ng Paggawa at Panunupil sa Karapatan

ng Manggagawa: Hamon at Paglaban

Gerry Lanuza .................................................................................................... 39

LETTERS AND STATEMENTS FROM POLITICAL DETAINEES

Open Letter to Pope Francis I ........................................................................ 44

Second Open Letter to Pope Francis I ............................................................ 49

More Ironies and Torments as Another Sad and Oppressive Year Ends .......... 51

INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE OF PEOPLES' STRUGGLE STATEMENTS

ILPS Condemns US Vilification of Venezuela

Supports Venezuelan People and Government .............................................. 55

We stand with the Venezuelan people against US imperialist aggression ....... 56

Defend the right to strike against capitalist attacks .........................................57

Best exit plan for Aquino is to resign ............................................................. 58

ILPS Welcomes Release of All Cuban 5 and Normalization of US-Cuba

Relations ....................................................................................................... 59

Condemn the massacre in West Papua — ILPS-Phils...................................... 60

On Bonifacio Day 2014: The Filipino working class is on the rise .................... 61

Fight against imperialist exploitation! ........................................................... 62

US-Aquino regime’s militarization of children’s schools scored..................... 63

ILPS-Phils welcomes international probe on women trafficking of Haiyan

victims ........................................................................................................... 64

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We congratulate the victory of Bolivian President Evo Morales ..................... 65

Message of solidarity to the Hong Kong people

On the Hong Kong mass protests and related matters ................................... 66

NEW YEAR ADDRESS

Kim Jong Un…………………………………………………………………………………………68

CONGRESS OF TEACHERS/EDUCATORS FOR NATIONALISM AND

DEMOCRACY (CONTEND) STATEMENTS

Kristel Tejada is not the last sacrificial victim in the altar of commericalized

educational system ........................................................................................ 80

Support women’s struggle for a just and egalitarian society,

oust BS Aquino, the anti-people, anti-women president ................................ 82

Repeat the revolutionary spirit of edsa people power, oust Pres. Aquino now 84

Save our nation from corruption, spare our people from further incompetence

and disasters, Pres. Aquino must resign now ................................................. 86

“For the Lord hears the poor, and despises not His prisoners.” ..................... 88

“Among our tasks as witnesses to the love of Christ is that of giving a

voice to the cry of the poor.” .......................................................................... 90

Defend human rights, end the culture of impunity, oust the impunity president

...................................................................................................................... 92

Save our Schools, Pull Out Military Troops in IP Communities Now! ............. 94

Let’s remember the victims and survivors of Yolanda typhoon,

Justice for the victims of state neglect ........................................................... 96

Let’s show our rage and demand justice for the death of Jeffrey “Jennifer”

Laude,

Let’s unite with the people to defend our sovereignty against US imperialism 98

In the face of continuing destitution of Filipino teachers under bureaucrat

capitalism,

teachers must unite and organize to oust the corrupt president and his cronies

.................................................................................................................... 100

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INTRODUCTION

THE SPECTRE OF YOUTH RADICAL TRADITION IS HAUNTING THE ACADEME

The year 2014 was a riveting year for progressive educators and educational workers!

It was an interesting year for Filipino educators who joined thousands of patriotic and

progressive sectors of Philippine society that demanded the overthrow of a corrupt political

system that thrives on corruption deeply rooted in colonial and feudal patronage. Educators,

students, and educational workers took it to the streets and joined the waves of protesters

demanding accountability from the President of the Republic and his cabinets who exercised

their supposed “good faith” to use people’s money to architect the notorious disbursement

acceleration program (DAP) to bribe and remunerate the political allies of the ruling class

party for impeaching a Supreme Court Chief Justice, and abetting the election machineries

of the ruling cliques.

It is also a year when the long and glorious radical tradition of the University of the

Philippines was put to the test by the supposedly “hooliganism” of the activist students on the

occasion of protest against Budget Secretary Florencio Butz Abad’s talk at the School of

Economics. As the spectre of the long and glorious spectre of UP radical tradition haunted

the University and the nation, the honourable professors of the School of Economics, together

with the reactionary intellectuals and conservative sections of the public, wasted no time in

denouncing the violent “hooliganism” of the activist students. The aftermath of the protest

proved to be a backlash against the reactionary managers in the academe. Gerry Lanuza and

Sarah Raymundo’s article “After the storm, What? To the Radical and Unwavering Conviction

of the Martial Law Activists,” provides an unrivalled and incisive summary of the political

and ideological stakes in this debate. The article goes beyond the issue of academic freedom.

The authors successfully demolished the hegemonic tenets of liberal ideology that grope the

academic community.

Tilde Acuna’s article pursues the same critique fomented by the Lanuza nd

Raymundo’s article. Acuna’s short article engages with Sec. Abad’s son, Pio Abad’s art exhibit

at Vargas Museum. Acuna’s article links effectively the political fiasco of Pio Abad’s art exhibit

with his father’s entanglement with the current DAP corruption.

Next, the article of E. San Juan, Jr., “Nationalism, the Postcolonial State, & Violence,”

unmasks the reactionary ideology underpinning most postcolonial deconstruction of

nationalism and national liberation. San Juan concludes, “If nations have been manipulated

by states dominated by possessive/acquisitive classes that have undertaken and continue to

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undertake colonial and imperial conquests, then the future of humanity and all living

organisms on earth can be insured only by eliminating those classes that are the origin of

state violence.”

Pingkian issue also includes the two short articles of Prof. Jose Maria Sison and Gerry

Lanuza. Prof. Sison, who turn 76 this year, provides an analysis of the accountability of the

CIA in the face of its admission of using tortures against the enemies of U.S. liberal

democracy. Lanuza’s keynote speech for Congress for Trade Unions and Human Right

(CTUHR), challenges workers to unite against the destructive onslaught of neoliberalism on

the working class.

We are also including the political statements from various progressive sectors for this

issue of Pingkian. Included also are the letters and statements of political prisoners.

We hope that these articles and other materials can be effective resources for our

students, fellow educators and educational workers to conscientisize and raise the

consciousness of their students and fellow educators.

Again, the editors would like to express their profound gratitude to all the contributors

for the continuing support for Pingkian.

We also welcome feedbacks, contributions, and letters to the editor. Please direct

your correspondence to glanuza@gmail.com.

Gerry Lanuza Editor

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CRITICAL PEDAGOGY Gerry Lanuza Sarah Raymundo Tilde Acuña

PINGKIAN: e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education Volume # Number #

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AFTER THE STORM, WHAT?

TO THE RADICAL AND UNWAVERING CONVICTION OF THE MARTIAL

LAW ACTIVISTS

Gerardo Lanuza and Sarah Raymundo

A consensus attempting to shape public opinion on protest actions was publicized on

September 19, 2014. Twenty three faculty (23) members of the UP School of Economics (SE)

vilified the student activists of the Student Alliance for the Advancement of Democratic

Rights in the University of the Philippines (STAND-UP) for holding a protest against Budget

Secretary Abad who justified the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) in a forum that

was held on 17 September 2014 at the PCED auditorium of the SE, UP-Diliman.

Ruling class on a roll?

There is a clear homology in the political world views expressed by the statement of

the SE faculty, the indictment issued by the Office of the President of the land, and the

subsequent statement released by the UP President, and the public apology aired on national

television by the UP Diliman Chancellor. They agree on many ideas. And we cannot help but

conclude that Marx is right: the ruling ideas of every epoch have always been the ideas of the

ruling class.

Lamentably, some of those who, in defiance of Martial Law, passionately burnt under

the banner of anti-imperialist nationalism are now cynics who can very well tell how

Philippine society is in a sordid state of crisis but would rather sound like Gandhian

neophytes, vocally denigrating STAND UP’s brand of activism. For all their reckless

condemnations, these cynics simply want to dictate what activism should be: work within the

system by collaborating with a corrupt government, and live up to its prescribed space of the

“matuwid na daan.”

From the incident, they have seized upon the opportunity to proclaim and pontificate

on dubious moral high ground, their unresolved personal issues with the Left; and brandish

the superiority of their so-called liberal brand of activism. Some of them still hypocritically

claim to be Leftist, whatever that means.

How the arrogance of imaginary power misunderstands violence

These cynics must be reminded of the oft-repeated argument among radicals that one

must distinguish between violence of the establishment, monopolized by the state and the

“illegal” and “immoral” violence of the excluded and exploited. The violence of a protest will

always be immoral and illegal from the point of view of the established moral order. Yet

protests and armed revolutions are happening worldwide, as we speak. But this is a side-

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issue. Why, there was minimal, if not a total absence of violence perpetrated during the

incident that agitated UP and Malacanang authorities.

They all claim that the student manhandled Abad but have no evidence, save for the

video that our very own organization Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism

and Democracy (CONTEND) posted online wherein none of their frenzied claim to violence

happens.

How about the violence of the layers upon layers of security guards who accosted the

students to escort Abad? Doesn’t their mere presence as avatars of state violence provoke

violence? Initially, Abad even admitted that the incident was not unusual. His academic

defenders however, could not understand, for all their intelligence, why such incident was

possible to have occurred in an academic setting.

These cynics and their masters from Malacanang must be gently reminded that

universities have always been, and rightfully so in our view, spaces for protests against state

violence. Abad was not even willing to dialogue with the activists. Was Abad even mugged

and injured? If yes, then is not a medico legal or some such proof in order? In the absence of

which won’t the student activists consider filing a law suit against these cynical authority

figures in the University for moral defamation?

If the student activists were, indeed, hooligans, the forum would have been terminated

from the start. A lightning rally could have been staged right at the moment when Sec. Abad

was explaining how DAP was good for the motherland. What do you know, a fake bomb threat

could have been sent out for people to evacuate the building. There are thousand and one

ways to sabotage Abad, and none of which was ever executed. We can imagine a radical crop

of anarchists carrying out a shocking disruption. The protesters, however, waited outside.

What these cynical and denigrators and self-righteous Ghandian neophytes fail to

realize is the sociological truth that the flow and current of collective protests cannot be

predicted. Most of the time, they create their own collective logic and movements beyond the

will of individual participants.

These outbursts put the protesters on a defensive position face to face with the

personalities they confront. In failing to grasp the nature of protests, these cynics and

denigrators of STAND UP are no different from, say, someone who watches a football match

(often associated with hooligans) and ridiculously shouts “Don’t get too physical, follow the

rules!” It seems that these clueless authoritarians cannot spell the difference between a forum

and the dynamics of protest actions. They want a protest without protest! They want to

struggle without a fight; war without battles. Worse, they want to drag everyone in their

misguided approach to oppositional politics.

Before we even accept a blanket condemnation of violence, guerrilla struggle, and

what cynics label as “leftist dogmatism,” and “irrational activism,” it must be clarified how

these thoughtless labelling have directed the issue away from the culpability of the

government for violating the constitution in its wanton use of DAP, with Budget Secretary

Abad being its architect and staunch defender. Pro-Aquino academics, those who are wont to

defend the presidential pork barrel, are now using this incident to win points against their

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former comrades. And they do so with a distasteful and phony rhetoric: “I was once like that.

But things have changed. We are no longer under Martial Law.” “Sec. Abad has a lot of

explaining to do, but give him respect due him” is their more preposterous line of defence.

Wasn’t DAP arbitrarily granted to Liberal Party legislators and local government allies to oil

the election machineries in 2013?

The liberal is a fascist

The academe-based cynics even shamed the UP activists by calling them a “blot” in the

long tradition of UP activism. Come to think of it, don’t these activists from STAND UP

indeed figure as blots that expose the hypocrisy of the dominant version of academic freedom

that underlies UP’s claim to liberal thinking? The philosophy and practice of liberalism

espouses a politics that proffers to tolerate all political and philosophical treatises precisely

by marginalizing the most radical of discourses.

As part of the progressive and militant bloc in the University, we do not and will never

condone the violence of the powerful against the oppressed. We are not liberals who can go

as far as tolerating lies for the sake of the empty promise of individual freedom. UP is very

strong against plagiarism and intellectual dishonesty. It exacts grave penalties against

violators. Sec. Abad’s deception about DAP is an act of dishonesty. He is not an ordinary

student or citizen. He is the Budget Secretary whom the liberal cynics of this University

defend. And in doing so, they actually contradict themselves by proclaiming freedom while

at the same time imposing their own values and worldviews on people who do not share them.

We are wary of such farcical tendencies. We stand by our critique of Philippine society

and the principles that guide our vision for genuine agrarian reform and national

industrialization. In so doing, we also make ourselves vulnerable to critique. We teach and

write to transform and to be transformed.

We are outraged that student activists have been labelled “enemies of the university”

by the 23 members of the SE faculty. This discursive move exposes the oft-forgotten truth

about the relationship between liberalism and fascism. Liberalism has never been the

antidote to fascism. They supplement each other.

In 2006, two UP student activists were disappeared and have been reported to have

undergone severe torture in a military camp. Gen. Jovito Palparan regarded activists like

Sherlyn Cadapan and Karen Empeño as “enemies of the state.” Their comrades from STAND-

UP have not wavered in condemning the government’s counterinsurgency programs—

Macapagal-Arroyo’s Oplan Bantay Laya and BS Aquino’s Oplan Bayanihan—that have

consistently functioned to quell dissent and opposition rather than resolve the problem of

insurgency. The same activists from STAND-UP have been resolute in demanding justice for

Karen and Sherlyn and all the desaparacidos, and victims of extra-judicial killings.

Are these SE professors too naive so as to fail to realize that with the climate of

impunity in the country, the tag “enemies of the university” endangers the lives of these young

people? Or is that precisely the intention? There goes fascism, liberalism’s obscene double. It

is harsh and shocking, as much as it is naive.

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Stand up, U.P.!

Debates are supposed to court truth. Whatever happened to truth in the hands of

liberal cynics? We cannot tolerate lies. That this University produces highly talented and

skilful citizens while our national budget is controlled by Sec. Abad is nothing short of tragic.

A brand of education that denigrates the struggle for national liberation to endorse armchair

activism is intolerable. Silence in the face of evil is evil itself. Those who bow down to

exploitation, injustice, and repression in the name of individual freedom are actually against

freedom.

The UP President’s call for an investigation of these students as demanded by the 23

SE professors; and for some members of the rank and file staff to have been questioned about

their presence in the same protest and asked to identify the names of the students in a

captured image is nothing short of a crackdown. We can only think of one decent response to

such excessive display of power: The University is a contested terrain.

We understand that they might have their own ideas about how a university should

be. But they need not punish and terrorize those who do not agree with them. We refuse to

suffer the consequences of the politics of cooptation that they embrace; and for which they

have apologized to and defended massive looters in government.

As members of the academic body, we have no problem with being represented by the

Chancellor. However, we want to clarify that Chancellor Michael Tan’s public apology to

Secretary Abad on national television by no means reflect our position on this particular

issue. As for the violence on which these academic authorities have based all their brazen

statements against student activists, we challenge them to prove it for the sake of their own

integrity. And they better prove it before they even continue with such appalling practices of

witch-hunting and labelling.

Meanwhile, we find strength and power in Frederick Douglass words: “Those who

profess to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation, are people who want crops without

ploughing the ground; they want rain without thunder and lightning; they want the ocean

without the roar of its many waters. The struggle may be a moral one, or it may be a physical

one, or it may be both. But it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand.

It never did and it never will.”

You want freedom? Stand up and fight for it!

Note

The original article was published by Bulatlat Multimedia. Gerardo Lanuza is the Chairperson of CONTEND and a faculty member of the Department of Sociology, UP Diliman. Sarah Raymundo is the convenor of UP-Kilos Na Multi-Sectoral Alliance and a faculty member of the U.P. Center for International Studies.

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ANG WALANG MODO AT ANG WALANG GALOS: HINGGIL SA

COLLECTION NI ABAD

Tilde Acuña

Kung sagrado ang Pamantasang ayaw madungisan ng anumang bakas ng

“hooliganismo,” tila mas sagrado ang museo nitong nagtampok sa exhibit ng anak ng isang

burukratang binato ng mga papel nang magsalita sa isang porum hinggil sa diumano'y

mabuting naidulot ng DAP. Samantalang sinisikil ang mga aktibistang kritikal sa gawi ng

kanyang ama, malaya namang makapagpahayag ang artist na si Pio Abad--na kahit

papaano’y nakinabang sa tinatayang kurapsyon, dahil kailangan ng relatibong kaluwagang

ekonomiko upang makapagluwal ng produktong kultural.

Walang direktang kinalaman ito kay Budget Secretary Florencio “Butch” Abad, at marahil,

wala ring direktang kinalaman sa kuleksyon—o pandarambong—ng buwis ng kasalukuyang

administrasyon, dahil nagsisimula diumano ang The Collection of Jane Ryan & William

Saunders ni Pio Abad, ayon kay Patrick Flores, ng diskursong kritikal hinggil sa kakatwaan

(singularity), kalabisan (surplus), at pagkakawangis (semblance).

Tampok sa Collection ng Vargas Museum mula Agosto 28 hanggang Setyembre 30 ang

tatlong rebultong Malakas at Maganda ni nililok diumano ni Caedong klasikal na eskultor,

at ang obrang The Miraculous Drought of Fishes na ipininta diumano ni Tintorretong

maestro ng Renaissance. Kapwa may kinalaman sa awtentisidad ang rebultong

pumapatungkol sa pinagmamalaking kadakilaan nina Ferdinand at Imelda Marcos, maging

ang obrang maaaring binili gamit ang perang dinambong sa mamamayan. Pinalawig na sa

tala ni Flores ang mga ito, pero higit na interesante sa kuleksyong ito ang pinatutungkulan

ng pamagat ng exhibit: ang mga poskard.

Libre ang mga poskard, 146 na set na may 25 kard bawat isa, at maaring kumuha ang

mga bisita ng hanggang dalawang kard kada araw. Ipinahihiwatig ni Abad ang simbolikong

pamamahagi ng binawi niyang yamang dinambong ng mga Marcos: bawiin ng bayan ang

ninakaw sa kanila, tila pinananawagan ni Abad, at sining niya ang naging paraan upang

maganap ito. Pumopostura siyang Robin Hood, gayong hindi siya kabilang, ni kaisa, ng mga

uring pinagsamantalahan ng mga Marcos noon at ng mga Aquino ngayon—cronies noon, kkk

(kakampi, kabarilan, kaklase) ngayon. Kinumpiska ito ni Abad at ipinamamahagi, tulad ng

pagpapasubasta (auction) ni Cory Aquino ng mga obra para raw sa repormang agraryo—

posturang pangungumpiska ng yaman upang pakunwaring maipamahagi ang lupa.

Magkapareho ang pagpapanggap at pagpapantasya nila—tila mga salaming mapanlinlang at

dapat basagin.

Makailang-ulit tinuligsa ni Abad ang pangungurakot ng despotikong diktador at mga

kasabwat, na kung tutuusi'y walang ipinagkaiba sa uring pinaglilingkuran ng kanyang mga

magulang, na makailang-ulit naman niyang ipinagtatanggol, dahil sa kabila raw ng mga

bintang, nagsumikap siyang magbenta ng burger para maisulong ang pagiging pintor.

Bagamat mainam na kilalanin ang pagpapahiwatig niya ng kagustuhang maging tulay ang

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kanyang sining upang magsimula ng produktibong diskurso hinggil sa pamahalaan at sa

mamamayan, kabalintunaan ang ganitong pag-aasta.

Mayroong nangahas makipag-usap sa implisitong paghiling ng dayalogo (na maaring

ako o kakilala ko o ikaw o kakilala mo o hindi): nakihalubilo sa mga libreng poskard ang ilang

mga papel, tila tugon ng isang bisita kay Abad. Kasabay namin ang mga estudyanteng marahil

ay highschool, nagtu-tour sa Vargas Museum. Nang mapansin ang papel na may doodle ng

baboy na nagsasabing "Hi!," kinuha nila ito. Hindi mahirap bigyang-kahulugan ang naturang

doodle: baboy itong kumakaway sa kanila, kasabay ng pagsambit ng kanilang guro—"anak si

Abad ng budget secretary."

Tinanong ng estudyante ang kanyang katabi, “Ito, baka gusto mong iuwi,” at

nagtanong sa guro kung bakit may ganoon. Tumugon ang nakatatanda: “Kasi some people

think they’re better than others," na maaring tumutukoy sa aktong ginawa at/o sa pamagat

ng aklat ni Manapat, na siyang motif ng exhibit (tingnan ang larawan).

Napansin ng mga gwardya ang

munting alingasngas, at saka sila

lumapit para ibasura ang mga papel na

tugon sa mga poskard ni Abad, tulad ng

ginagawa sa ating demokrasyang

monopolyado pa rin ng iilan. Nasa

kanila na nga ang entablado ng

pamamahayag, sinisikil pa nila ang mga

tagatunghay. Hindi maiwasang maalala

ang parlamentaryong pakikibaka,

partikular ang impeachment complaint

o mga panukalang batas na bibigyang-

puwang lamang kung hindi lubusang

makakalamat sa kasalukuyang sistema.

Kung kalabisan na, ibinabasura ang

mga mungkahing posibilidad at mga

tangkang pakikipagdayalogong

progresibo.

Sa naging tugon ng institusyon,

pinatutunayang hindi ito “neutral

ground” na makikinig sa lahat ng panig

upang bigyang espasyo ang diskurso.

Pansamantalang nakagatong sa

hamong diskurso ng exhibit ang

interbensyon ng mga bumabating

baboy. Nagkaroon ang mga kabataang nagtu-tour ng alternatibong maaring “freebie” na

maiuuwi maliban sa poskard na inaalok ni Pio Abad, na buong pagmamalaking tinukoy ng

kanilang guro: "anak ng kalihim ng badyet."

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Ating balikan sina Malakas at Maganda, na sa kasalukuyang konteksto ay larawan ng

mga magulang mismo ni Pio Abad—budget secretary ang amang arkitekto ng DAP at

kongresista ang inang nakinabang rin sa DAP para sa umano'y “greening and beautification.”

Samantala, ang mga galamay ng pugita sa pabalat ng aklat ni Manapat hinggil sa “crony

capitalism” ng mga Marcos, ay metapora ng kasalukuyan—patungkol sa mga kakampi,

kabarilan at kaklase ni Noynoy Aquino sa kongreso't senado. Hindi ba't kabilang doon ang

mismong ama ng artist?Ganito ba dapat pinakikinabangan ang sining—sa pagpapaganda ng

pangit? ng mga kurap na inilulugar lang sa nakaraan, pero nanatili naman hanggang sa

kasalikuyan?

Tala Unang inilimbag sa Manila Today ang artikulo (http://www.manilatoday.net/ang-walang-modo-at-ang-walang-galos-hinggil-sa-collection-ni-abad/). Kawani ng UP at gradwadong estudyante ng Kolehiyo ng Arte at Letra si Tilde Acuña.

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NATIONAL

DEMOCRATIC

SCHOLARSHIP

Sonny San Juan, Jr. Jose Maria Sison Gerry Lanuza

PINGKIAN: e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education Volume # Number #

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NATIONALISM, THE POSTCOLONIAL STATE, AND VIOLENCE

E. San Juan, Jr.

It has become axiomatic for postmodernist thinkers to condemn the nation and its

corollary terms, "nationalism" and "nation-state," as the classic evils of modern industrial

society. The nation-state, its reality if not its concept, has become a kind of malignant paradox

if not a sinister conundrum. It is often linked to violence and the terror of "ethnic cleansing."

Despite this the United Nations and the interstate system still function as seemingly viable

institutions of everyday life. How do we explain this development?

Let us review the inventory of charges made against the nation-state. Typically

described in normative terms as a vital necessity of modern life, the nation-state has

employed violence to accomplish questionable ends. Its disciplinary apparatus is indicted for

committing unprecedented barbarism. Examples of disasters brought about by the nation-

state are the extermination of indigenous peoples in colonized territories by "civilizing"

nations, the Nazi genocidal "holocaust" of Jews, and most recently the "ethnic cleansing" in

the former Yugoslavia, Ruwanda, East Timor, and so on. Echoing Elie Kedourie, Partha

Chatterjee, and others, Alfred Cobban (1994) believes that the theory of nationalism has

proved one of the most potent agencies of destruction in the modern world. In certain cases,

nationalism mobilized by states competing against other states has become synonymous with

totalitarianism and fascism. Charles Tilly (1975), Michael Howard (1991), and other

historians concur in the opinion that war and the military machine are principal

determinants in the shaping of nation states. In The Nation-State and Violence, Anthony

Giddens defines nationalism as "the cultural sensibility of sovereignty" (note the fusion of

culture and politics) that unleashes administrative power within a clearly demarcated

territory, "the bounded nation-state" (1985, 219). Although it is allegedly becoming obsolete

under the pressure of globalization (for qualifications, see Sassen (1998), the nation-state is

considered by "legal modernists" (Berman 1995) as the prime source of violence against

citizens and entire peoples.

Postmodernist critiques of the nation (often sutured with the colonialist/imperialist

state) locate the evil in its ideological nature. This primarily concerns the nation as the source

of identity for modern individuals via citizenship or national belonging, converting natal

filiation (kinship) into political affiliation. Identity implies definition by negation, inclusion

based on exclusion underwritten by a positivist logic of representation (Balibar and

Wallerstein 1991). But these critiques seem to forget that the nation is a creation of the

modern capitalist state, that is, a historical artifice or invention.

It is a truism that nation and its corollary problematic, nationalism, presuppose the

imperative of hierarchization and asymmetry of power in a political economy of commodity-

exchange. Founded on socially constructed myths or traditions, the nation is posited by its

proponents as a normal state of affairs used to legitimize the control and domination of one

group over others. Such ideology has to be deconstructed and exposed as contingent on the

22

changing grid of social relations. Postcolonial theory claims to expose the artificial and

arbitrary nature of the nation: "This myth of nationhood, masked by ideology, perpetuates

nationalism, in which specific identifiers are employed to create exclusive and homogeneous

conceptions of national traditions" (Ashcroft et al 1998, 150). Such signifiers of homogeneity

not only fail to represent the diversity of the actual "nation" but also serves to impose the

interests of a section of the community as the general interest. But this is not all. In the effort

to make this universalizing intent prevail, the instrumentalities of state power--the military

and police, religious and educational institutions, judiciary and legal apparatuses)--are

deployed. Hence, from this orthodox postcolonial perspective, the nation-state and its

ideology of nationalism are alleged to have become the chief source of violence and conflict

since the French Revolution.

Mainstream social science regards violence as a species of force which violates, breaks,

or destroys a normative state of affairs. It is coercion tout court. Violence is often used to

designate power devoid of legitimacy or legally sanctioned authority. Should violence as an

expression of physical force always be justified by political reason in order to be meaningful

and therefore acceptable? If such a force is used by a state, an inherited political organ

legitimized by "the people" or "the nation," should we not distinguish between state-defined

purposes and in what specific way nationalism or nation-making identity is involved in those

state actions? State violence and assertion of national identity need not be automatically

conflated so as to implicate nationalism--whose nationalism?-- in all class/state actions in

every historical period, for such a move would be an absolutist censure of violence bereft of

intentionality--in other words, violence construed as merely physical force akin to tidal

waves, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and so on.

Violence, in my view, signifies a political force that demands dialectical triangulation

in order to grasp how nation and state are implicated in it. A historical-materialist

historicization of this phenomenon is needed to determine the complicity of individual states

and nations in specific outbreaks of violence. But postcolonialists like Homi Bhabha (1990)

resort to a questionable use of the discursive performativity of language to ascribe a semiotic

indeterminacy to the nation, reducing to a formula of hybridity and liminality the

multifarious narratives of nations/peoples. History is reduced to the ambiguities of culture

and the play of textualities, ruling out critique and political intervention.

In this light, what makes the postcolonialist argument flawed becomes clear in the

fallacies of its non-sequitur reasoning. It is perhaps easy to expose the contingent nature of

the nation once its historical condition of possibility is pointed out. But it is more difficult to

contend that once its socially contrived scaffolding is revealed, then the nation-state and its

capacity to mobilize and apply the means of violence can be restricted if not curtailed.

We can pose this question at this point: Can one seriously claim that once the British

state is shown to rest on the myth of the Magna Carta or the United States government on the

covenant of the Founding Fathers to uphold the interests of every citizen--except of course

African slaves and other non-white peoples, then one has undermined the power of the

British or American nation-state? Not that this is an otiose and naive task. Debunking has

been the classic move of those protesting against an unjust status quo purporting to be the

permanent and transcendental condition for everyone.

23

But the weapon of criticism, as Marx once said, needs to be reinforced by the principled

criticism of weapons. If we want to guard against committing the same absolutism or

essentialism of the imperial nationalists, we need a historicizing strategy of ascertaining how

force--the energy of social collectivities--turns into violence for the creation or destruction of

social orders and singular life-forms. Understood as embodying "the pathos of an elemental

force," the insurrectionary movements of nationalities has been deemed the source of a vital

and primordial energy that feeds "the legal Modernist composite of primitivism and

experimentalism," a fusion of "radical discontinuity and reciprocal facilitation" (Berman

1995, 238).

The question of the violence of the nation-state thus hinges on the linkage between the

two categories, "nation" and "state." A prior distinction perhaps needs to be made between

"nation" and "society"; while the former "may be ordered, the [latter] orders itself" (Brown

1986). Most historical accounts remind us that the modern nation-state has a beginning--and

consequently, it is often forgotten--and an ending. But the analytic and structural distinction

between the referents of nation (local groups, community, domicile or belonging) and state

(governance, machinery of sanctioning laws, disciplinary codes, military) is often elided

because the force of nationalism is often conflated with the violence of the state apparatuses,

an error compounded by ignoring the social classes involved in each sphere. This is the lesson

of Marx and Lenin’s necessary discrimination between oppressor and oppressed nations--a

nation that oppresses another cannot really claim to be free. Often the symptom of this

fundamental error is indexed by the formula of counterpointing the state to civil society,

obfuscating the symbiosis and synergy between them. This error may be traced partly to the

Hobbesian conflation of state and society in order to regulate the anarchy of the market and

of brutish individualism violating civil contracts (Ollman 1993).

It may be useful to recall the metaphysics of the origin of the nation elaborated in

Ernest Renan's 1882 lecture, "What is a nation?" This may be considered one of the originary

locus of nationalism conceived as a primitivist revolt against the centralized authority of

modernizing industrial states. While Renan emphasized a community founded on acts of

sacrifice and their memorialization, this focus does not abolish the fact that the rise of the

merchant bourgeoisie marked the start of the entrenchment of national boundaries first

drawn in the age of monarchical absolutism. The establishment of the market coincided with

the introduction of taxation, customs, tariffs, etc. underlined by the assertion of linguistic

distinctions among the inhabitants of Europe. M. Polanyi's thesis of The Great

Transformation (1957) urges us to attend to the complexities in the evolution of the nation-

state in the world system of commodity exchange. We also need to attend to Ernest Gellner’s

(1983) argument that cultural and linguistic homogeneity has served from the outset as a

functional imperative for states administering a commodity-centered economy and its class-

determining division of social labor.

Postcolonialists subscribe to a post-structuralist hermeneutic of nationalism as a

primordial destabilizing force devoid of rationality. And so while the formation of the nation-

state in the centuries of profound social upheavals did not follow an undisturbed linear

trajectory--we have only to remember the untypical origins of the German and Italian nation-

states, not to speak of the national formations of Greece, Turkey, and the colonized peoples–

24

that is not enough reason to ascribe an intrinsic instability and belligerency to the nation as

such. States may rise and fall, as the absolute monarchs and dynasties did, but sentiments

and practices constituting the nation follow another rhythm or temporality not easily

dissolved into the vicissitudes of the modern expansive state. Nor does this mean that

nations, whether in the North or the South, exert a stabilizing and conservative influence on

social movements working for radical changes in the distribution of power and resources.

In pursuing a historical analysis of violence, we need to avoid collapsing the distinction

between the concept of the "nation-state" and "nationalism." Whence originates the will to

exclude, to dominate? According to Anthony Giddens, "what makes the ‘nation’ integral to

the nation-state…is not the existence of sentiments of nationalism but the unification of an

administrative apparatus over precisely defined territorial boundaries in a complex of other

nation-states" (1987, 172). That is why the rise of nation-states coincided with wars and the

establishment of the military bureaucratic machine. In this construal, the state refers to the

political institution with centralized authority and monopoly of coercive agencies coeval with

the rise of global capitalism, while nationalism denotes the diverse configuration of peoples

based on the commonality of symbols, beliefs, traditions, and so on.

In addition, we need to guard against confusing historical periods and categories.

Imagining the nation unified on the basis of secular citizenship and self-representation, as

Benedict Anderson (1991) has shown, was only possible when print capitalism arose in

conjunction with the expansive state. But that in turn was possible when the trading

bourgeoisie developed the means of communication under pressure of competition and

hegemonic exigencies. Moreover, the dissemination of the Bible in different vernaculars did

not translate into a monopoly of violence by the national churches. It is obvious that the sense

of national belonging, whether based on clan or tribal customs, language, religion, etc.,

certainly has a historical origin and localizing motivation different from the emergence of the

capitalist state as an agency to rally the populace to serve the needs of the commercial class

and the goal of accumulation.

Given the rejection of a materialist analysis of the contradictions in any social

formation, postcolonial critics in particular find themselves utterly at a loss in making

coherent sense when dealing with nationalism. Representations of the historicity of the

nation in the modern period give way to a Nietzschean will to invent reality as polysemic

discourse, a product of enunciatory and performative acts. Postcolonialism resorts to a

pluralist if not equivocating stance. It sees nationalism as "an extremely contentious site" in

which notions of self-determination and identity collide with notions of domination and

exclusion. Such oppositions, however, prove unmanageable indeed if a mechanical idealist

perspective is employed. Such a view in fact leads to an irresolvable muddle in which nation-

states as instruments for the extraction of surplus value (profit) and "free" exchange of

commodities also become violent agencies preventing "free" action in a global marketplace

that crosses national boundaries. Averse to empirical grounding, postcolonialism regards

nationalist ideology as the cause of individual and state competition for goods and resources

in the "free market," with this market conceived as a creation of ideology. I cite one

postcolonial authority that attributes violence to the nation-state on one hand and liberal

disposition to the nation on the other:

25

The complex and powerful operation of the idea of a nation

can be seen also in the great twentieth-century phenomenon of

global capitalism, where the "free market" between nations,

epitomized in the emergence of multinational companies, maintains

a complex, problematic relationship with the idea of nations as

natural and immutable formations based on shared collective values.

Modern nations such as the United States, with their multi-ethnic

composition, require the acceptance of an overarching national

ideology (in pluribus unum). But global capitalism also requires that

the individual be free to act in an economic realm that crosses and

nullifies these boundaries and identities (Ashcroft et al, 1998, 151).

It is misleading and foolish then to label the slogan "one in many" as the U.S. national

ideology. Officially the consensual ideology of the U.S. is neoliberal pluralism, or possessive

individualism with a pragmatic orientation. Utilitarian doctrine underwrites an acquisitive,

entrepreneurial individualism that fits perfectly with mass consumerism and the gospel of

the unregulated market. It is within this framework that we can comprehend how the ruling

bourgeoisie of each sovereign state utilizes nationalist sentiment and the violence of the state

apparatuses to impose their will. Consequently, the belief that the nation-state

simultaneously prohibits economic freedom and promotes multinational companies actually

occludes the source of political and juridical violence--for example, the war against Serbia by

the NATO (an expedient coalition of nation-states led by the United States), or the

stigmatization of rogue and "terrorist" states (North Korea, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan) by the

normative standards of hegemonic capitalism. The source of political violence--and I am

speaking of that kind where collective energy and intentionality are involved--is the

competitive drive for accumulation in the world market system where the propertied class is

the key actor mobilizing its symbolic capital made up of ethnic loyalties and nationalist

imaginaries.

We have now moved from the formalistic definition of the nation as a historic

construct to the nation as a character in the narrative of capitalist development and

colonialism. What role this protagonist has played and will play is now the topic of

controversy. It is not enough to simply ascribe to the trading or commercial class the shaping

of a new political form, the nation, to replace city states, leagues, municipal kingdoms, and

oligarchic republics. Why such "imagined communities" should serve as a more efficacious

political instrument for the hegemonic bloc of property-owners, is the question.

One approach to this question is to apply dialectical analysis to the materialist

anatomy of the nation sketched thus far. Historians have described the crafting of state power

for the new bourgeoisie nations in Enlightenment philosophy. Earlier Jean Bodin and Hugo

Grotius theorized the sovereignty of the nation as the pivot of centralized authority and

coercive power (Bowle 1947). The French Revolution posited the "people," the universal

rights of man, as the foundation of legitimacy for the state; the people as nation, a historical

26

act of constituting the polity, gradually acquires libidinal investment enough to inspire

movements of anticolonial liberation across national boundaries. Its influence on the U.S.

Constitution as well as on personalities like Sun Yat-Sen, Jose Rizal, and other "third world"

radical democrats has given the principle of popular sovereignty a "transnational" if not

universal status (on Filipino nationalism, see San Juan 2000a). Within the system of nation-

states, for Marxists, "recognition of national rights is an essential condition for international

solidarity" (Lowy 1998, 59) in the worldwide fight for socialism and communism.

Now this universal principle of people's rights is generally considered to be the basis

of state power for the modern nation, "the empowerment, through this bureaucracy, of the

interests of the state conceived as an abstraction rather than as a personal fiefdom" (Ashcroft

et al 1998, 153). A serious mistake occurs when the nation and its legitimating principle of

popular sovereignty becomes confused with the state bureaucracy construed either as an

organ transcending the interest of any single class, or as the "executive committee" of the

bourgeoisie. A mechanical, not dialectical, method underlies this failure to connect the

ideology, politics, and economics of the bourgeois revolution. This quasi-Hegelian

interpretation posits the popular will of the post-Renaissance nation-states as the motor of

world expansion, of 19th-century colonialism. Instead of the substance of the "civilizing

mission" being informed by the gospel of universal human rights, according to postcolonial

orthodoxy, it is the ideology of national glory tied to "the unifying signifiers of language and

race" that now impels the colonial enterprise.

So nationalism, the need to superimpose the unifying myths of the imperial nation-

state, is not only generated by the bourgeois agenda of controlling and regulating the space

of its market, but also by the imperative of seizing markets and resources outside territories

and peoples. Nationalism is then interpreted by postcolonial theorists as equivalent to

colonialism; the nation is an instrument of imperialist aggrandizement, so that if newly

liberated ex-colonies employ nationalist discourse and principles, they will only be

replicating the European model whose myths, sentiments, and traditions justified the violent

suppression of "internal heterogeneities and differences." The decolonizing nation is thus an

oxymoron, a rhetorical if not actual impossibility.

Lacking any historical anchorage, the argument of postcolonial theory generates

inconsistencies due to an exorbitant culturalism. Because they disregard the historical

genealogy of the nation-state discussed by Gellner, Anderson, Smith (1971), among others,

postcolonial critics uphold the sphere of culture as the decisive force in configuring social

formations. Not that culture is irrelevant in explaining political antagonisms. Rather, it is

erroneous when such antagonisms are translated into nothing but the tensions of cultural

differences. The dogma of cultural difference (for Charles Taylor, the need and demand for

recognition in a modern politics of identity; more later) becomes then the key to explaining

colonialism, racism, and postcolonial society. Ambivalence, hybridity, and interstitial or

liminal space become privileged signifiers over against homogenizing symbols and icons

whose "authority of cultural synthesis" is the target of attack. Ideology and discursive

performances serve as the primary field of analysis over against "localized materialism" and

vulgar Marxism.

27

Violence in postcolonial discourse is thus located in ideas and cultural forces that

unify, synthesize or generalize a range of experiences; such forces suppress difference or

negate multiple "others" not subsumed within totalities such as nation, class, gender, etc.

While some culturalist critics allow for different versions of the historic form of the nation,

the reductive dualism of their thinking manifests a distinct bias for a liberal framework of

analysis: the choice is either a nation based on an exclusionary myth of national unity

centered on abstractions such as race, religion or ethnic singularity; or a nation upholding

plurality and multiculturalism (for example, Canada or the United States). This fashionable

vogue of pluralism and culturalism has already been proved inutile in confronting

inequalities of class, gender, and "race." Moreover, it cannot explain the appeal of nationalism

as a means of reconciling the antagonistic needs for order and for autonomy (Smith 1979) in

the face of mechanistic bureaucratism and the anarchic market of atomized consumers.

The most flagrant evidence of the constrained parameters of this culturalist diagnosis

of nation/nationalism may be found in its construal of racist ideology as "the construction

and naturalization of an unequal form of intercultural relations" (Ashcroft et al 1998, 46). If

racism occurs only or chiefly on the level of "intercultural relations," from this constricted

optic, the other parts of a given social formation (political, economic) become superfluous

and marginal. Politics is then reduced to an epiphenomenal manifestation of discourse and

language-games.

A virtuoso application of a culturalist contextualism may be illustrated by the legal

scholar Rosemary Coombe who defends the right of the Canadian First Nations to claim

"ownership" rights to certain cultural property. Coombe correctly rejects the standard

procedure of universalizing the Lockean concept of property and its rationale, possessive

individualism, which underlies the Western idea of authorship and authentic artefacts. She

writes: "By representing cultures in the image of the undivided possessive individual, we

obscure people’s historical agency and transformations, their internal differences, the

productivity of intercultural contact, and the ability of peoples to culturally express their

position in a wider world" (1995, 264). Although Coombe calls attention to structures of

power and the systemic legacies of exclusion, the call remains abstract and consequently

trivializing. Above all, it obscures the reality and effect of material inequities. The

postmodernist leitmotif of domination and exclusion mystifies the operations of corporate

capitalism and its current political suppression of the indigenous struggles for self-

determination. Coombe ignores precisely those "internal differences" and their contradictory

motion that give concrete specificity to the experiences of embattled groups such as the First

Nations. Here ironically the postmodernist inflection of the nation evokes the strategy of

bourgeois nationalism to erase class, gender, and other differences ostensibly in the name of

contextual nuances and refined distinctions.

Notwithstanding her partisanship for the oppressed, Coombe condemns "cultural

nationalism" as an expression of possessive individualism and its idealist metaphysics. But

her method of empiricist contextualism contradicts any emancipatory move by the First

Nations at self-determination. It hides the global asymmetry of power, the dynamics of

exploitative production relations, and the hierarchy of states in the geopolitical struggle for

world hegemony. We have not transcended identity politics and the injustice of cultural

28

appropriation because the strategy of contextualism reproduces the condition for refusing to

attack the causes of class exploitation and racial violence. Despite gestures of repudiating

domination and exclusion, postmodernist contextualism mimics the moralizing rhetoric of

United Nations humanitarianism that cannot, for the present, move beyond reformism since

it continues to operate within the framework of the transnational corporate globalized

market. Such a framework is never subjected to critical interrogation.

In the fashionable discourse of postmodernists, nation and nationalism are made

complicit with the conduct of Western colonialism and imperialism. They become anathema

to deconstructionists hostile to any revolutionary project in the "third world" inspired by

emancipatory goals. This is the reason why postcolonial critics have a difficult time dealing

with Fanon and his engagement with decolonizing violence as a strategic response of

subjugated peoples to the inhumane violence of colonial racism and imperial subjugation.

Fanon's conceptualization of a national culture is the direct antithesis to any culturalist

syndrome, in fact an antidote to it, because he emphasizes the organic integration of cultural

action with a systematic program of subverting colonialism: "A national culture is the whole

body of efforts made by a people in the sphere of thought to describe, justify and praise the

action through which that people has created itself and keeps itself in existence" (1961, 155).

Discourse and power are articulated by Fanon in the dialectics of practice inscribed in the

specific historical conditions of their effectivity. Fanon’s universalist-critical theory of

national liberation proves itself a true "concrete universal" in that it incorporates via a

dialectical sublation the richness of the particulars embodied in the Algerian revolution.

Given his historicizing method, Fanon refuses any demarcation of culture from politics

and economics. Liberation is always tied to the question of property relations, the sol division

of labor, and the process of social reproduction–all these transvalued by the imperative of the

revolutionary transformation of colonial relations. Opposed to Fanon's denunciation of

"abstract populism," Said and Bhabha fetishize an abstract "people" on liminal, borderline

spaces. Such recuperation of colonial hegemony via a "third space" or contrapuntal passage

of negotiation reveals the comprador character of postcolonial theories of translation and

cultural exchange. Transcultural syncretism devised to abolish the nation substitutes for anti-

imperialist revolution a pragmatic modus vivendi of opportunist compromises.

An analogous charge can be levelled at Edward Said's reading of Fanon’s

"liberationist" critique. Said locates violence in nationalist movements (unless it is "critical")

since they deny the heterogeneity of pre-colonial societies by romanticizing the past. For Said,

a liberationist populism is preferable to nativism and the fanatical cult of "minor differences."

Said presents us a hypothetical dilemma: "[Fanon's] notion was that unless national

consciousness at its moment of success was somehow changed into social consciousness, the

future would not hold liberation but an extension of imperialism" (1993, 323). Said thus

posits a spurious antithesis between the project of national self-determination and a vague

notion of social liberation. For Said, nationalism is always a tool of the hegemonic oppressor

and holds no socially emancipatory potential. Said's answer evacuates Fanon's popular-

democratic nationalism of all social content, postulating an entirely abstract divide between

a nationalist program and a socially radical one. For Said, the violence of anticolonial

movements becomes symptomatic of a profound colonial malaise.

29

National liberation and social justice via class struggle are interdependent. As

Leopoldo Marmora observes, "While classes, in order to become predominant, have to

constitute themselves as national classes, the nation arises from class struggle" (1984, 113).

The popular-democratic aspiration for self-determination contains both national and social

dimensions. In "On Violence," Fanon invoked the ideal of decolonizing freedom as the

legitimizing rationale of mass popular revolution. It is force deployed to accomplish the

political agenda of overthrowing colonial domination and bourgeois property relations.

Violence here becomes intelligible as an expression of subaltern agency and its creative

potential. Its meaning is crystallized in the will of the collective agent, in the movement of

seizing the historical moment to realize the human potential (Lukacs 2000). If rights are

violated and the violence of the violator (for example, the state) held responsible, can the

concept of rights be associated with peoples and their national identities? Or is the authority

of the state to exercise violence derived from the nation/people? Here we need to ascertain

the distinction between the state as an instrument of class interest and the nation/people as

the matrix of sovereignty. The authority of the state as regulative juridical organ and

administrative apparatus with a monopoly of coercive force derives from its historical origin

in enforcing bourgeois rights of freedom and equality against the absolutist monarchy.

National identity is used by the state to legitimize its actions within a delimited territory, to

insure mobilization and coordination of policy (Held 1992). Formally structured as a

Rechststaat, the bourgeois nation-state functions to insure the self-reproduction of capital

through market forces and the continuous commodification of labor power (Jessop 1982).

Fanon understands that national liberation challenges the global conditions guaranteeing

valorization and realization of capital, conditions in which the internationalization and

nationalization of the circuits of capital are enforced by hegemonic nation-states.

We are thus faced with the notion of structural violence attached to the bourgeois state

as opposed to the intentionalist mode of violence as an expression of subject/agency such as

the collectivity of the people. Violence is thus inscribed in the dialectic of identity and

Otherness, with the bourgeois state’s coherence depending on the subordination (if not

consent) of workers and other subalterns.

We can resolve the initial paradox of the nation, a Janus-faced phenomenon (Nairn

1977), by considering the following historical background. The idea of state-initiated violence

(as opposed to communal ethnic-motivated violence) performs a heuristic role in the task of

historicizing any existing state authority and questioning the peaceful normalcy of the status

quo. The prevailing social order is then exposed as artificial and contingent; what is deemed

normal or natural reveals itself as an instrument of partial interests. But the relative

permanence of certain institutional bodies and their effects need to be acknowledged in

calculating political strategies. The long duration of collective and individual memories exerts

its influence through the mediation of what Pierre Bourdieu calls "habitus" (1993). We begin

to understand that the state's hierarchical structure is made possible because of the

institutionalized violence that privileges the hegemony (moral and intellectual leadership

crafted via negotiating compromises) of a bloc of classes over competing blocs and their

alternative programs. Hegemony is always underwritten by coercion (open or covert, subtle

or crude) in varying proportions and contingencies. The demarcated territory claimed by a

30

state in rivalry with other states becomes for Max Weber one major pretext for the state

monopoly of legitimate violence in order to defend private property and promote the overseas

interests of the domestic business class (Krader 1968).

Georges Sorel argued for the demystificatory use of violence in his Reflections on

Violence (1908; 1972). Sorel believed that the only way to expose the illusion of a peaceful

and just bourgeois order is to propagate the myth of the general strike. Through strategic,

organized violence, the proletariat is bound to succeed in releasing vast social energies

hitherto repressed and directing them to the project of radical social transformation. This is

still confined within the boundaries of the national entity. Open violence or war purges the

body politic of hatred, prejudice, deceptions, and so on. Proletarian violence destroys

bourgeois mystification and the nationalist ethos affiliated with it. Sorel's syndicalist politics

of violence tries to convert force as a means to a political and social end, the process of the

general strike. This politics of organized mass violence appeals to a utopian vision that

displaces the means-ends rationality of bourgeois society in the fusion of force with pleasure

realizable in a just, egalitarian order.

The classical Marxist view of violence rejects the mechanical calculation of means-

ends that undermines the logic of Blanquist and Sorelian conceptions of social change. Marx

disavowed utopian socialism in favor of the overthrow of the bourgeoisie through a

combination of violent and peaceful means. Instrumentalism is subordinated to a narrative

of emancipation from class bondage. The objective of emancipating labor associated with the

laboring nation/people requires the exposure of commodity-fetishism and the ideology of

equal exchange of values in the market. Reification and alienation in social relations account

for the bourgeois state’s ascendancy. Where the state bureaucracy supporting the bourgeoisie

and the standing army do not dominate the state apparatus completely (a rare case) or has

been weakened, as in the case of the monarchy and the Russian bourgeoisie at the time of the

Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, the working class might attain their goal of class liberation by

peaceful means; but in most cases, "the lever of the revolution will have to be force" harnessed

by the masses unified by class consciousness and popular solidarity.

Based on their historical investigations, Marx and Engels understood the role of

violence as the midwife in the birth of a new social order within the old framework of the

nation-state. In his later years Engels speculated that with the changes in the ideological

situation of the classes in any national territory, "a real victory of an insurrection over the

military in street fighting is one of the rarest exceptions." In an unusual historic conjuncture,

however, the Bolshevik revolution mobilized mass strikes and thus disproved Engels.

Nevertheless, Marx’s "analytical universality," to use John Dunn’s (1979, 78) phrase, remains

valid in deploying the concept of totality to comprehend the nexus of state, class and nation.

We can rehearse here the issues that need to be examined from the viewpoint of totality: Was

Lenin's "dictatorship of the proletariat" an imposition of state violence, or the coercive rule

of the people against the class enemy? If it is an instrumental means of the new proletarian

state, did it implicate the nation? Is violence here both structured into the state system of

apparatuses and inscribed in the collective agency of the working masses cognized as the

nation? Is the political authority invoked by the proletarian state embodied in the class

interest of all those exploited by capital (in both periphery and center) ascendant over all?

31

Marxists critical of the Leninist interpretation denounce the use of state violence as an

anarchist deviation, an arbitrary application of force. They affirm instead the law-governed

historical process that will inevitably transform capitalism into socialism, whatever the

subjective intentions of the political protagonists involved. Such fatalism, however, rules out

the intervention of a class-for-itself freed from ideological blinders and uniting all the

oppressed with its moral-intellectual leadership, the cardinal axiom of socialist revolution.

Rationalist thinkers for their part reject violence as an end in itself while accepting the

force of the market as normal and natural. This is epitomized by legal thinkers who contend

that primordial nationalist claims should be regulated by autonomous international law, "the

domain of the metajuridique" (Berman 1995). By identifying nationalism as a primitive

elemental force outside the jurisdiction of positive law, the modernist legal scholar is alleged

to be receptive to its experimental creativity so that new legal techniques are devised to

regulate the destabilization of Europe--and, for that matter, its colonial empires--by

"separatist nationalisms." The aim is to pacify the subalterns and oppressed classes by

juridical and culturalist prophylactic.

As I have noted above in dealing with Fanon’s work, the nature of violence in the

process of decolonization cannot be grasped by such dualistic metaphysics epitomized in the

binarism of passion-versus-law. What is needed is the application of a historical materialist

critique to the complex problem of national self-determination. Marxists like Lenin and Rosa

Luxemburg, despite their differences, stress the combination of knowledge and practice in

analyzing the balance of political forces. They contend that class struggle is a form of

knowledge/action, the civil war of political groups, which can synthesize wars of position

(legal, peaceful reforms) and the war of maneuver (organized frontal assault by armed

masses, to use Gramsci's terminology) in the transformation of social relations in any

particular nation. Violence itself can become a creative force insofar as it reveals the class bias

of the bourgeois/colonial state and serves to accelerate the emergence of class consciousness

and organized popular solidarity. Insofar as the force of nation/national identity distracts

and prohibits the development of class consciousness, then it becomes useless for socialist

transformation. In colonized societies, however, nationalism coincides with the converging

class consciousness of workers, peasants, and the masses of subjugated natives that

constitute the political force par excellence in harnessing violence for emancipatory goals.

From the historical-materialist perspective then, violence cannot be identified with the

nation or nation-state per se under all circumstances. We need to distinguish between the

two positions--the postmodern one of indiscriminate attack on all totalities (such as class,

nation, etc.) premised on a syllogistic Kantian means-ends rationality, and the historical-

materialist one where means/ends are dialectically calibrated in historically inventive

modalities--so as to illuminate the problem of violence in this new millennium. The impasse

between these two positions reflects the relation of unceasing antagonism between the

bourgeoisie and the nationalities they exploit in the world system of commodity-exchange

and accumulation.

On another level, the impasse may be viewed as a theoretical crux. It signifies the

antinomy between agency and structure, the intentionalist-nominalist pragmatism of liberals

and the structuralist views of historical materialists. The former looks at the nation as always

32

implicated in the state while the latter considers the nation as historically separate and

contingent on the vicissitudes of the class warfare. One way of trying to elucidate this

contradiction is by examining Walter Benjamin's argument in "Critique of Violence" (1978).

Taking Sorel as one point of departure, Benjamin considers the use of violence as a

means for establishing governance. Law is opposed to divine violence grasped as fate and the

providential reign of justice. Bound up with violence, law is cognized as power, a power

considered as a means of establishing order within a national boundary. The abolition of state

power is the aim of revolutionary violence which operates beyond the reach of law-making

force, an aspiration for justice that would spell the end of class society. Proletarian revolution

resolves the means-ends instrumentalism of bourgeois politics. Violence becomes

problematic when fate/justice, once deemed providential, eludes our grasp with the Babel of

differences blocking communication and also aggrandizing particularisms found below the

level of the nation-form and its international, not to say cosmopolitan, possibilities.

Violence is only physical force divorced from its juridical potency. Benjamin's thesis

may be more unequivocal than the academically fashionable Foucauldian view of subsuming

violence in power relations. It takes a more scrupulous appraisal of the sectarian limitations

as well as empowering possibilities of violence in the context of class antagonisms. While the

issue of nationalist violence is not explicitly addressed in his essay, Benjamin seeks to explore

the function of violence as a creator and preserver of law, a factor intricately involved in the

substance of normative processes. Benjamin writes: "Lawmaking is powermaking, and, to

that extent, an immediate manifestation of violence. Justice is the principle of all divine end

making, power the principle of all mythical lawmaking" (1978, 295). Lawmaking mythical

violence can be contested only by divine power, which today, according to Benjamin, is

manifested in "educative power, which in its perfected form stands outside the law."

Benjamin is not entirely clear about this "educative power," but I think it can only designate

the influence of the family and other agencies in civil society not regulated by the traditional

state apparatuses. In another sense, Benjamin alludes to "the proper sphere of

understanding, language," which makes possible the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Since

language is intimately linked with the national community, national consciousness

contradicts the disruptive effects of violence in its capacity to resolve antagonisms.

Benjamin goes on to investigate violence embodied in the state (as contradistinguished

from the national community) through a process of demystification. Critique begins by

disclosing the idea of its development, its trajectory of ruptures and mutations, which in turn

exposes the fact that all social contract depends on a lie, on fiction. "Justice, the criterion of

ends," supersedes legality, "the criterion of means." Justice is the reign of communication

which, because it excludes lying, excludes violence. In effect, violence is the mediation that

enables state power to prevail. It cannot be eliminated by counter-violence that simply inverts

it. Only the educative power of language, communication associated with the national

collectivity, can do away with the need to lie. But since the social contract displaces justice as

the end of life with legality connected with the state, and law is required as an instrument to

enforce the contract, violence continues to be a recurrent phenomenon in a commodity-

centered society.

33

Benjamin is silent about the nation and the efficacy of popular sovereignty in this text.

His realism seeks to clarify the historic collusion between law, violence, and the state. He

wants to resolve the philosophical dualism of means and ends that has bedevilled liberal

rationalism and its inheritors, pragmatism and assorted postmodernist nominalisms. His

realism strives to subordinate the instrumentality of violence to law, but eventually he

dismisses law as incapable of realizing justice. But we may ask: how can justice--the quest for

identity without exclusion/inclusion, without alterity--be achieved in history if it becomes

some kind of intervention by a transcendent power into the secular domain of class struggle?

How can justice be attained as an ideal effect of communication? Perhaps through language

as mediated in the nation-form, in the web of discourse configuring the nation as a

community of speakers (San Juan 2000b), the nation as the performance of groups unified

under the aegis of struggle against oppression and exploitation?

Benjamin’s speculation on the reconciling charisma of language seems utopian in the

pejorative sense. Peoples speaking the same language (e.g., Northern Ireland, Colombia,

North and South Korea) continue to be locked in internecine conflict. If violence is

inescapable in the present milieu of reification and commodity-fetishism, how can we use it

to promote dialogue and enhance the resources of the oppressed for liberation? In a seminal

essay on "Nationalism and Modernity," Charles Taylor underscores the modernity of

nationalism in opposition to those who condemn it as atavistic tribalism or a regression to

primordial barbarism. In the context of modernization, Taylor resituates violence in the

framework of the struggle for recognition–nationalism "as a call to difference,…lived in the

register of threatened dignity, and constructing a new, categorical identity as the bearer of

that dignity" (1999, 240).

What needs to be stressed here is the philosophical underpinning of the struggle for

recognition and recovery of dignity. It invokes clearly the Hegelian paradigm of the relation

between lord and bondsman in The Phenomenology of Mind. In this struggle, the possibility

of violence mediates the individual’s discovery of his finite and limited existence, his

vulnerability, and his need for community. Piotr Hoffman’s gloss underlines the Hegelian

motif of freedom as risk: "Violence …is the necessary condition of my emergence as a

universal, communal being…for I can find common ground with the other only insofar as

both of us can endure the mortal danger of the struggle and can thus think independently of

a blind attachment to our particular selves" (1989, 145). Since the nation evokes sacrifice, the

warrior’s death on the battlefield, honor, self-transcendence, destiny, the state seeks to

mobilize such nation-centered feelings and emotions to legitimize itself as a wider, more

inclusive, and less artificial reality to attain its own accumulative goals. Weber reminds us:

"For the state is the highest power organization on earth, it has power over life and death….

A mistake comes in, however, when one speaks of the state alone and not of the nation"

(quoted in Poggi 1978, 101).

The nationalist struggle for recognition and the violence of anticolonial revolutions

thus acquire a substantial complexity in the context of modernity, the fact of uneven

development, and the vicissitudes of capitalist crisis. In any case, whatever the moral puzzles

entailed by the plural genealogies of the nation-state, it is clear that a dogmatic pacifism is no

answer to an effective comprehension of the real world and purposeful intervention in it.

34

Given the continued existence of nation-states amidst the increasing power of transnational

corporations in a geopolitical arena of sharpening rivalry, can we choose between a "just" and

an "unjust" war when nuclear weapons that can destroy the whole planet are involved?

Violence on such a scale obviously requires the dialectical transcendence of the system of

nation-states in the interest of planetary justice and survival.

Overall, the question of violence cannot be answered within the framework of the

Realpolitik of the past but only within the framework of nation-states living in mutual

reciprocity. Causality, however, has to be ascertained and responsibility assigned even if the

nation is construed as "an interpretive construct" (Arnason 1990, 230). My view is that the

hegemonic bloc of classes using the capitalist state machinery is the crux of the problem. If

nations have been manipulated by states dominated by possessive/acquisitive classes that

have undertaken and continue to undertake colonial and imperial conquests, then the future

of humanity and all living organisms on earth can be insured only by eliminating those classes

that are the origin of state violence. The nation-form can then be reconstituted and

transcended to insure that it will not generate reasons or opportunities for state-violence to

recur. That will be the challenge for future revolutionaries.

References

Anderson, Benedict. 1991. Imagined Communities. Verso: London. Arnason, Johann. 1990. "Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity." In Global Culture. Ed. Mike Featherstone.

London: Sage Publications. Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. 1998. Key Concepts in Post-Colonial Studies. New York:

Routledge. Balibar, Etienne and Immanuel Wallerstein. 1991. Race, Nation, Class. London Verso. Benjamin, Walter. 1978. Reflections. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Berman, Nathaniel. 1995. "Modernism, Nationalism and the Rhetoric of Reconstruction." In After Identity. New

York: Routledge. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1993. The Field of Cultural Production. New York: Columbia University Press. Bowle, John. 1947. Western Political Thought. London: Methuen. Brown, Michael. 1986. The Production of Society. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield. Coombe, Rosemary. 1995. "The Properties of Culture and the Politics of Possessing Identity: Native Claims in

the Cultural Appropriation Controversy." In After Identity. Ed. Dan Danielsen and Karen Engle. New York: Routledge.

Dunn, John. 1979. Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Fanon, Frantz. 1961. The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press. Gellner, Ernest. 1983. Nations and Nationalism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Giddens, Anthony. 1985. The Nation-State and Violence. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. ---. 1987. Social Theory and Modern Society. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Held, David. 1992. "The Development of the Modern State." In Formations of Modernity. Ed. Stuart Hall and

Bram Gieben. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Hoffman, Piotr. 1989. Violence in Modern Philosophy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Howard, Michael. 1991. The Lessons of History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jessop, Bob. 1982. The Capitalist State. Krader, Lawrence. 1968. Formation of the State. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. Lukacs, Georg. 2000. In Defense of History and Class Consciousness. London: Verso. Marmora, Leopoldo. 1984. "Is There a Marxist Theory of Nation?" In Rethinking Marx. Ed. Sakari Hanninen

and Leena Paldan. New York: International General. Ollman, Bertell. 1993. Dialectical Investigations. New York: Routledge. Poggi, Gianfranco. 1978. The Development of the Modern State. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.

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Polanyi, Karl. 1957. The Great Transformation. Boston: Beacon Press. Said, Edward. 1993. Culture and Imperialism. London: Chatto & Windus. San Juan, E. 2000a. After Postcolonialism. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. -----. 2000b. "Bakhtin: Uttering the ‘(Into)nation of the Nation/People." In Bakhtin and the Nation. Ed. San

Diego Bakhtin Circle. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press. Sassen, Saskia. 1998. Globalization and Its Discontents. New York: The New Press. Smith, Anthony. 1971. Theories of Nationalism. New York: Harper. -----. 1979. Nationalism in the Twentieth Century. New York: New York University Press. Sorel, Georges. 1906 (1972). Reflections on Violence. New York: Macmillan. Taylor, Charles. 1999. "Nationalism and Modernity." In Theorizing Nationalism. Ed. Ronald Beiner. New York:

SUNY Press. Tilly, Charles. 1975. "Western State-Making and Theories of Political Transformation." In The Formation of

National States in Western Europe. Ed. Charles Tilly. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

36

US ADMISSION OF CIA TORTURE:

NO ACCOUNTABILITY, AGAINST US, INTERNATIONAL LAWS, NOT

ENOUGH

Prof. Jose Maria Sison

On the eve of the International Human Rights Day last December 9, the US Senate

Intelligence Committee, chaired by Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-California), released the

525-page summary of the 6,700-page report on the program of “enhanced interrogation

techniques” (torture) used by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the name of counter-

terrorism in the years of the Bush II regime, following 9/11. The full report is based on 6.3

million pages of official documents. It confirms that the CIA engaged in various forms of

physical and psychological torture in “black sites” (secret various places for detention and

interrogation in various countries).

The forms and methods of torture included the following: covering the face of a

detainee with hoods, sacks or duct tape; physical beatings, walling, stress positions, electric

shocks, burns and other forms of inflicting physical pain; prolonged sensory deprivation and

cramped confinement in isolation cells and coffins; deprivation of sleep, food, water, clothes

or medical care; repeated water boarding and near-drowning; intimidation with the use of

dogs; sexual abuse and humiliation; mock executions and death threats; and inducing death

by hypothermia or heat injury.

All the foregoing brutal acts are in violation of US and international law, which

prohibit torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. But the entire report is withheld

from the public. Worst of all, in the summary report, there is no reference to or indication of

the accountability of those who authorized and committed the crimes. Thus, there is an

immediate and growing demand by human rights advocates and the people for the full

unredacted report and for the US Department of Justice to open a criminal investigation of

those accountable.

The summary report focuses on the criminal acts of torture to the point of not giving

due attention to similarly criminal acts of kidnapping and enforced disappearances of

victims, renditioning them to the “black sites” in various countries, creating such sites and

operating airlines for the purpose, lying to Congress about the acts of torture and the results

illegally obtained, and misappropriating public funds. The summary report also tries to

minimise the accountability of then US President George W. Bush by claiming that he was

kept in the dark for many years by the CIA.

Former Vice President Dick Cheney is unrepentant, dismisses the report as mere crap

and arrogantly asserts that if he had the authority he would do the “enhanced interrogation

program” again. He admits that Bush was always in the loop in the conception, planning,

authorization and implementation of the program. In fact, Bush himself proudly admitted in

September 2006 that the program was his. And once more he admits in his memoirs that he

37

authorized and encouraged “water boarding” and other enhanced interrogation techniques

in the program.

The program was made under the Bush national security policy and was authorized

and facilitated by President George H.W. Bush, Vice President Richard “Dick” Cheney,

National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice, White House legal counsel Alberto Gonzales,

Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Vice Legal Counsel & Cheney Chief of Staff David

Addington, CIA Acting General Counsel John Rizzo, CIA Director of National Clandestine

Service Jose Rodriguez, Deputy Assistant US. Attorney General John Yoo, and several others.

The accountability of this crew of terrorists and fascistic criminals extends to the

torture of prisoners by Department of Defense personnel, the mass murder and displacement

of millions of Afghans and Iraqis, and the destruction of their social infrastructure, all colossal

crimes of imperialist aggression done in the name of a phoney global war on terror.

The summary report of the US Senate Committee is heavily redacted and is focused

only on CIA torture. It cites only one prisoner death and does not include information and

photographic evidence on US torture and prisons operated by the US Army, US Navy and

other Department of Defense (DOD) agencies. As of 2005, more than 100,000 prisoners had

been detained, many of whom were tortured, in US prisons set up across Central Asia since

the start of the so-called global war on terror in 2002.

Major General Antonio Taguba investigated torture and prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib

in 2004 and was aided by 2000 photographs that in his words “showed torture, abuse, rape

and every indecency”. The Taguba Report was squelched by the Bush-Cheney-Rumsfeld

combine and the aforesaid photographs were either tucked away or destroyed. General

Taguba was frozen and forced to resign in 2007. He accused the Bush regime of committing

war crimes.

With reference to the US Senate Intelligence Committee report on CIA torture, the UN

High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Raad al-Hussein has declared that the US has an

obligation to ensure accountability because it ratified the UN Convention Against Torture in

1994. The Geneva Conventions also requires the US to prosecute the torturers. UN Secretary

General Ban Ki-Moon has also stressed that the report should lead to prosecutions because

the prohibition against torture is absolute. The UN Special Rapporteur on Counterterrorism

and Human Rights Ben Emmerson has also pointed out that there was a clear policy

orchestrated at a high level within the Bush administration which allowed the gross and

systematic violations of international human rights law.

But how do you prosecute Bush and his underlings? Although Obama officially

terminated the torture program in 2009, he blocked the report until he needed it to counter

the mid-term electoral victory of the Republicans. He continues to support the US

Department of Justice in refusing to undertake a criminal investigation. He is apparently

restraining himself because of fear that the Republican Congress and President would

someday also hold him accountable for the thousands of innocent civilians murdered by his

drone bombing campaigns.

38

If prosecution of the Bush gang of torturers is impossible in the US, is it possible to go

after them before an international court? The US is not part of the International Criminal

Court. The case against the US can be referred to the ICC by the United Nations Security

Council but the US has veto power here. It is possible to go after the gang or any of its

members in any of the national courts willing to take up cases of genocide, crimes against

humanity and war crimes against US officials. But usually the result is only to discourage such

officials from travelling to the country where there is a case against them.

In representation of the Republicans, Sen. John McCain welcomed the presentation of

the summary report of the US Senate Intelligence Committee by its Chair Sen. Feinstein last

December 9. It is apparent that there is a bipartisan or duopolistic consensus to admit the

undeniable crimes of torture and at the same to prevent the investigation and prosecution of

the criminal masterminds and accomplices. Both the Republican and Democratic parties

appear to have the cynical consensus that it is enough to issue a heavily redacted summary

report.

The International League of Peoples' Struggle regards as significant the admission by

the US Senate Intelligence Committee that the CIA has committed acts of torture in violation

of the UN Convention Against Torture, the Geneva Conventions and the International Bill of

Rights. It exposes the hypocrisy of the US in touting itself as the champion of human rights.

It is even more significant that the torturers are not being held accountable.

It is clear that the US imperialists allow and encourage the commission of crimes so

long as these are meant to preserve and expand their power and wealth. The torturers are not

prosecuted supposedly because of their “good intention” of defending the American people

or in fact the US capitalist system of greed and terror. Impunity is the privilege of US

imperialism for the worst of crimes, including abductions, torture, murder and wars of

aggression.

The victims of torture and their families, the American people and the people of the

world must demand the full disclosure of the crimes of torture and other barbarities

committed by the armed personnel of the CIA and DOD and the prosecution of those who

authorized and committed the crimes. All global region committees, national chapters and

member-organizations are hereby instructed to initiate and join legal mass campaigns to

protest the aforesaid crimes and demand justice.

The frustration of these mass campaigns justifies a higher level of revolutionary

resistance against the entire system of imperialism. The imperialist powers themselves incite

and compel the people to wage revolutionary civil wars for national liberation, democracy

and socialism as the most effective way to oppose and prevail over imperialist campaigns of

state terrorism and wars of aggression.

39

NEO-LIBERAL NA ATAKE SA MUNDO NG PAGGAWA AT PANUNUPIL

SA KARAPATAN NG MANGGAGAWA: HAMON AT PAGLABAN Keynote Speech, CTUHR, 30th Anniversary, 9 Oktubre 2014, SOLAIR, UP Diliman

Gerry Lanuza

Ang mga komunista ay hindi naglilihim ng kanilang mga paniniwala at layunin.

Tahasan nilang ipinapahayag na ang kanilang pakay ay maaari lamang

makamit sa pamamagitan ng marahas na pagwasak sa kasalukuyang lipunan.

Hayaan nating manginig sa sindak ang mga naghaharing uri

kapag narinig nila ang paghihimagsik ng mga komunista.

Sa paghihimagsik, walang mawawala sa mga manggagawa

kundi ang kanilang pagkagapos. Dahil para sa kanila ang daigdig.

Mga mangagawa sa iba’t ibang panig ng daigdig, magkaisa.

Sinulat ito ni Marx at Engels noong 1848! At ngayon, makaraan ang halos isang siglo

at animnapu’t anim (166) na taon, marami nang mga nawalan ng pananampalataya sa sinabi

ni Marx at Engels. Ang pamamayagpag ng monopolyo kapitalismo sa panahon ng

globalisasyon, ay tila nagtutulak sa mga manggagawa na maniwalang wala nang bisa o lipas

na ang mga pagsusuri ni Marx at Engels. Sabi pa ng iba, “panis” na. Ngunit para sa klasikong

Marxismo, payak lamang ang paliwanag: sa patuloy na pamamayagpag ng kapitalismo sa

daigdig, lalong maghihirap ang mga manggagawa, darami ang bilang ng manggaggawang

walang hanap-buhay at sila ang mangunguna sa pagpapabagsak ng nabubulok na sistema ng

kapitalismo. Ngunit sa kasalukuyan ay maraming mga intelektwal, sa loob at labas ng mga

unibersidad, mga lider manggagawa, mga consultants na bayaran ng mga korporasyon, na

naglalatag ng kakaibang pagsusuri at pagtingin sa patuloy na paghahari ng monopolyo

kapitalismo sa buong daigdig. Ayon sa mga makabagong pagasusuri ng mga tinaguriang

intelektwal, nag-iba na raw ang anyo ng kapitalismo sa daigdig. Lumiliit na raw ang bilang

ng mga manggagawa at napapalitan ng mga tinagurian “knowledge workers”, na hindi raw

kabilang sa tradisyunal na uring manggagawa. Dahil marami na raw ang mga “knowledge

workers” at papakaunti na ang mga tunay na manggagawa, nag-iiba na rin ang politika at

larangan ng pakikibaka. Dahil mas malaki ang sahod at benepisyo nilang mga tinaguriang

“knowledge workers” sa service sectors, hindi na raw dapat tignan ang tunggalian ng mga uri

bilang pangunahing motor ng panlipunang pagbabago. Sa kasalukuyan, hindi na sila

sumisigaw ng Uring Mangagagawa, Hukbong Mapagpalaya! Bagkos ang sigaw nila ay:

“Pagkakapantay-pantay!” na walang ibig sabihin kundi ang pagkakapantay-pantay sa uri,

kasarian, lahi, lipi, ng mga bakla, tomboy, at iba pang kasarian. Tila ang kalaban na ngayon

ng mga manggagawa ay iba’t ibang uri ng kaapihan pero nakaligtaan na ang pagsasamantala

sa loob ng kapitalismo. Wala namang masama sa paglaban sa lahat ng kaapihan--kasarian o

lahi man ito. Heto naman talaga ang layunin ng mga union at samahang manggagawa sabi ni

Lenin.

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Ngunit ito ang pagbabalik ng ideyalismo sa ating panahon--Mga intelektwal na ayaw

tawaging manggagawa, relatibong nakakaangat sa mga uring manggagawa dahil sila’y nasa

loob ng malalamig na opisina. Sila ang mga taga-pagsalita ng Kapital gamit ang pilosopiyang

ideyalismo na ibinaon na ni Marx at Engels noong kapanahunan panila. Dapat nating balikan

at igiit ang materyalismo o ang siyentipikong pilosopiya na pagpapaliwanag sa kondisyon ng

mga manggagawa, pati na ang mga pagbabagong nagaganap sa lipunan, batay sa materyal at

pang-ekonomiyang kondisyon at pagbabago ng lipunan. Ang materyalistikong pagsusuri

lamang ang maaaring makapagapaliwanag kung bakit ganito na magisip ang ating mga

kaibigan sa Unibersidad, mga theologians, pilosopo, ekonomista, mga middle class, at mga

nakaluklok sa burukrasya ng kapitalistang estado.

Tignan natin ang datos. Sa buong mundo, ang labour force, mga aktibong

nagtatrabaho, ay tinatayang nasa 2,369 million at ito ay halos 50 percent ng kabuuang

populasyon ng mundo. Kasabay ng paglago ng labor force ay ang paglobo rin ng income

inequality lalo na sa mga “underclass” na makikita sa mga low-paid laborers, mga bata,

matatanda, kababaihan, at mga racial minorities. Ang pagpasok ng mga kababaihan sa mga

gawaing mababa ang sahod--tinatawag na feminization of the global workforce--ang

kontraktwalisisasyon, at ang pagdami ng mga racial minorities sa mga trabahong mababa

ang sahod ang siyang maigting na mga isyu sa pagpasok ng bagong milenyo. Ayon pa sa mga

pag-aaral, sa nakalipas na 20 na taon, ang pagkakahati ng kita ng mga tao sa buong mundo

ay nakatulong sa pagyaman ng mga dati nang mayayayman, habang ang sweldo at kalagayan

ng mahihirap at mga panggitnang uri ay bumubulusok paibaba, kasama na rito ang

mayayamang bansa tulad ng United States, Germany at China. Ayon sa pagaaral ng ILO,

“Wage-led growth: An equitable strategy for economic recovery,” ito ay hindi lang dahil sa

pagbabago ng teknolohiya. Sa pagtataya ng ILO aabot sa 1.1 billion katao ay maaaring walang

hanap-buhay o kaya ay nakasadlak sa kahirapan. Malapit sa 30 per cent ng lahat ng

mangaggawa sa buong mundo – mahigit sa 900 million – ay nabubuhay sampu ng kanilang

pamilya sa mas mababa pa sa US$2 in 2011, o 55 million higit pa sa tinataya bago magkaroon

ng krisis. Sa 900 million na mahihirap na mangagawa, mga kalahati nito ay nabubuhay sa

US$1.25 kada araw.

Kung susuriin ang mga datos at istadiskang ito, malalaman natin na ang mga propeta

ng neoliberalismo na nangangaral ng ebanghelyo ayon sa monopolyo kapitalismo, bilang

pinakamataas na yugto ng imperyalismo, ay nagkakalat lamang ng maling inpormasyon at

kaalaman tungkol sa mga manggagawa. Una, hindi totoong nagbenepisyo ang manggagawa

sa kontraktwasisasyon at “flexi time.” Ang kontraktwalisasyon ay bahagi lamang ng

estratehiya ng neoliberalismo upang bawasan ang kita at benepisyo ng manggagawa habang

pinayayaman nito ang mga nababangkaroteng korporasyon at mga banko. Ikalawa, hindi

totoong yumayaman na ang mga panggitnang uri at ang mga mangagagwa ay masasaya na

dahil sa mga gadgets at pagtaaas sa sahod. Sa isang survey na ginawa ng Gallup poll, na

kinalap mula sa 140 bansa mula 2010-2011, 63 percent ng mga mangagawa sa buong daigdig

ay hindi masaya sa kanilang hanap buhay o walang pagmamahal sa kanilang ginagawa “-

disengaged—or simply unmotivated and unlikely to exert extra effort.” Ito ang alienation na

tinukoy ni Marx--ang kawalan ang pagpapahalaga ng mga manggagawa sa kanilang

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ginagawa. Ito ay dahil sa pagbabaklas ng ugnayan ng mga manggagawa sa kanilang

kapangyarihang lumikha at ang pagtamasa sa produkto ng kanilang paggawa.

Ang economic terrorism at pananabotahe sa mga unyon ay isa lang anyo ng pagdurog

ng neoliberaismo sa patuloy na pag-aaklas ng mga manggagawa. Ang pagbaba ng bilang ng

mga welga ng mga manggagawa ay hudyat ng pagkalusaw ng mga unyon. Sa nakalipas na 12

na taon, 26.7 percent ng mga manggagawa ay kasapi sa mga unyon. Sa panahon ni Pres.

Aquino bumaba ang bilang nga organisadong unyon. At sa kasalukuyan ito ay nasa 8 percent

na lamang, at 12 percent lamang ng mga manggagawang nasa unyon ang may collective

bargaining agreements (CBAs).

Habang ang neoliberalismo ay patuloy sa pagpapasok ng kapital at pagtaguyod ng

malayang merkado sa pamamagitan ng deregulisasyon, pribatisasyon, sa kumpas ng IMF-

WB, WTO, APEC, at ang Transpacific Partnership, kung saan binabaklas ang mga serbisyong

pangpubliko sa kalusugan at edukasyon, lalong naghihikahos ang mga manggagawa. Ang net

worth naman ng 40 pinakamayamang Filipino ay lumobo ng apat na beses mula $16.4 B

noong 2009 sa $64.4 B nitong 2013. Sabi pa ng Ibon ang pinagsamang yaman ng 40

pinakamayamang Filipino noong 2012 na umaabot sa $47.4 B ay 21 percent na ng GDP ng

Pilipinas sa 2013.

Ang Simbahan at ang Uring Manggagawa

Sa gitna ng kahirapang dinaranas ng mga manggagawa sa buong daigdig, kamangha-

mangha na ang simbahang Katoliko mismo sa pangunguna ni Pope Francis ay sumigaw: “No

to economy of exclusion.” Sabi ng Santo Papa sa kanyang Evangelii Gaudium (Joy of the

Gospel): “Today everything comes under the laws of competition and the survival of the

fittest, where the powerful feed upon the powerless. As a consequence, masses of people find

themselves excluded and marginalized: without work, without possibilities, without any

means of escape.” Ibinasura niya ang propaganda ng mga nagsusulong ng neoliberalismo sa

trickle-down effect: “In this context, some people continue to defend trickle-down theories

which assume that economic growth, encouraged by a free market, will inevitably succeed in

bringing about greater justice and inclusiveness in the world.” Ang epekto nito ayon sa kanya

ay kultura ng walang pakialaman: “The culture of prosperity deadens us; we are thrilled if the

market offers us something new to purchase. In the meantime all those lives stunted for lack

of opportunity seem a mere spectacle; they fail to move us.” Ang neoliberalismo ay gumawa

ng isang relihiyong sumasamba sa pera at merkadong walang pakialam sa kahirapan: “We

have created new idols. The worship of the ancient golden calf (cf. Ex32:1 -35) has returned

in a new and ruthless guise in the idolatry of money and the dictatorship of an impersonal

economy lacking a truly human purpose.” Pinagsabihan niya ang mga bankero at

mananalapi: “Not to share one’s wealth with the poor is to steal from them and to take away

their livelihood. It is not our own goods which we hold, but theirs”. At tila ba na parang isang

sosyalista, sabi ng Santo Papa: “As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved

by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the

structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world’s problems... Inequality

is the root of social ills.”

42

Hindi tayo dapat mamangha sa mga matatalim at maaanghang na pahayag na ito ng

Simbahan dahil ang simbahan mismo ay napakahaba ng kanyang kasaysayan sa pagtatanggol

sa mga manggagawa mula pa sa Bibliya hanggang sa social encyclical na Rerum Novarum ni

Pope Leo XIII. Tandaan natin na ang unang mga Kristyano ay mga rebolusyonaryo. Ang mga

sinaunang Kristyano ay mga galing sa uring api, alipin, mga proletaryo, at mga maralitang

lungsod. Sila’y pinaratangan na mga “atheists” dahil hindi sila sumamba sa Imperyalismo ng

mga Romano. Tandaan din na ang tagapagtatag ng Kristyanismo na si Hesus ay kabilang sa

pamilya ng uring manggagawa, at ang ama nya ay uring manggagawa. Si Hesus ay pumanig

at namuhay kasama ang mga mangingisda, magsasaka, maghahayop, mangangaso at iba

pang aping uri.

Mas malalim pa rito ang ugnayan ng rebolusyonaryong simbahan at manggagawa.

Dahil ang Diyos ng Kristyanismo ay mangagagawa. Ang paglikha sa daigdig ay isang uri ng

paggawa. Ang Diyos mismo ay manggagawa. Kaya nga ito ang batayan ng dignity of labor! Sa

tuwing tayo’y gumagawa, nagiging katuwang natin ang Diyos sa paggawa at paglikha. Kaya

mas mahalaga ang paggawa kaysa kapital. Tayo ay ka-manggagawa ng Diyos!

Sa aral at turo ng simbahan, “No one may deny the right to organize without attacking

human dignity itself. Therefore, we firmly oppose organized efforts, such as those regrettably

now seen in this country, to break existing unions and prevent workers from organizing.

(Economic Justice for All, Catholic Bishops, No. 104).

Kaya’t mahalaga na pagtibayin natin ang pagkakaisa, pag-oorganisa sa hanay ng mga

manggagawa. Sa sama-samang pagkilos, pag-organisa, pag-aaral, at pakikibaka lamang

maisusulong ang mga lehitimong karapatan ng mga manggagawa. Dapat nating labanan ang

mga mapanghating pananaw na pinagbubukod-bukod ang mga aping sektor ng ating lipunan

at pinagsasamantalahang uri. Kailangan nating makita na sa pagsasama-sama lamang, sa

pagtingin lamang sa mga kaapihan bilang bahagi ng kapitalistang pagsasamantala, natin

makikita ang pangangailangan ng universal emancipation. Dapat na mawasak natin ang

paghiwa-hiwalay ng mga grupong pilit itinatangi at inihihiwalay ang kanilang opresyon laban

sa iba pang aping uri. Ang union at samahan ng mga manggagawa ay hindi lamang taga-

pagtala ng mga tinig ng mga aping uri. Sila ay mga tanggulan ng mga inaapi. Hindi kalianman

mawawakasan ang pang aapi hanggat hindi napapalaya ang buong sangkatauhan. At hindi

mapapalaya ang sangkatauhan kung hindi mapapalaya ang mga manggagawa. At hindi

mapapalaya ng mga manggagawa ang kanilang uri nang hindi napapalaya ang iba pang uri

laban sa pagsasamantala. Huwag tayong palinlang sa mga propetang nangangaral na ang

neoliberalismo ay walang hanggan at walang katapusan. Ang mga uring manggagawa ang

magwawakas sa monopolyo kapitalismo –dahil sila lamang ang may istorikong misyon na

lagutin ang tanikala ng pangaabuso ng lahat ng uri!

At ito ay nakatala sa Mission and Vision ng CTUHR, na ngayon ay nagdiriwang ng ika-

30 ng anibersaryo:

“CTUHR’s purpose is to confront state and capitalist’s human rights

violations not with an equally evil force but with an awareness that

43

strength and emancipation lies in the hands of the workers’

themselves and in solidarity with the poor and the oppressed.”

Maraming salamat at mabuhay ang mga uring manggagawa!

44

LETTERS AND

STATEMENTS FROM

POLITICAL DETAINEES

PINGKIAN: e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education Volume # Number #

OPEN LETTER TO POPE FRANCIS I

45

from Philippine political prisoners (30 November 2014)

Your Holiness, Pope Francis,

Warm embraces!

Like many, many others among our people, we, political prisoners, look forward to

your projected visit to our country in mid-January next year. We hope that, aside from your

scheduled visit to personally look at the extent of damage and sufferings wrought upon

millions of victims in that part of our country most devastated by the Supertyphoon

Yolanda (“Haiyan”, by its international name) in early November last year, and to render

help through expressing sympathy, giving inspiration to and boosting the spirits of the

victims, you would be able to also visit us and examine our cruelly and unjustly repressed

situation as prisoners of conscience, and also see what can be done to effectively help in

qualitatively alleviating our situation.

We, victims of political imprisonment, have been enthused to write such to you, as

other victims, families and supporters of victims of natural and man-made disasters have

also been writing you and asking for your attention and help, especially in regard to their

calls for justice and respect of human rights. Among those who have done so, and have thus

encouraged us to write to you and also ask your attention and help, have been the victims

and families and supporters of victims of the Supertyphoon Yolanda, the families and

supporters of the Desaparecidos (victims of fascist involuntary disappearances, since the

Martial Law years up to the present), and the families and supporters of the Ampatuan

massacre.

Given the very short duration and already previously fixed itinerary of your visit to

our country, we ask for, at least, your office's serious look into and investigation of our

actual oppressed existence and dire situation as political prisoners -- subjected to arbitrary

and illegal arrests; deprived of freedom, justice, political and human rights; swamped with

trumped-up criminalized charges; made to undergo one of the most rotten and slowest

crawl of justice in the world; and cruelly left to rot and suffer gross repressions, restrictions

and deprivations for years, and even up to more than a decade already, in various jails

throughout the country -- not much different from what you have pathetically seen and

became very much concerned about in your home country, Argentina.

We ask this, as the concern and positive actions by the Vatican in two previous papal

visits in the country -- one during and another one after the martial law years --

significantly helped in feretting out the truth about the existence and dire situation of

poltical prisoners, and in quite effectively supporting the fight for freedom, justice and

human rights of a great many of the country's political prisoners then.

Way before Pope John Paul II made a visit to the Philippines in 1981, the fascist

dictatorship of the Marcos martial law regime had already viciously tried to hide the

existence of political prisoners in Camp Bagong Diwa -- where bulk of them were then

46

confined in Metro Manila -- by transferring all of them to a secluded part of the National

Penitentiary. The political prisoners, who were hidden in a nook of the National

Penitentiary, wrote to Pope John Paul II a letter sharing with him about their existence and

situation, and asking him to visit them and to take a look at their situation. As an expression

of protest at their situation, they also engaged in fasting during the visit.

The Vatican, thus, learned about and at once raised directly with the Marcos

government the issue in regard to the existence and situation of political prisoners in the

Philipines. The Vatican had wanted to apply then in practice, in the case of the political

prisoners, a verse from Matthew 25:36 ("I was naked and you clothed me. I was sick and

you visited me. I was in prison and you came to me.").

The Marcos martial law regime, however, kept hiding the truth and maintaining its

total denial about the existence then of political prisoners in the country. Pope John Paul II

was, thus, prevented from personally meeting with them and seeing their situation during

his visit to the country. But when the Vatican learned about the malicious transfer of

political prisoners to the National Penitentiary just to hide them from the Pope, it sent the

Vatican Secretary of State, Cardinal Agostino Casaroli, to personally visit the political

prisoners there and investigate their situation. The Papacy then expressed concern to the

Marcos government and also to the world media about the existence and situation of

political prisoners in the country. This helped a lot in the push for the mass release, very

soon after, of political prisoners.

When in 1995, Pope John Paul II made a second visit to the Philippines, a new batch

(of post-martial law) political prisoners in the country again wrote him a letter about their

situation and, to further highlight their plight and demand for their release, went on hunger

strike. Peace talks between the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and

the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP/GPH) were then progressing, and

the release of all political prisoners was one of the principal demands of the NDFP in the

peace talks. In the face of all these, the ruling GRP/GPH regime (which was then headed by

President Fidel Ramos) was thus pushed to grant the mass release then of political

prisoners.

Even as the present ruling regime of Benigno S. Aquino III now keeps on mouthing

the very same line that the fascist dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos also kept on deviously

mouthing during the martial law days -- that there is not a single political prisoner existing

in the country -- you will definitely find out in your visit or through a serious investigation

by your office, that, on the contrary, there have long been and indeed continue to be a great

many of us, political prisoners, in the country -- some 500 of us, about half of whom have

been arrested and detained by the present ruling regime. Among the political prisoners at

present in the country are more than 40 women, six minors and about 100 sickly/elderlies

at present. Not yet included among these are more women, minors and sickly/elderlies and

other innocent local community folk arrested with some Moro National Liberation Front

fighters in the aftermath of the latter's stand-off last year in a section of Zamboanga City.

In Metro Manila, in particular, there are presently several scores of us, political

prisoners, who have been confined in Camp Bagong Diwa, in Camp Crame, and in the

47

National Penitentiary. Via an actual visit of your holiness or a deep investigation by your

office, you will find out how very much repressive, restrictive and deprived are our

situations as political prisoners, and how the ruling reactionary state and jail authorities

institute systems and do what they can to prevent or even just stifle us from continuing to

effectively fight for people’s causes and for fundamental social changes in the interest of

qualitative betterment in the lives and conditions of the mass of the people -- most

especially the oppressed, deprived and impoverished -- and towards the attainment of true

and lasting peace in the country.

You will also find out that arbitrary arrests, torture, political detention, swamping

with trumped-up criminalized charges, and other acts of fascist state violence and

repression, including extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances against

political/social cause-oriented activists and freedom fighters, and also against peace talks

participants and consultants, as well as against many, many innocent struggling people in

our country, constitute and further keep exacerbating gross violations of the people’s

freedom, justice and human rights, as well as of long-standing peace agreements in our

country. These have practically been no different from what you have seen and have been

pained about in your home country, Argentina.

Together with human rights and other social cause-oriented forces, peace process

advocates and various concerned religious organizations, the National Democratic Front of

the Philippines (NDFP) and its peace panel have been pressing for the rectification of these,

including at the very least the release of all political prisoners, as well as the still-detained

NDFP peace talks participants and consultants, and the ruling state's accounting of the

victims of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances among NDFP peace talks

participants and consultants and among political prisoners.

The help of your office in taking these up with the GRP/GPH would be of much help

to the peace process.

In this regard, we appreciate, too, that the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)

leadership, that has also long been engaged in peace talks with the GRP/GPH, has also

written your holiness to help in beefing up the peace process ongoing in the country, and in

particular that between them and the GRP/GPH. In relation to this, it should be noted that,

among political prisoners who have been long been confined in Camp Bagong Diwa, are

about 50 MILF officers and forces. And there are many more of them in other jails in the

south. This, ironically despite the advances supposedly already gained in their peace talks

with the GRP/GPH.

We hope that your visit, at the very least, will see the actual dire situation, touch the

relevant issues, help in examining the roots of such gross fascist sins against the people and

against prospects for peace, and in beefing up efforts to alleviate the situation, including our

situation as political prisoners, who are among those made to continue suffering under such

prevailing rule and system.

We hope that your intercession in our situation may be of great help.

48

Fervently hoping for your valued support,

Political Prisoners (in Metro Manila jails)

IN CAMP CRAME

Benito Tiamson Wilma Austria-Tiamson Dionisio Almonte Renante Gamara Eduardo Serrano Gloria Pitargue-Almonte Ramon Argente Joel E. Enano Arlene Panea Rex G. Villaflor

IN CAMP BAGONG DIWA

Tirso Alcantara Emeterio Antalan Leopoldo Caloza Alan Jazmines Loida Magpatoc Jesus Abetria Jr. Modesto Araza Alex Arias Cesar Balmaceda Gemma Carag Eddie Cruz Philip Enteria Marissa Espedido Voltaire Guray Fidel Holanda Eduard Lansana Pastora Latagan Rolando Laylo Evelyn Legaspi Eliseo Lopez Alberto Macasinag

Jared Morales Denis Ortiz Rhea Pareja Miguela Piñero Hermogenes Reyes Jr. Andrea Rosal Felicardo Salamat Aristides Sarmiento Antonio Satumba Elmer Torres Ma. Miradel Torres Cirilo Verdan

IN NEW BILIBID PRISON

Eduardo Sarmiento Alberto Acerben Jesus Alegre Rodel Caballero Marcial Dosmanos Sandino Esguerra Arnilo Gaviola Generoso Granado Romeo Lareno Sony Marbella Alfredo Montajes Arturo Pangilinan Rolando Pañamogan Gerardo dela Peña Joel Ramada Lamberto Santiago Victor Segura Ricardo Solangon Danilo Soniscio Francis Versora Calixto Vistal

cf: Archbishop Guiseppe Pinto, Papal Nuncio to the Philippines

Philippine Ecumenical Peace Platform

Office of the President of the Philippines

49

National Democratic Front of the Philippines peace panel

SECOND OPEN LETTER TO POPE FRANCIS I from Philippine Political Prisoners

(17 December 2014)

Your Holiness, Pope Francis,

Again, our warm embraces!

We send our joyous greets to you on your birthday, today!

We trust that you continue to be well, to have more birthdays to come, and to be able

to strongly push your advocacies, including those that concern the freedom, rights and

welfare of the mass of the people, especially the most deprived, hungry and oppressed --

including those who have suffered and continue to suffer much from man-made as well as

natural disasters.

We, political prisoners, continue to look forward to your visit to our country in mid-

January next year.

We reiterate our hope that, aside from directly looking at the situation of the victims

of Supertyphoon Yolanda, sympathizing with them, giving inspiration to them and valuably

boosting their spirits in surviving and rising above the mire, you would also be able to visit

us or, at least, that your office would be able to look into our unjustly repressed situation as

prisoners of conscience -- as those who have been repressed behind iron bars and continue

to be repressed in our advocacy and fight for people’s causes and for fundamental political

and social changes in the interest of freedom, justice, human rights and the qualitative

betterment in the lives and conditions of the deprived, impoverished and oppressed mass of

the people.

We continue to hope that, even in your short visit to our country, you would also see

what can, in utmost, be advocated and done to effectively help in qualitatively resolving our

situation. Such includes pressing for the return of our lost freedom as political prisoners,

and for the redress of the injustices and other violations of our political and human rights,

that we, victims of continuing arbitrary and unjust political imprisonment, have long been

made to suffer in our country -- much like what you have also seen and were pained about

in your home country, Argentina.

We also hope a lot that in looking at the very reason why we were placed and

continue to be confined behind iron bars, you will also be able to learn more deeply the dire

situation of the deprived, impoverished and oppressed mass of the people -- not only in the

areas devastated by Supertyphoon Yolanda, but throughout the country -- in whose interest

we have been struggling for and continue to be devoted to for the attainment of

fundamental political and social changes for the betterment of their lives and of the whole

of our society.

50

We continue to fervently hope for your valued support and for, indeed, the great help

of your intercession in our situation and in that of the suffering mass of our people.

Political Prisoners (in Metro Manila jails)

IN CAMP CRAME

Benito Tiamson Wilma Austria-Tiamson Dionisio Almonte Renante Gamara Eduardo Serrano Gloria Pitargue-Almonte Ramon Argente Joel E. Enano Arlene Panea Rex G. Villaflor

IN CAMP BAGONG DIWA

Tirso Alcantara Emeterio Antalan Leopoldo Caloza Alan Jazmines Loida Magpatoc Jesus Abetria Jr. Modesto Araza Alex Arias Cesar Balmaceda Gemma Carag Eddie Cruz Philip Enteria Marissa Espedido Voltaire Guray Fidel Holanda Eduard Lansana Pastora Latagan Rolando Laylo Evelyn Legaspi Eliseo Lopez Alberto Macasinag

Jared Morales Denis Ortiz Rhea Pareja Miguela Piñero Hermogenes Reyes Jr. Andrea Rosal Felicardo Salamat Aristides Sarmiento Antonio Satumba Elmer Torres Ma. Miradel Torres Cirilo Verdan

IN NEW BILIBID PRISON

Eduardo Sarmiento Alberto Acerben Jesus Alegre Rodel Caballero Marcial Dosmanos Sandino Esguerra Arnilo Gaviola Generoso Granado Romeo Lareno Sony Marbella Alfredo Montajes Arturo Pangilinan Rolando Pañamogan Gerardo dela Peña Joel Ramada Lamberto Santiago Victor Segura Ricardo Solangon Danilo Soniscio Francis Versora Calixto Vistal

cf: Archbishop Guiseppe Pinto, Papal Nuncio to the Philippines

Philippine Ecumenical Peace Platform

Office of the President of the Philippines

National Democratic Front of the Philippines peace panel

51

MORE IRONIES AND TORMENTS AS ANOTHER SAD AND OPPRESSIVE

YEAR ENDS

Indigenous People's Coordinator of the Diocese of Infanta, Fr. Pete Montallana's letter

to the editor, titled "An Irony and Emotional Torment Many Times Over", that came out in

the December 15 issue of the Philippine Daily Inquirer, voiced out his alarm over so many

ongoing cases of the most vulnerable innocent poor people, including indigenous peoples,

being victimized by arbitrary detention and other acts of violence by reactionary state forces,

and for years not being able to attain justice.

One of many such cases we have with us at the Special Intensive Care Area (SICA) Jail,

here in Camp Bagong Diwa, and many, many more in other jails in the country, is that of a

native Dumagat, Eddie Cruz, whose family and fellow tribals have long been living in their

ancestral domain around one of the mountain peaks overlooking the Wawa Dam.

Since 2005, Eddie Cruz has been an official employee of the Montalban Tourism Office under

the Montalban Municipality, where he had been working as a regular tourist guide.

At 3 p.m. of June 10, 2010, led by a Lt. Lopez, a platoon of the Bravo Company of the 16th

Infantry Battalion (16th IB) arrived at Sitio Tuay, Barangay San Rafael, Montalban, Rizal.

In implementation of and as usually practiced in their Oplan Bayanihan "counter-

insurgency" program in the countryside, the government soldiers encamped in the two-hut

residence there of Eddie Cruz' family.

Obliged to give way to the government soldiers who took over their residence, the

family had to send the children out of the area for their well-being and safety. Obliged to be

the principal host as the family's principal income-earner, Eddie Cruz had to remain in the

hut where he resides, and, assisted by an uncle and a cousin of his, arrange for the

accomodation of the government soldiers in the family's two huts. After the government

soldiers were fed the family's supper, they divided their numbers with the intent of spending

the night and the next several days in the two huts.

At 11 p.m., the government soldiers heard hollers, coming from the upward bend of

the dirt road leading to the residence of his family. At once, the government soldiers

suspected that those hollering were New People's Army (NPA) fighters, apprehensively

passed around the warning "May kaaway!" ("There are enemies!"), and immediately started

firing in the direction of where the hollers came from. After an hour or so, and no shots were

fired back at the government soldiers, they manuevered to search the area for the "kaaway."

Finding none --as those who were fired at had scampered away -- the returning

government soldiers hog-tied, blindfolded, and beat up Eddie Cruz, insisting that he knows

that those hollering are NPA forces and that they are hollering for him. His pockets were

searched for whatever. All his money kept there, worth about P3,000, were "confiscated". His

identification cards, including that of his being a regular employee (as a tourist guide) of the

Montalban Tourism Office, were also taken from his wallet and burned to ashes.

52

He was brought 30 minutes away, to the Wawa Dam mountain peak atop their

residence, and then more brutally beaten up with fists and rifle butts, until he lost

unconsciousness.

After having been held for three days where the government soldiers camped at the

mountain peak, he was brought to the 16th IB camp in Baras, Rizal, and there detained for

three days, all the time with his hands tied at his back. He was then brought to the Taytay

Police Station for booking, and then to the Taytay Provincial Prosecutor for inquest. The

arresting forces filed trumped-up charges of "illegal possession of firearms, ammunitions and

explosives" against him (he was purportedly carrying an M16 armalite and also purportedly

had a rifle grenade in his pocket when he was arrested). He was then returned to the 16th IB

camp, held there for two more months, until he was transferred to Camp Capinpin in Brgy.

Sampaloc, Tanay, Rizal, where he was detained for another three days. After the 16th IB

finally, even if already much belatedly and illegally, had obtained an official court order for

his detention, he was transferred to a regular jail -- at the Montalban District Jail -- where he

was confined for nine days.

The Montalban District Jail authorities were concerned that too many -- relatives,

friends and co-employees at the Montalban Municipal Office -- were visiting Eddie Cruz in

jail every day, and that, moreover, he is personally acquianted with practically all the people

living in the community around the Montalban District Jail. Thus, he was again transferred,

on August 28, 2010, to a detention center for "high risk detainees" -- at the Special Intensive

Care Area (SICA) Jail, here in Camp Bagong Diwa, Taguig City, where he has since been

detained for more than four years now.

Initially, even while in jail, Eddie Cruz continued to receive his salary from the

Montalban Municipality. But in March 2011, the head of the Montalban Tourism Office,

Municipal Councillor Rolando Hernandez, attended a court hearing of Eddie Cruz to explain

to the latter that, because he can no longer perform his tasks for the Montalban Tourism

Office, the payment of his salary will temporarily be suspended, but, since he is indeed a

regular employee of the office, will automatically be resumed as soon as he is freed and able

to function again in his previous work as a regular tourist guide.

Following this, the Mayor, Vice-mayor and the entire Sangguniang Bayan of

Montalban wrote an official attestation about Eddie Cruz' being a regular employee in good

standing in their municipality, and about their disbelief about the accusations his arrestors

made against him. They send a copy of their letter to the Office of the President, which also

made inquiries about Eddie Cruz' case. None of these has yet received any reply.

Under detention, Eddie Cruz has been suffering not only the very, very slow crawl of

justice, for which the Philippines is one of the most notorious -- if not actually the worst -- in

the world. He has also been further suffering the many, many failures of the jail authorities

to bring him to scheduled court hearings. Since court hearings in his trumped-up case started

in July 14, 2010, jail authorities have not brought him to court for 15 scheduled court

hearings. The failure to do so have all been intentional -- with the jail authorities absurdly

claiming that Eddie Cruz is a high risk political detainee, and that there is always the risk of

his escaping en route to and from his court hearings.

53

Eddie Cruz is only one of presently some 500 national minorities -- mostly Moros -- at

the SICA 1 and SICA 2 Jail here.

Eddie Cruz is only one of presently some 500 of us, documented political prisoners in

the country, practically all of whom are similarly also victims of trumped-up criminalized

charges, in violation of the landmark Hernandez Doctrine, to viciously justify their arbitrary

and illegal arrest and continuing detention. (Still ongoing are the documentations of some

300 more presently detained at the SICA 2 Jail here -- mostly also national minorities, who

have been accused of taking part in the Zamboanga City stand-off of the Moro National

Liberation Front -- including about 70 innocent civilian community residents in the stand-

off area.)

In the meantime, Eddie Cruz has unjustly and cruelly been suffering continuing

arbitrary and illegal detention, and many other violations of his legal and human rights for

four and a half years now... and counting.

The long-ongoing persecution of indigenous peoples in our country today parallels the

evil persecution of innocent natives in the colonies of the Roman Empire some 2000 years

ago. Today's "Holy Innocents Day", December 28, is a recollection of such evil persecution,

victimizing especially the children of the natives in the Middle East.

Unless all the intentional evil wrongdoings of the present ruling state's powers that be

are not rectified soonest, for Eddie Cruz, and others like him wrongly arrested and detained

indigenous peoples, and like the rest of us -- about 800 other political prisoners in the country

today -- there will be no Happy New Year at all for all of us.

Alan Jazmines

Emeterio Antalan

Leopoldo Caloza

Loida Magpatoc

Tirso Alcantara

National Democratic Front of the Philippines peace consultants detained at Camp Bagong

Diwa, Bicutan, Taguig City

(28 December 2014)

54

INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE OF

PEOPLES’ STRUGGLES STATEMENTS

Jose Maria Sison

PINGKIAN: e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education Volume # Number #

55

ILPS CONDEMNS US VILIFICATION OF VENEZUELA, SUPPORTS VENEZUELAN PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT

Prof. Jose Maria Sison Chairperson

International League of Peoples' Struggle

March 18, 2015

We, the International League of Peoples’ Struggle, condemn as a brazen violation of

the national sovereignty of the Venezuelan people the US vilification of the Bolivarian

Republic of Venezuela as a “national security threat” to the US and the US sanctions on seven

officials of the Venezuelan government.

US imperialism is the one being hostile to and threatening Venezuela. It is intervening

and interfering in the internal affairs of Venezuela. US instrumentalities and the local

reactionary forces manipulate the economic and political situation in order to sow social

disorder and seek the overthrow of the democratically elected officials of the Bolivarian and

Chavista government of Venezuela headed by President Nicolas Maduro.

We demand that the US revoke its unjust and malicious misrepresentation of

Venezuela as a “national security threat” to the US, end the sanctions it has imposed on

Venezuelan officials and stop directing and funding local reactionary forces to carry out

provocations and fabricate charges of human rights violations.

The Venezuelan people and their government have the sovereign right to adopt all

necessary and timely measures to defend themselves from the attempts of US imperialism

and its reactionary agents to violate the national independence and socialist aspirations of

Venezuela and reverse all the advances made by the people towards national and social

liberation.

We the ILPS support the just cause of the Venezuelan people and government against

US imperialism and the reactionary forces . In this regard, we call on all our global regional

committees, national chapters and member-organizations of the ILPS to undertake

information campaigns and protest actions in preparation for bigger mass actions in concert

with those to be held on a global scale on April 19.

We have a full month ahead to arouse, organize and mobilize the people within our

reach in order to maximize our participation in the World Great Day of Solidarity with

Venezuela and Condemnation of US Intervention on April 19, with the slogan “Peoples of the

World United on Venezuela.###

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WE STAND WITH THE VENEZUELAN PEOPLE AGAINST US IMPERIALIST

AGGRESSION March 18, 2015

The Philippines Chapter of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS-Phils)

stands with the Venezuelan people and their Bolivarian Republic represented by the

government of President Nicolas Maduro in condemning the United States for maligning

Venezuela as a “national security threat”.

The US has made a claim but does not substantiate, it has made an allegation yet offers

no indubitable proof.

We demand that the order be immediately revoked and for the US to desist from

making wild and unfounded accusations.

The government of President Barack Obama has issued a “National Emergency”

declaring Venezuela as a so-called “threat to its national security” (Executive Order, 03-09-

2015). This declaration is a violation of basic principles of sovereignty under international

laws. It paves the way for an escalation of US imperialist intervention and aggression on the

peoples of Venezuela and the region.

It does not contribute at all to peace and democracy for the Latin American and

Caribbean peoples. Neither does it benefit the people of the United States of America. On the

contrary, it only heightens the conflicts, unrest, destabilization and anti-people offensives for

desperate imperialist domination.

The Venezuelan people have consistently fought back imperialism and dared to take

over their resources and serve their own social needs and national interests under the banner

of the Bolivarian revolution. We support this great social and historic transformation.

For over a decade, from 2002 to 2015, the US has made repeated attempts to regain

its foothold in Venezuela. Again and again, it failed. Now the US finds itself even more

isolated.

All 11-member countries of all ALBA integration bloc, all 12-member states of the

Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), and all 33 nations of the Community of Latin

American and Caribbean States (CELAC) condemn the US action. The Movement of Non-

Aligned Countries (MNOAL) as well as governments, parties and movements from around

the world condemn the US aggressions against Venezuela.

The Filipino people add their voice to this just and reasonable demand: Stop US

imperialist aggression on Venezuela!

Long live the Bolivarian revolution! Long live international solidarity!###

http://ilps-phils.com/we-stand-with-the-venezuelan-people-against-us-imperialist-aggression/

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DEFEND THE RIGHT TO STRIKE AGAINST CAPITALIST ATTACKS February 21, 2015

In the strongest possible terms we denounce the move of the Employers Group (EG)

in the Committee of Application of Standards (CAS) of the International Labor Organization

that denied and challenged the right to strike in ILO Convention 87 on Freedom of

Association and Protection of the Right to Organize. The EG claimed that the absence of any

explicit reference to right to strike on the ILO C87 must be interpreted as without a right to

strike.

This move plays on words, and in one blow, kills outright the workers right to

strike. This is an insidious attack right inside the ILO and a grave abuse of its tripartite

mechanisms to settle disputes. The ILO itself should strike down the EG attack.

The Workers Group in the ILO is right to seek advisory opinion from the International

Court of Justice to settle the issue. However, true to its capitalist interests, this was blocked

by the EG and some governments. A tripartite meeting to discuss this issue is set on 23-25

February 2015.

We say enough of talk shops. Even as we dialogue, bullets have been fired on striking

workers in the Philippines resulting in mass slaughter right inside Hacienda Luisita owned

by the family of the incumbent Philippine President Benigno Aquino III. We cannot dialogue

with bullets.

The Philippine Government has formally ratified ILO C87. The Labor Code, however,

particularly the provisions on Assumption of Jurisdiction (AJ) that gives power to the

Secretary of Labor and the President to use police and/or military force to dismantle workers

strike in industries deemed “indispensable to national interest” has already undermined

workers right to strike and right to freely associate in Aquino’s presidency — from mother to

son — and all presidencies in between.

Hence, as we call for the defense of the right to strike by the workers themselves, we

are calling for regime change and genuine systems change to liberate the country from all

forms of exploitation and oppression.###

http://ilps-phils.com/defend-the-right-to-strike-against-capitalist-attacks

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BEST EXIT PLAN FOR AQUINO IS TO RESIGN February 20, 2015

February 25 is not only the anniversary of EDSA 1. It is a full month after the

Mamasapano fiasco. The families of victims are still demanding justice. Many questions

remain unanswered. The US government can no longer lie about its role on Operation

Wolverine/Exodus. Pres. Aquino can no longer deny his criminal accountability in the

operations as the commander-in-chief and as head of state. His best exit plan is to resign.

We flatly reject a “joint council” with Aquino as one of the alleged exit plans being

devised by Malacanang in the face of the growing people’s movement for his resignation.

We join the people in conducting their own “public hearings” today in Plaza

Miranda. We enjoin the broad masses on February 25 to mobilize from Camp Crame to the

EDSA Shrine to press for Aquino’s resignation.

We call for direct political actions by the people on the streets from February 25 and

onwards, in all major cities in the country and with our compatriots abroad, including OFW’s

who have just remitted $26.93-billion last year.

Truth and accountability for the people is rendered impossible by the US-Aquino

regime. Peace and justice for the nation, including the Moro people, can only be achieved

without US intervention and Aquino’s subservience to foreign interests. Imperialist dictates

have aggravated poverty, inequality and injustice in the country.

We do not need the US to advise Aquino to “cut and cut cleanly” as Sen. Paul Laxalt

under Reagan did to Marcos in 1986. Just withdraw your support and keep out, we say to the

Obama administration.

It is time to transit, to transform and move forward with a leadership without Aquino

and his ilk. We are for regime change, and for genuine systems change for the Filipino

people.###

http://ilps-phils.com/best-exit-plan-for-aquino-is-to-resign/

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ILPS WELCOMES RELEASE OF ALL CUBAN 5 AND NORMALIZATION OF

US-CUBA RELATIONS

Prof. Jose Maria Sison Chairperson

International League of Peoples' Struggle

December 22, 2014

We, the International League of Peoples’ Struggle, share with the Cuban people and

their leadership the great joy of celebrating the release of the remaining 3 of the Cuban 5 and

the return of all these anti-terrorist heroes to their homeland. We demanded their freedom

for a long time and we are elated that they are free. They were unjustly imprisoned in the US

for more than 16 years.

We also welcome the decision of the Cuban and US governments to reestablish

diplomatic relations and to work for their normalization. It is the prerogative of any

independent state, be it socialist or not, to establish and develop normal diplomatic and trade

relations with other countries, irrespective of ideology or social system. We demand the

immediate and complete lifting of the economic, commercial and financial blockade that the

US has imposed on Cuba for more than 50 years.

It is a great victory for the Cuban people and their leadership that because of their

protracted revolutionary struggle against imperialism the US government has finally

admitted the failure of its policy of hostility and blockade. We share with all the peoples,

forces and movements in solidarity with the Cuban people the joy in celebrating such historic

victory.

We have confidence that the Cuban people and their leadership will continue to

uphold, defend and promote their national sovereignty and independence and their socialist

ideals. We continue to stand in solidarity with them and support them in fending off attempts

of the US to demand the unbridled license of US corporations, agencies and imperialist-

funded NGOs in exchange for the lifting of the blockade. There are indeed risks and dangers

to reckon with.

History has shown that revolutionary states can maintain their independence, their

own principles and social system, even as they have normal diplomatic and trade relations

with other states of whatever ideology and social system. The Cuban people have their firm

revolutionary principles, historical experience and continuing revolutionary will, vigilance

and militancy to be able to counter any trap or trick of the imperialists and their reactionary

agents.###

http://ilps-phils.com/ilps-welcomes-release-of-all-cuban-5-and-normalization-of-us-cuba-relations/

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CONDEMN THE MASSACRE IN WEST PAPUA — ILPS-PHILS December 15, 2014

MANILA. The Philippines Chapter of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle

(ILPS-Phils) strongly condemns the Jokowi government of Indonesia and its military

occupation of West Papua for the massacre of protesting high school students last week.

Five high school student — Alpius Youw, Alpius Gobai, Saday Yeimo, Simon Degei and

Yulian Yeimo — aged 17 to 18, died in Paniai, Enarotali, West Papua after state forces shot at

a crowd of about 800 Papuans. At least 17 civilians were wounded, including women and

children.

The latest protest in West Papua was sparked by tensions between troops and local

residents, including children setting up Christmas decorations, ending with a 12-year-old boy

being beaten by soldiers. Earlier, Papuan activists have also scuffled with government troops

during a rally marking the 53rd anniversary of the Free Papua Movement in Jakarta on

December 1.

The most recent shooting is “one of hundreds” of rights-abuse cases documented by

Human Rights Watch over the past 15 years in the Papua region

ILPS-Phils Chair Elmer Labog said that “the killings are now in the hands of new

Indonesian President Joko Widodo, also known as Jokowi. His election victory was recently

congratulated by Philippine Pres. Benigno Aquino. We hold them both accountable for

bloody militarization, human rights abuses, and economic inequality.”

The ILPS-Phils likened the massacre in West Papua to the militarization of rural

communities such as in Didipio, Nueva Vizcaya, north of Manila, where at least 15 have been

killed at the site of mining giant OceanaGold.

The Papuan people have been protesting against the mega-project Merauke Integrated

Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) covering 1.2 million hectares. Aside from MIFEE, the

Indonesia government also protects big mining companies like the Freeport Gold Mining

which has been operating in Papua for decades.

The Papua region, which has some of the world’s largest copper and gold mines, is the

only remaining area with an armed separatist movement in Indonesia. East Timor voted for

independence in 1999 and Aceh rebels reached a peace deal with Jakarta in 2005.

The U.N. Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch

(HRW) and Amnesty International called for an independent investigation into the deadly

shooting.###

http://ilps-phils.com/condemn-the-massacre-in-west-papua-ilps-phils/

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ON BONIFACIO DAY 2014: THE FILIPINO WORKING CLASS IS ON THE

RISE November 30, 2014

The Philippines Chapter of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS-Phils)

hails the Filipino toiling masses on the 151st celebration of the birth of Gat Andres Bonifacio.

The working class struggle in the Philippines remains stronger than ever. We are ever more

inspired by the revolutionary fire of Bonifacio and the historic lessons of revolutions around

the world.

The Aquino-Cojuangco clan belongs to the elite which served the old colonialists

against the masses. The treachery of the cacique landed gentry and the modern-day

carpetbaggers is represented today by the US-Aquino government. It has, in reality, wrought

havoc on the rich resources and exploited the working masses of the Philippines.

The Western colonial powers used to carve Asia for themselves. Today, US imperialism

is pivoting into the region with its “full-spectrum” dominance. The conquista is replaced by

today’s Oplan Bayanihan of state violence in the Philippines. Agro-corporations, foreign

mining companies, power, telecoms, utilities, urban real estate and banks cash in.

The image of Bonifacio is still minted on our 10-peso coin. But the fiat money has no

real value. The peso is still tied to another fiat, the overprinted US dollar. Just last year, by

the blood and sweat of the working masses, we have exported $56.7-B worth in trade but

imported $62.4-B. The country is still saddled by $59.5-B in foreign debt. Foreign direct

investments trickled by only $3.86-B while remittances of about $25-B (2013) from OFWs

fuel the economy.

Modern-day Bonifacios are in the frontlines of the struggle – economic, political and

socio-cultural. Revolutionary ideas continue to drive the masses forward. Not only farmers

and workers are going on strike but students, teachers, health workers and government

employees are rising up in revolt. They strike not only against policies but on the oppressive

structures of the ruling system itself.

Labor leaders like Ka Bert Olalia, Lando Olalia and Crispin “Ka Bel” Beltran have long

been acknowledged as our heroes like Bonifacio. Their names are now engraved at the

Bantayog ng mga Bayani. Moreover, their revolutionary spirit lives in the hearts of the

militant Filipinos of today.

US imperialism and the Obama-Aquino governments are in for tough times ahead.

They have promised change but brought inequality, injustice and wars. The Filipino people

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would indict them soon. This time, the Bonifacio trials would have a different ending. The

Filipino working class is fit to lead and win the Philippine revolution.###

http://ilps-phils.com/on-bonifacio-day-2014-the-filipino-working-class-is-on-the-rise/

FIGHT AGAINST IMPERIALIST EXPLOITATION! November 20, 2014

The local chapter of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS-Phils)

congratulates the All Workers Unity in the nationwide walkout for a national minimum wage.

Your demand for a P16,000 minimum national wage could provide the much-needed

immediate relief for workers and their families. It consolidates your unity for further

victories.

In your nationwide walkout, you are confronting not only the capitalists’ chambers but

Pres. Aquino himself who recently met with top business leaders in Singapore. The 2015

World Review of The Economist took his side of the economic “growth”. By your actions, you

are presenting the other side of the story.

In the Philippines, there has been no national minimum wage since 1989, from Pres.

Corazon Aquino to her son Pres. Benigno Aquino III, even as the US has increased its national

minimum wage this year from $7.25 to $10.10 an hour ($1,600/month on a 40-hour

workweek). Filipino labour receives just about a tenth of that.

Capitalism profits from the ever-increasing exploitation of labour by depressing

wages. The use of much cheaper labour from foreign workers is intrinsic in the world

monopoly capitalist system. It is this system that impoverishes the Filipino working masses

and the oppressed peoples of the world. In the most recent crises, they are the first to bear

job losses and social cutbacks while private corporations and banks receive capitalist state

bailouts. With flexible labour imposed under neoliberal policies, trade unions are under

severe attack. Miserable working and living conditions have worsened.

The daily minimum wage in Manila is P446 ($10.34) or just $1.29/hour (at 45.071

exchange rate). More regions are way below this and over 10 million wage and salary workers

in the Philippines are directly suffering from starvation wages. This is just around the poverty

threshold set by the World Bank for the UN’s millennium development goals until 2015.

It is not enough to demand an “inclusive” growth from the 7-8 per cent annual growth

that the Aquino government is boasting before world leaders. It is illusory to have

“competitive” wages with other countries and tied only to “productivity” under capitalist

terms. Worker’s wages are better addressed by workers breaking free with their peoples from

the exploitative system of imperialism.

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We are in solidarity with your struggles.###

http://ilps-phils.com/fight-against-imperialist-exploitation/

US-AQUINO REGIME’S MILITARIZATION OF CHILDREN’S SCHOOLS

SCORED November 10, 2014

MANILA. The Philippines Chapter of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle

(ILPS-Phils) scored the US-backed counter-insurgency Oplan Bayanihan being implemented

by the Aquino government and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) as Lumad children

from Mindanao picket the AFP general headquarters against continuing military attacks in

schools.

In October, elements of the Alpha Company of the 68th IB and its paramilitary group

Alamara on several instances fired upon schools in Sitios Lasakan and Nasilaban, Talaingod,

Davao del Norte. The firing sprees lasted for around 15 minutes, occurred in early dawn and

a few hours apart for days. The violations documented by the Salugpungan Ta Tanu

Igkanugon Community Learning Center (Unity in Defense of Ancestral Land, STTICLC)

include encampment in schools, labelling teachers, administrators, parents, and students as

New People’s Army (NPA) rebels, interrogating them, psy-war operations, and ransacking

and destruction of their houses, panubaran prayer and healing sites) classrooms, and school

structures and property.

The STTICLC maintains 11 community-based schools in Southern Mindanao,

providing free education for the Lumad youth. They are victims of grave child’s rights

violations worsening since 2010 under Oplan Bayanihan committed by elements of 60th and

68th Infantry Battalions of the Philippine Army.

There are 146 Lumad community learning schools in rural areas in the provinces

covering Agusan del Sur, Agusan del Norte, Surigao del Sur, Surigao del Norte, Davao del

Norte, North Cotabato, Compostela Valley, Davao Oriental, Bukidnon and Sarangani. Most

have reported violations by the military. Thirty-nine (39) cases of military attacks on schools

have been documented by Children’s Rehabilitation Center in the areas of southern

Mindanao alone. There are 55 combat battalions of the Philippine Army deployed in different

parts of Mindanao targetting mountain communities. Their operations follow the Counter-

Insurgency (COIN) guide of the United States now pivoting into Asia and had an Enhanced

Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with the Philippine government.

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The Aquino government issued Department of Education Memorandum 221, series of

2013, adopting guidelines written by the AFP allowing the presence of military elements, even

armed soldiers, within and near schools in the guise of “civil military operations.”

The ILPS-Phils demands the Memorandum rescinded and that all combat battalions

of the Philippine Army be pulled-out from schools and mountain communities. It urges the

Aquino government to respect the rights of children as shown by the National Democratic

Front of the Philippines (NDFP). It calls on the international community to support the

Philippine struggle against the US-Aquino regime and its Oplan Bayanihan.###

http://ilps-phils.com/us-aquino-regimes-militarization-of-childrens-schools-scored/

ILPS-PHILS WELCOMES INTERNATIONAL PROBE ON WOMEN

TRAFFICKING OF HAIYAN VICTIMS November 3, 2014

MANILA. The local affiliate of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle in the

Philippines (ILPS-Phils) welcomes an international fact finding-mission convened by

women’s group GABRIELA to investigate alleged trafficking and prostitution of women

victims of typhoon Haiyan victims in Leyte.

The mission includes participants from the United States and Asia, as well as One

Billion Rising (OBR) Global Director Monique Wilson.

Government raids on at least three dens in the past year yielded women-victims of sex-

trafficking from typhoon-stricken areas of Eastern Visayas.

Despite official aid from foreign governments and donations from various

organizations, the Aquino government has failed to rehabilitate the typhoon victims

especially women and children. This is a full year into its so-called relief and rehabilitation

efforts.

The international Mission will join a National Conference of Disaster Victims

on November 6 and a protest demonstration of disaster victims on November 8.

They are critical of Aquino’s public-private partnership (PPP) programs dictated by

international creditors for the worsening problem of food security, economic difficulties and

disaster vulnerability in the country.

At the tail-end of Aquino’s presidential term, it received a new $300-million Third

Development Policy Loan (DPL 3) from Washington-based World Bank. It intends to

strengthen priority public investment implementation, reducing the cost of doing business,

fiscal stability, revenue mobilization and risk management for “inclusive growth”.

The women victims of trafficking and white slavery from disaster areas hope to air

their grievances and demands before the international mission and conference.###

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http://ilps-phils.com/ilps-phils-welcomes-international-probe-on-women-trafficking-of-haiyan-victims/

WE CONGRATULATE THE VICTORY OF BOLIVIAN PRESIDENT EVO

MORALES October 15, 2014

The Philippine chapter of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle warmly

congratulates President Evo Morales for his third term in Bolivia’s recent democratic

elections. He secured nearly 60% of the votes, a clear majority of the Bolivian people.

His win is also a victory for the ideals of Cuba’s ex-President Fidel Castro and the late

Venezuelan President, Hugo Chavez. As he himself said, “This win is a triumph for anti-

imperialists and anti-colonialists.”

The ILPS-Philippines trusts that President Morales will be able to continue his

excellent leadership of his people and for the consolidation of the Bolivarian alliance in the

region.

Under Morales’ term the number of Bolivians living in absolute poverty was reduced.

He delivered economic growth of more than 5 percent a year. Under his leadership, the

Bolivian people achieved in just nine years what they could not achieve for decades under

US-backed regimes.

As the country’s first indigenous leader, he is truly loved by the people, especially in

his homeland of Cochabamba in central Bolivia. Much of his ancestry came from the Aymara

people in the Andes and Altiplano regions once oppressed by colonialism and by US

imperialism.

Today, we stand with you as you fight and defend for your independence against US

imperialism and resolutely march forward in socialism.

Mabuhay! (Long Live!)

Long live the Bolivarian unity!

Long live international solidarity! ###

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http://ilps-phils.com/we-congratulate-the-victory-of-bolivian-president-evo-morales/

MESSAGE OF SOLIDARITY TO THE HONG KONG PEOPLE October 1, 2014

The International League of Peoples Struggle (ILPS) – Hong Kong and Macau chapter

extends our most militant greetings of solidarity to the people of Hong Kong who have been

asserting their democratic rights.

The militancy and bravery, especially of the young people, are most commendable.

The commitment of the people of Hong Kong for their democratic struggles against the

monopoly of the few on the politics and economy of Hong Kong has been shown through the

years; and, in the last few days, has been very much witnessed by the international

community.

We are one with the formations in Hong Kong and elsewhere who deplore the brutality

of the Hong Kong Police. The excessive force used – repeated rounds of tear gas and

unscrupulous use of pepper spray to disperse protesters – is extremely harsh and uncalled

for. Instead of listening to the demand of the students who initiated the action for a dialogue,

the protesters were met with repression.

The brutality shown with permission from the Hong Kong authorities has only

escalated the indignation of the Hong Kong people who continue to gather in swelling

numbers in major streets and commercial areas of Hong Kong.

It is very well for people of Hong Kong to stand up and defend their democratic rights

to assembly and to speak.

We urge the authorities to look into the violence perpetrated against the protesters

during the actions over the weekend. As the people’s action continues, the right to gather and

express must be fully recognized.

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We join the international call for the China government to work with the people in

Hong Kong towards the realization of the political reforms agreed on almost two decades ago

when the city was handed back to China under a “one country, two systems” arrangement.

We hope that other foreign powers in the world will respect this process.

The desire for the democratic aspirations of the people of Hong Kong must be

respected, while vigilance is maintained that the political and economic reforms serve the

interest of the majority of the people of Hong Kong and not of the few rich, elite, and

multinational businesses.

Uphold the democratic rights of the people!

Long live the people of Hongkong!

Long live international solidarity! ###

http://ilps-phils.com/message-of-solidarity-to-the-hong-kong-people/

ON THE HONG KONG MASS PROTESTS AND RELATED MATTERS

Prof. Jose Maria Sison Chairperson

International League of Peoples' Struggle

October 1, 2014

1. We, the International League of Peoples’ Struggle, support the Hong Kong people in

upholding and exercising their democratic rights. We condemn the police brutality

applied by the Hong Kong authorities to suppress the people’s right to assemble and

speak freely. We are aware that both the Beijing and Hong Kong authorities are

anxious to end the mass protests for fear that these are likely to embolden similar

mass protests in mainland China, especially because of the Tiananmen massacre in

1989 and the current deteriorating economic and social conditions.

2. We recognize that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HK SAR) is a

territory of the unitary state of the People’s Republic of China. Since the British state

gave up its colonial authority over Hong Kong in 1997, the Chinese government has

applied a policy of “one country, two systems” relative to HK SAR and allowed this

part of China a high degree of autonomy. The Chinese government, the Hong Kong

authorities and the Hong Kong people must peacefully and amicably settle what

reforms are to be made and at what pace for their common benefit.

3. It is in accordance with China’s national sovereignty and in the interest of the Chinese

people, to harmonize the interests of the Chinese nation and the central government,

the Hong Kong SAR and the Hong Kong people. We believe that it is an internal matter

for China that the aforesaid interests are harmonized in a just, peaceful and

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democratic process. Among the protesting people in Hong Kong are patriotic and

progressive forces. But there are also some agents of the US and UK and the pro-US

and pro-UK section of the Chinese big bourgeoisie.

4. We condemn the long-running and current scheme of the US and UK governments to

undermine and subvert the national sovereignty of China and to cause turmoil in HK

SAR for the purpose of serving the interests of the US and UK and their Chinese agents,

including the section of the Chinese big bourgeoisie that is closest to US and UK

imperialist interests, the Chinese assets of US and UK intelligence services and the

Chinese NGO operatives funded by the US National Endowment for Democracy and

the National Democratic Institute.

5. Having become a capitalist country, China has engaged in what has been

euphemistically called “economic liberalization” (meaning to say, capitalist reforms

and opening up to the world capitalist system). It has generated within China a

powerful fifth column, consisting of sections of the Chinese big bourgeoisie and

intelligentsia who are closest to US imperialist interests, who have long demanded

“political liberalization” in consonance with “economic liberalization” and who have

ridiculed the use of the communist flag and occasional invocation of socialism to

justify what has been called by the bourgeois press as “capitalist authoritarianism”.

6. In the ongoing US strategic pivot to East Asia, the US is employing the full spectrum

of its power to contain and press China to undertake political liberalization (reforms

towards bourgeois democracy and casting away the communist pretense) and further

economic liberalization (further reduction of state intervention in the market and

further privatization of its state-owned enterprises). The full spectrum of US power

being applied includes the increase of US military bases and shows of force around

China, economic and trade demands at the expense of China, bilateral and multilateral

US diplomacy, pro-US indoctrination of the Chinese intelligentsia, US funding for

Chinese NGOs and incitement of mass protests against the Chinese rulers.

7. The US seeks to restrain and discourage China from teaming up with Russia as the

leading members of the BRICS Bloc and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and

from undertaking projects like the BRICS Bank, the use of currencies other than the

US dollar in energy transactions and the Sino-Russian cross border trade in energy

and manufactures. The US is desperately trying to maintain the delusion of being the

sole superpower and reverse the reality of a multipolar world and the intensifying

struggle of the capitalist powers to redivide the world as a result of the protracted

worsening crisis of global capitalism, the decline of the US and the economic rise of

China and Russia.

8. In considering the growing contradictions between the US and China or Russia or

both, we have seen US imperialism as the unjust and anti-people side for engaging in

the most wanton plunder of human and natural resources under neoliberalism,

unleashing of the most brutal wars of aggression and undertaking all kinds of

intervention to violate the national sovereignty and democratic rights of peoples

throughout the world. We are concerned that the US is stirring up trouble in the name

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of promoting democracy at the expense of Chinese national sovereignty just as the US

has stirred up trouble in the name of democracy in Ukraine in order to vilify and

impose sanctions on Russia. The US cannot pose as “human rights champion”,

especially at this time when the people of the world are outraged by the brutality of its

own homeland police-state forces.

9. We caution China against encroaching on the territorial seas, exclusive economic

zones and extended continental shelves of Southeast Asian countries under the UN

Convention on the Law of the Sea. At the same time, we consider that China has the

right over the Daoyu islands against the baseless claims of Japan. In any case, we

condemn all the attempts of the US to use the maritime disputes in East Asia to justify

its military presence in the region and impose its hegemony over the countries and

peoples of East Asia. The most rabid US puppets in letting the US further entrench

itself militarily in East Asia for the purpose of containing China are the Philippine and

Japanese governments in Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia, respectively.

10. In this statement, we have put the current mass protests in HK SAR in a context wide

enough to show the complexity of factors and conditions that we should take into

account. When large masses of people rise up to protest and make demands, there are

serious matters to discuss and settle by those most concerned. We hope that in due

course the current Hong Kong crisis can be settled in a just and reasonable way for the

common good of all those concerned and that the imperialist interlopers and their

agents are prevented from having their way. ###

http://ilps-phils.com/on-the-hong-kong-mass-protests-and-related-matters/

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NEW YEAR ADDRESS

Kim Jong Un

Dear comrades!

Having seen out 2014, a year in which we clearly demonstrated the spirit and might of

the great DPRK that advances by leaps and bounds with confidence in victory, we are seeing

in the hope-filled new year 2015.

Reflecting the boundless loyalty of all the service personnel and people, I would like to

pay the highest tribute and offer New Year greetings to President Kim Il Sung and General

Kim Jong Il, the eternal leaders of our people and the sun of Juche.

I extend New Year greetings to the service personnel and people who are striving with

devotion for the dignity and prosperity of the country with revolutionary faith and patriotic

enthusiasm, and I wish the families throughout the country would overflow with warm

affection and our lovely children would have a brighter future.

My New Year greetings go also to the compatriots in the south and abroad who are

fighting for national concord and reunification and to the progressive peoples of the world

and other foreign friends who aspire after independence and peace.

Last year was a year of brilliant triumph in which the foundations for hastening final

victory on all fronts of building a thriving nation were consolidated firmly and the invincible

might of the DPRK was demonstrated under the leadership of the Party.

Last year the harmonious whole of the Party and the masses of the people was

solidified and the purity and might of the revolutionary ranks strengthened.

The ardent yearning of our service personnel and people for the President and the

General became intenser as the days went by and they fully manifested their passionate

loyalty and pure sense of moral obligation to translate into reality the great leaders’ plans and

wishes. Our Party’s politics of love for the people and younger generation and its policy of

attaching importance to science and education were embodied in reality and thereby the

people’s trust in the Party deepened and our single-hearted unity hardened. Amid the drive

for carrying on education in revolutionary traditions through the study tour of the

revolutionary battle sites in the Mt. Paektu area, the entire army and the whole society came

to pulsate with the spirit and mettle of Paektu and bubble with the conviction and will to carry

through the sacred revolutionary cause of Juche.

Last year the fighting efficiency of the People’s Army was increased remarkably and

national defence capability was built up.

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As the army conducted political and ideological work in a positive manner and stoked

the flames of training under combat conditions, all its officers and men and units of services

and arms became strong in ideas and faith and prepared as an invincible army capable of

discharging operational and combat missions proficiently in any circumstances and

conditions. Iron military discipline was established in the entire army and unprecedented

successes were made in the improvement of soldiers’ living. The defence industry sector

developed and completed various means of military strike of our style to make a tangible

contribution to the qualitative growth of the revolutionary armed forces.

Last year we made great progress in the building of a socialist economic giant and

civilized nation by the joint operation of the army and people.

Even in the difficult situation and adverse conditions last year, an upswing was

brought about in production in different sectors including agriculture, fishery and chemical

and coal-mining industries, opening up bright prospects for the building of an economic giant

and improvement of the people’s living standards. The construction sector kindled the fierce

flames for creating the Korean speed to build many monumental structures that serve as

standards and models of Juche-oriented architecture including the Wisong Scientists

Dwelling District, apartment houses for lecturers of Kim Chaek University of Technology,

Yonphung Scientists Holiday Camp and October 8 Factory, thereby actually demonstrating

the looks of the DPRK that is realizing its beautiful ideals. The service personnel who engaged

in the building of a thriving country achieved breakthroughs in production, construction and

modernization and created excellent model units in the spirit of devotedly implementing the

Party’s policies and the spirit of match-for-a-hundred combatants.

Our sportspeople undauntedly fought by our own style of tactics in the 17th Asian

Games and world championships to exalt the honour of the country and greatly encourage

the service personnel and people who were out in the struggle to defend socialism.

All the victories and priceless successes we achieved last year are a brilliant result of

the Party’s wise leadership and of the burning patriotic loyalty and self-sacrificing struggle of

all the service personnel and people rallied firmly behind the Party.

I extend heartfelt thanks to all the service personnel and people who made a

contribution to glorifying last year as a year of proud feats and changes by waging an

unyielding struggle with a steadfast faith in the revolutionary cause of Juche and the

revolutionary cause of Songun.

Comrades!

The new year 2015 will be a year of great significance, in which we will mark the 70th

anniversaries of national liberation and founding of the Workers’ Party of Korea.

Greeting this significant year, our people are looking back with great pride and dignity

upon the glorious 70-year history of our Party and homeland which have achieved shining

victories under the wise leadership of the President and the General; they are full of

confidence and optimism with a determination to follow the Party and achieve final victory

in the Juche revolution pioneered on Mt. Paektu.

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This year we should display the revolutionary spirit and mettle of Paektu to scathingly

thwart the challenges and manoeuvres by hostile forces and score a signal success in the

struggle to defend socialism and on all fronts of building a thriving nation. By doing so, we

should celebrate the 70th anniversaries of national liberation and founding of the Party as

revolutionary, auspicious events.

Upholding the slogan “Let us all turn out in the general offensive to hasten final victory

in the revolutionary spirit of Paektu!” all the service personnel and people should charge

dynamically towards the venue of grand October celebrations. Bearing in mind the soul and

mettle of Paektu, we should become honourable victors in the general offensive to exalt the

dignity of our socialist country and promote its prosperity on the strength of ideology, arms

and science and technology.

This year we will further consolidate our country’s invincible might as a socialist

political and ideological power.

We should invariably hold up the President and the General forever as the sun of

Juche, staunchly championing and adding eternal brilliance to their immortal revolutionary

exploits.

In this year of the 70th anniversary of the Party, which organizes and guides all

victories of our people, we should set up a new milestone in improving its leadership ability

and fighting efficiency.

We should steadily intensify the work of establishing the Party’s monolithic leadership

system to make the whole Party share ideology with the Party Central Committee, breathe

the same breath as it and keep pace with it. All Party organizations should maintain

implementing the Party’s lines and policies as the major line of Party work, and carry every

of them to completion unconditionally.

We should ensure that the people-first principle runs through the whole of Party work

as appropriate for its nature as a motherly party to make the climate of respecting, loving and

depending on them pervade it and Party work focus on improving their living standards. All

the organizations and officials of the Party should eliminate abuses of power and

bureaucratism, and take warm care of the people and lead them properly to make sure that

the latter trust and rely on it as they would do their mothers and throw in their lot with it.

We should hold fast to ideology as the Party’s powerful weapon and make an

ideological offensive to consolidate the ideological position of our revolution rock-solid. We

should promote education in the greatness of the leaders, Kim Jong Il’s patriotism, faith, anti-

imperialist and class consciousness and morality to train all Party members, service

personnel and other working people into staunch fighters of the Songun revolution and make

them raise the fierce flames of patriotic loyalty, creation and innovation at all posts in national

defence and for building a thriving nation.

This year we should further demonstrate our country’s might as a military power by

bringing about a fresh turn in building revolutionary armed forces and enhancing its defence

capability.

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The People’s Army should thoroughly establish the Party’s monolithic command

system across the entire army and vigorously conduct the movement of winning the titles of

O Jung Hup-led 7th Regiment and Guards Unit. Thus it should implement to the letter the

Party’s four-point strategic line and three major tasks for increasing military strength. It

should effect a turnaround in improving the quality of training by eliminating formalism and

stereotyped patterns in combat and political training and updating its contents and methods.

It should maintain full combat readiness so that it can repulse any provocation by the enemy

in one stroke. By bringing about a radical turn in its supply service, it should provide soldiers

with better living conditions and make all its battalions and companies elite combat ranks

and their dear villages and homes that adjoin the yard of the office of the Party Central

Committee. In the future, too, it should be a pioneer and example in the struggle to

implement the Party’s ideas and safeguard its policies in pursuance of its plan for building a

thriving nation.

In line with the requirements of the prevailing situation, the officers and men of the

Korean People’s Internal Security Forces should sharpen the sword for defending the leader,

system and people, and members of the Worker-Peasant Red Guards and the Young Red

Guards should conduct combat and political training in a real-war atmosphere, thereby

beefing up their combat efficiency and getting fully prepared for an all-people resistance so

that they can defend their own provinces, counties and villages by themselves.

By carrying out the Party’s line of promoting the two fronts simultaneously, the

defence industry sector should step up the efforts to make the munitions production Juche-

oriented, modern and scientific and proactively develop and perfect powerful cutting-edge

military hardware of our own style.

This year we should give definite precedence to science and technology and effect an

upswing in building a socialist economic giant and civilized nation.

It is a determination and will of our Party to rapidly develop all sectors and build a

people’s paradise by dint of science and technology. The front of science should forcefully

rush ahead in the vanguard of a thriving socialist country building, thereby foiling the

enemy’s pernicious moves for sanctions and encouraging all the economic sectors to make

rapid headway on the strength of the high-running spirit of independence and of science and

technology. The scientific research sector should wage a brisk drive for going beyond the

cutting edge to produce many valuable findings conducive to developing the economy,

increasing defence capability and improving the people’s living standards. Regarding science

and technology as their lifeline, all sectors and all units should step up modernization and

introduction of information technology in our style, raise the scientific and technological level

of officials and working people and vigorously carry on all undertakings by relying on science

and technology.

We should make maximum use of the existing foundations and all potentials of the

self-supporting economy, so as to bring about a turn in improving the people’s living

standards and building an economic giant.

In this significant year we should bring about an upturn in improving the people’s

living standards.

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We should resolve the food problem of the people and improve their dietary life on a

higher level with agricultural production, animal husbandry and fishing as the main thrusts.

The agricultural sector should overcome unfavourable natural conditions and

overfulfil the cereals production plan by actively introducing scientific farming methods

including water-saving farming, supplying sufficient amounts of farming materials and

organizing and guiding production in conformity with actual conditions. We should put the

production at stockbreeding and fish-farming bases, greenhouses and mushroom production

bases built across the country on a regular footing and ensure that the people benefit from

them. True to the Party’s plan, we should dynamically speed up the building of the

stockbreeding bases in the Sepho area and make steady preparations for livestock production

and their operation. By emulating the working spirit of the People’s Army which made a new

history of “sea of gold,” the fishing sector should drastically bolster up the fishing industry

and land a huge haul, thus supplying a large amount of fish to enrich the people’s diet.

Fully aware of the responsibility and mission it assumes for the people, the light

industry sector should work out a strategy for fending for itself and put production at central

and local light-industry factories on normal track, so as to supply our people, including

students and children, with larger amounts and various kinds of quality consumer goods,

school things and children’s food.

We should direct great efforts to relieving the shortage of electricity, a major source of

power of the national economy, and strive to shore up its vanguard sectors and key industries.

We should increase coal and electricity production in the mettle displayed in bringing

about innovations in the coal-mining industry and thermal power stations last year and meet

the immediate demand for electricity by waging a campaign to economize on electricity to the

maximum, while taking realistic measures to resolve the electricity problem in a prospective

way. We should develop metal, chemical and other basic industries and brace rail transport

by relying on our own technology and resources and thus ensure that all other economic

sectors smoothly progress full of vigour. We should foster external economic relations in a

multilateral way and accelerate the projects for economic development zones including the

Wonsan-Mt. Kumgang international tourist zone. \xcvbnm,./

We should raise a stronger wind of creating the Korean speed in the construction

sector so as to build power stations, factories, educational and cultural establishments and

dwelling houses as befit the monumental edifices in the era of the Workers’ Party. By

completing with credit the major construction projects, including the multi-tier power

stations on the Chongchon River, Kosan Fruit Farm and Mirae Scientists Street, we should

splendidly adorn the venue of grand October celebrations.

The whole Party, the entire army and all the people should, as they carried out

rehabilitation after the war, turn out in the campaign to restore the mountains of the country

so as to turn them into “mountains of gold” thickly wooded with trees. All the sectors should

invariably push ahead with the work of afforesting and landscaping the whole country and

turning it into orchard, and build Pyongyang, provinces, cities, county seats, workplaces and

villages in a more cultured way and maintain and manage them on a regular basis.

75

All the economic sectors and units should make positive efforts to increase production,

improve the quality of goods and enhance their competitive edge by working out proper

strategies for business operation and enterprise management and tapping all possible

reserves and potentialities. All the factories and enterprises should wage a dynamic struggle

to get rid of the proclivity to import and ensure the domestic production of raw and other

materials and equipment, while sprucing themselves up by taking their cue from the model

units put forward by the Party.

The Cabinet and other state organs for economic guidance should make proactive

efforts to establish the economic management method of our style as demanded by the reality

so that all the economic organs and enterprises can conduct their business activities

creatively on their own initiative. Party organizations at all levels should throw their full

weight behind the work of improving economic management in order to make sure that it is

done as intended by the Party.

A vigorous spur should be given to the building of a civilized socialist nation.

We should bring about a radical improvement in education in the new century by

arousing state and social interest in the role of officials in this sector and educational work,

thereby making fresh progress in making all the people well versed in science and technology

and developing ours into a talented nation.

The whole country should bubble with enthusiasm for sports and our sportspeople

should fly higher the flag of the Republic at international games to open up bright prospects

for building a sporting power.

The sector of art and literature should do away with stagnation and produce larger

numbers of contemporary masterpieces which inspire the masses to further efforts, and the

public health sector should improve the hygienic and anti-epidemic work and preventive and

curative medical care and boost pharmaceutical production.

We should make sure that national sentiments and noble and beautiful lifestyle prevail

across society, and press on with national heritage conservation as a patriotic undertaking

involving the whole country and all the people.

In order to successfully carry out the enormous tasks for this year all the officials, Party

members, service personnel and other working people should live and work in the

revolutionary spirit of Paektu, the spirit of the blizzards of Paektu.

The spirit is, in essence, an unyielding offensive spirit of braving obstacles and

difficulties and a staunch fighting spirit of rising up no matter how often one may fall and

fighting it out. The hearts of all our service personnel and people should beat with the

confidence in victory and indomitable spirit cherished by the anti-Japanese revolutionary

forerunners who fought death-defyingly for their country and people and won victory against

all odds. All the officials, Party members and other working people should enter the venue of

grand October celebrations proudly with gifts they have prepared by dint of the revolutionary

spirit of Paektu and through creative struggle.

The whole country should overflow with the spirit of patriotic devotion with which to

hold dear and add brilliance to our own things.

76

Holding dear and adding brilliance to our own things is just the Korean-nation-first

spirit and the genuine patriotism that exalts the dignity of our country, our motherland, and

hastens its prosperity. We should value and add lustre to all the assets the preceding

generations of the revolution created on this land at the cost of their blood and sweat under

the guidance of the Party and the leaders, and create and develop everything in our own way

with a high sense of national pride and by relying on our strength, technology and resources.

Officials, leading participants in the revolution, should be the standard-bearers and

vanguard fighters in the ongoing general offensive.

They should faithfully serve the country and people for their prosperity and well-being

with a noble outlook on patriotism and firm preparedness for devoted service and,

shouldering heavy burdens by themselves, make redoubled efforts in the van of the masses.

With a full understanding of the Party’s ideas and intentions, officials should go deep among

the masses and rouse them to carry through its lines and policies unconditionally at the cost

of their lives. They should be fully accountable to the Party and the state for the work in their

sectors and units, eliminate defeatism, self-preservation and expediency and do everything

in an innovative and scientific way.

Seventy years have passed since our nation was divided by outside forces.

In those decades the world has made a tremendous advance and the times have

undergone dramatic changes, but our nation has not yet achieved reunification, suffering the

pain of division. It is a deplorable fact known to everyone and it is lamentable to everyone.

No longer can we bear and tolerate the tragedy of national division that has continued century

after century.

Last year we put forward crucial proposals for improved inter-Korean relations and

national reunification and made sincere efforts for their implementation. Our efforts,

however, could not bear due fruit owing to the obstructive moves by the anti-reunification

forces within and without; instead the north-south relations have been on a headlong rush to

aggravation.

However complicated the situation may be and whatever obstacles and difficulties may

stand in our way, we should unfailingly achieve national reunification, a lifetime wish of the

President and the General and the greatest desire of the nation, and build a dignified and

prosperous reunified country on this land.

“Let the whole nation join efforts to open up a broad avenue to independent

reunification in this year of the 70th anniversary of national liberation!”—this is the slogan of

struggle the entire Korean nation should hold up.

We should remove the danger of war, ease the tension and create a peaceful

environment on the Korean peninsula.

The large-scale war games ceaselessly held every year in south Korea are the root cause

of the escalating tension on the peninsula and the danger of nuclear war facing our nation. It

is needless to say that there can be neither trustworthy dialogue nor improved inter-Korean

relations in such a gruesome atmosphere in which war drills are staged against the dialogue

partner.

77

To cling to nuclear war drills against the fellow countrymen in collusion with

aggressive outside forces is an extremely dangerous act of inviting calamity.

We will resolutely react against and mete out punishment to any acts of provocation

and war moves that infringe upon the sovereignty and dignity of our country.

The south Korean authorities should discontinue all war moves including the reckless

military exercises they conduct with foreign forces and choose to ease the tension on the

Korean peninsula and create a peaceful environment.

The United States, the very one that divided our nation into two and has imposed the

suffering of national division upon it for 70 years, should desist from pursuing the

anachronistic policy hostile towards the DPRK and reckless acts of aggression and boldly

make a policy switch.

The north and the south should refrain from seeking confrontation of systems while

absolutizing their own ideologies and systems but achieve great national unity true to the

principle of By Our Nation Itself to satisfactorily resolve the reunification issue in conformity

with the common interests of the nation.

If they try to force their ideologies and systems upon each other, they will never settle

the national reunification issue in a peaceful way, only bringing confrontation and war.

Though the people-centred socialist system of our own style is the most advantageous,

we do not force it on south Korea and have never done so.

The south Korean authorities should neither seek “unification of systems” that incites

distrust and conflict between the north and the south nor insult the other side’s system and

make impure solicitation to do harm to their fellow countrymen, travelling here and there.

The north and the south, as they had already agreed, should resolve the national

reunification issue in the common interests of the nation transcending the differences in

ideology and system.

They should briskly hold dialogue, negotiations and exchanges and make contact to

relink the severed ties and blood vessels of the nation and bring about a great turn in inter-

Korean relations.

It is the unanimous desire of the fellow countrymen for both sides to stop fighting and

pave a new way for reunification by concerted efforts. They should no longer waste time and

energy over pointless arguments and trifling matters but write a new chapter in the history

of inter-Korean relations.

Nothing is impossible if our nation shares one purpose and joins efforts. On the road

for reunification the north and the south had got such charter and great programme for

reunification as the July 4 Joint Statement, the historic June 15 Joint Declaration and the

October 4 Declaration, thus demonstrating to the whole world the nation’s determination

and mettle to reunify the country.

78

We think that it is possible to resume the suspended high-level contacts and hold

sectoral talks if the south Korean authorities are sincere in their stand towards improving

inter-Korean relations through dialogue.

And there is no reason why we should not hold a summit meeting if the atmosphere

and environment for it are created.

In the future, too, we will make every effort to substantially promote dialogue and

negotiations.

The entire Korean nation should turn out together in the nationwide movement for

the country’s reunification so as to glorify this year as a landmark in opening up a broad

avenue to independent reunification.

Last year, in the international arena, hostilities and bloodshed persisted in several

countries and regions due to the imperialists’ outrageous arbitrariness and undisguised

infringement upon their sovereignty, which posed a serious threat to global peace and

security.

Especially, owing to the United States’ extremely hostile policy aimed at isolating and

suffocating our Republic, the bulwark of socialism and fortress of independence and justice,

the vicious cycle of tension never ceased and the danger of war grew further on the Korean

peninsula.

The United States and its vassal forces are resorting to the despicable “human rights”

racket as they were foiled in their attempt to destroy our self-defensive nuclear deterrent and

stifle our Republic by force.

The present situation, in which high-handedness based on strength is rampant and

justice and truth are trampled ruthlessly in the international arena, eloquently demonstrates

that we were just in our efforts to firmly consolidate our self-reliant defence capability with

the nuclear deterrent as its backbone and safeguard our national sovereignty, the lifeblood of

the country, under the unfurled banner of Songun.

As long as the enemy persists in its moves to stifle our socialist system, we will

consistently adhere to the Songun politics and the line of promoting the two fronts

simultaneously and firmly defend the sovereignty of the country and the dignity of the nation,

no matter how the international situation and the structure of relations of our surrounding

countries may change. On the basis of the revolutionary principles and independent stand,

we will expand and develop foreign relations in a multilateral and positive way, giving top

priority to the dignity and interests of the country.

Our Party and the government of our Republic will solidify in every respect the bond

and solidarity with the world’s progressive peoples who love peace and aspire after

independence and justice, and strive to develop good neighbourly relations with all the

countries that respect our national sovereignty and are friendly to us.

No force in the world can check the advance of our army and people who are rushing

forward like the blizzards of Paektu filled with rock-firm revolutionary faith and mettle of

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invincibility under the leadership of the great Party, and final victory undoubtedly belongs to

us.

Let us all staunchly strive to glorify this significant year as a year of great victories and

revolutionary, auspicious events, rallied more closely behind the Party and singing aloud the

march of final victory.

Greeting the hope-filled new year 2015, I wish all the families across the country

happiness.

CONGRESS OF

TEACHERS/EDUCATORS FOR

NATIONALISM AND

DEMOCRACY (CONTEND)

STATEMENTS

80

PINGKIAN: e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education Volume # Number #

KRISTEL TEJADA IS NOT THE LAST SACRIFICIAL VICTIM IN THE ALTAR

OF COMMERICALIZED EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy

on the 2nd Death Anniversary of Kristel Tejada

15 March 2015

We, the members of the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and

Democracy – UP Diliman, remember the second anniversary of the tragic death of the iskolar

ng bayan, Kristel Tejada. We strongly refuse to let forgetting sweep away the bitter memory

of an innocent iskolar ng bayan who was sacrificed in the altar of profit-driven educational

system. We seek justice. We express our indignation. We express our solidarity to all our

students and iskolar ng bayan who are trapped in the grinding machinery of an educational

system abandoned by the state.

As we remember the tragic death of Kristel Tejada, we are doubly enraged by another

recent death of an iskolar ng bayan, Rosanna Sanfuego of Cagayan State University. We were

never wrong as we believed from the very beginning that Krisel’s death is not the end of series

of deaths and sufferings of our young people. As long as our educational system continues to

deify profits, as long as it follows the path of corporate management, as long as it rationalizes

the system my making it more efficient for corporate managers, for as long as the state does

not acknowledge its mission to provide free and accessible education for all, more deaths will

follow. Kristel and Rosanna are not the exception. They are the normal rule of a system that

follows the neoliberal policies of education –privatization, deregulation, commercialization,

and corporatization.

As teachers and educators, as second parents of our students, we are extremely

mournful over the fact that these iskolar ng bayan were female students. Our system is doubly

oppressive for students, who are not only poor, but simply because they are women. As

teachers, who teach compassion and solidarity, we strongly condemn the heartlessness and

callousness of bureaucrats, both within the school system and in government. They all follow

the moral callousness and moral bankruptcy of BS Aquino, our President. BS Aquino must

81

be made accountable for all his crimes against the people especially his neglect of public

education.

As educators, we call on our fellow teachers, our students, to join the massive protests

being waged by our young people in different campuses and schools all over our nation today,

to denounce the dehumanizing policies and repressive practices being implemented in our

educational institutions. We commiserate with all the parents who feel hopeless amidst the

worsening crisis of our educational system. We join them in their protests against a system

that kills the future hopes of their children. We will continuously teach to emancipate the

minds of our young people to resist and struggle for a just future society.

No to commercialized education!

No to privatization!

Down with bureaucrat capitalism!

Down with US imperialism!

Struggle for nationalist, scientific and mass-based education!

Fight for free and accessible education to all!

Justice to all the iskolar ng bayan who were killed by the commercialized educational

system!

https://contendup.wordpress.com/2015/03/13/kristel-tejada-is-not-the-last-sacrificial-victim-in-the-altar-

of-commericalized-educational-system-statement-of-congress-of-teacherseducators-for-nationalism-and-

democracy-on-the-2nd-death-a/

82

SUPPORT WOMEN’S STRUGGLE FOR A JUST AND EGALITARIAN SOCIETY,

OUST BS AQUINO, THE ANTI-PEOPLE, ANTI-WOMEN PRESIDENT Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP Diliman

on International Women’s Day

March 8, 2015

“The proletarian woman fights hand in hand with the man of her class against capitalist

society.” (Clara Zetkin)

We, the members of the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and

Democracy, UP Diliman, join the women of the world, especially the brave and patriotic

daughters of our nation, who celebrate Women’s Day today! Since the establishment of the

first International Women’s Day, women had been fighting, not only for egalitarianism, but

also for the emancipation of working class and all oppressed people, regardless of sex. Sadly,

today under the guise of “true Gospel of feminism”, some well-heeled women insist on the

separation of the workers’ struggle from women’s concerns. Rather than working for

universal human emancipation, they tend to forget economic roots of women’s oppression.

Yet such fashionable statement flies in the face of unembellished data that show women’s

deteriorating economic condition.

The data from the National Statistics Office (NSO) revealed that seven in every ten

(69.7%) persons who are not in the labor force are females. Despite the global recognition of

the Philippines as one of the top ten countries with a high score on gender equity index for

nine consecutive years, women are not considered as part of the productive force. Equally

significant is the 6.62% drop of the number of employed persons from July 2013 to the same

period in 2014. Particularly, the number of women workers is 5.73% lower in July 2014

compared with their number in the same period of 2013. Considering the almost three million

unemployed and more than seven million underemployed, there are more than 10 million

employable people who could hardly get regular and secure jobs. And this is injurious to

women’s economic security. Women are forced to work as contractual employees. Women

workers, especially contractuals, are not only exploited but have to endure sexual harassment

from their male superiors, using job security as a threat. If women join unions and organize

themselves, they are physically harassed just like the experiences of striking workers in the

Cavite Export Processing Zones. The continuing violence against women is rooted in the

neoliberal policies, being implemented by the US-backed Aquino government, which favour

foreign business interests and the local big bourgeois compradors. To maintain the smooth

functioning of the market, the US-Aquino regime promotes repressive labor laws and

practices.

Women workers are highly concentrated in the service and unskilled labor. They

receive wages far below the required minimum wage (Php261-466). Working mothers are

forced to manage measly wage to feed their families. Worse, women’s wages are even lower

than men’s low wages, with an average difference of Php63 because they are over-represented

in low-wage work. For women who are forced to migrate to work, Migrante International has

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documented numerous cases of maltreatment, sexual harassment, rape and attempted rape,

false accusations, withheld wages and other labor violations. There are also cases of

trafficking of at least 300 Filipino teachers who were duped by an illegal recruiter to work in

the US, collecting as much as Php500,000 from each of the victim. According to Ulat Lila,

despite more than 37 laws, executive and administrative orders pertaining to protect women

and children, one woman or child is battered every 16 minutes and one woman or child is

raped every 53 minutes. Worse, seven out of 10 victims of rape are minors. Poor women are

more vulnerable to abuse and violence, as indicated in the 2013 National Health and

Demographic Survey. Lacking access to economic opportunities, women are at the mercy of

those in power. Women are enslaved in prostitution in a society that prides itself of valuing

women highly. Poverty stricken women in disaster-affected areas such as in Eastern Visayas

and Zamboanga (after the MNLF siege) are left with no choice but to sell their bodies. This

structural violence could have been prevented, if only our callous and corrupt President has

compassion for our poor people devastated by wars and supertyphoons. Meanwhile, the US-

Aquino regime intensifies its offensive against women’s and other people’s movements that

oppose its anti-people and anti-women policies. Karapatan’s record of government atrocities

from July 2010 to June 2014 has included three cases of rape, 204 extrajudicial killings

(where 18 are women), 99 torture, 21 enforced disappearances, 39,800forced evacuation,

141,490 use of schools and other public places for military purpose, and 65,712 threat/

harassment or intimidation.

As educators, we must struggle and support women in their fight to break the bondage

of feudal social relations, and pervasive clouts of the male dominated religion and culture on

our people’s consciousness. We must teach our students that there can never be genuine

revolution without women’s emancipation. We must set examples to our students and fellow

educators in justly dealing with women as persons. We have to expose and oppose all forms

of traditional ideologies that conscript women to second-class status. We have to teach our

students to understand the root causes of women’s oppression in imperialist plunder of our

economy, the bureaucrat capitalist takeover of our state, and the feudal relations that tie most

of our people including women to landlessness. For as long as these oppressive structures

operate, women’s emancipation remains elusive.

Long Live The Struggle Of Women!

Long Live All Revolutionary Women!

Women, Unite With All Oppressed Classes And Groups For National Democratic

Revolution!

BS Aquino, The Anti-Women And Anti-People President, Resign Now!

Down With Feudalism! Down With Bureaucrat Capitalism!

Down With Imperialism!

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REPEAT THE REVOLUTIONARY SPIRIT OF EDSA PEOPLE POWER, OUST

PRES. AQUINO NOW Statement of the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP

Diliman

on the 29th Anniversary of Edsa People Power I

25 February 2015

We, the members of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,

–UP Diliman, join our people in commemorating and celebrating the revolutionary spirit of

Edsa People Power I. Today, after twenty-nine years, the promise of Edsa is yet to be fought

and won! The same corrupt structures that were supposed to be abolished by Edsa People

Power remain stronger as before. Our electoral system, while welcoming pluralistic party

choices and partylists, is still saddled with family dynasties, oligarch’s private armies, massive

electoral frauds, and elitist biases.

Human rights situation of our nation remain dismal. Extrajudicial killings, illegal

arrest of suspected enemies of the state, abduction of activists, forced disappearances, and

police tortures continue with impunity in spite of the restoration of the so-called bourgeois

formal political rights. While our government boasts of startling economic growth, income

and economic inequalities are worsening. Unemployment and poverty remain high. The

conditional cash transfer and its modified version proves impotent in empowering the poor

and reducing hunger among the poorest of Filipinos. Our people continue to be impoverished

by the continuing anti-people policies of deregulation of economy, privatization and

commercialization of social services. Deregulation, privatization, and commercialization are

preventing our people from coping with inflation, steady increase in transportation costs,

electricity, energy costs, and school matriculations.

Our educational system remains colonial and commercialized. In fact, for 2015, 400

schools are applying for tuition fee increase. Our commercialized and colonial educational

system is producing cheap labour supply for foreign companies, and robbing our young

people of their dreams by forcing them to drop out. Meanwhile the indigenous peoples are

also victimized by the rapacious mining companies, with the support of local government and

military, which are driving awaydisplacing the indigenous people away from their ancestral

lands. Forced to evacuate, their education is disrupted.

The government of Pres. Aquino is impoverishing our people while it allows the

foreign companies and its local partners to amass superprofits through business-friendly

policies. Meanwhile the government of Pres. Aquino and its allies are busy concocting anti-

people economic schemes, notably PDAF and DAP, to further accumulate wealth from

people’s taxes to sustain their patronage-driven programs and projects. In the midst of these

massive corruption, women and children, landless peasants and fisher folks remain the most

victimized sectors.

In the face of these continuing immiseration of our people, we, as educators and

educational workers, call on our people to remember the revolutionary spirit of Edsa by

repeating its failed attempt to dismantle the social structures that wantonly victimize our

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people. Repeating the failed promise of Edsa today means joining our patriotic people and

progressive movements to demand the immediate resignation of Pres. Aquino. The hopeless

incompetence and incurable moral callousness of Pres. Aquino are disgrace to the memory of

Edsa People Power. His continuing reliance on US government for external and internal

security policies is a travesty of the nationalism of the activists who fought Marcos

dictatorship.

As educators, who teach our students and young people the usefulness of history for

changing the present, and seizing the future, we strongly encourage all educators and

students to teach the spirit of Edsa by demystifying its reformist meaning propagated by the

ruling class and its cliques. We do not simply remember Edsa by laying wreath at the Edsa

Monument! . We honour the memory of Edsa by re-activating its dangerous memory to

inspire our young people to continue the revolutionary promise of Edsa –to create a truly

democratic, egalitarian, and humane society!

Remember the spirit of Edsa!, Ooust Pres. Aquino!

Down with state impunity and human rights violations!

Never again to dictatorship and Martial Law!

Down with US imperialism!

Down with feudalism!

Down with bureaucrat capitalism!

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SAVE OUR NATION FROM CORRUPTION, SPARE OUR PEOPLE FROM

FURTHER INCOMPETENCE AND DISASTERS, PRES. AQUINO MUST

RESIGN NOW Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP Diliman

on the Urgent Call for the Resignation of Pres. Aquino

18 February 2015

We, the members of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,

join our voices to the people’s ever-growing clamor for President Aquino to resign. We are

convinced that the President must resign because of his malfeasance, accumulated political

blunders, and incompetence in leadership–all of which have culminated in the terrible

Mamasapano bloodbath. With still a year before he leaves office, we believe that we cannot

allow our President to continue his disastrous reign on our impoverished people.

Now, more than ever, it is clear that Pres. Aquino has failed miserably in delivering his

promise of “daang matuwid.” Instead, he has deviated widely from his promises and political

rhetoric by allowing corrupt officials and cabinet members–notably, Agriculture Secretary

Proceso Alcala, Energy Secretary Jericho Petilla, Health Secretary Enrique Ona,

Transportation Secretary Joseph Emilio Abaya, Social Welfare Secretary Dinky Soliman, and

the reluctantly resigned PNP Chief General Alan Purisima–to remain in office despite their

questionable performance and obvious corruption. Rather than dismiss these corrupt public

officials, Pres. Aquino chose to ignore the public clamour to weed the government of wayward

bureaucrats. In his televised speech, the President even went so far as to commend the

courage of Gen. Purisima!

The worst of the President’s bureaucrats is Budget Secretary Butch Abad who was

foremost in defending the patently unconstitutional disbursement acceleration program

(DAP) and pork barrel in the name of “good faith.” Using people’s money, the tandem of

Aquino-Abad richly remunerated the political allies of the ruling clique for impeaching the

Supreme Court Chief of Justice, while providing financial fuel for firing up the political

machineries of local politicians and bureaucrat capitalists.

And now, the worst blunder of the US-Aquino regime has exploded right before our

people’s eyes! Forty-four Special Action Forces died in the US-backed “Operation Wolverine”

to get the international terrorist Zulkifli Abd Hir, also known as Marwan. Even as President

Aquino congratulated himself and the SAF for the “mission accomplished,” he displayed his

gross indifference to the deaths of the fallen SAF-44 who were sacrificed at the altar of the

US International War on Terror!

Up to now, the President and his bureaucrats have not yet released an honest

statement that might go towards appeasing public outrage. The Senate and Congressional

hearings, dominated by Pres. Aquino’s lackeys, served merely to muddle the search for truth

rather than tease out the facts from testimonies.

We, as educators and educational workers, are furious about the deafening silence of

the President and his henchmen. We are outraged at how the majority of the mainstream

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mass media and reactionary politicians are diverting the issue away from the involvement of

the US military and Pres. Aquino in the Mamasapano carnage, deflecting all the weight of the

blame on the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the ongoing peace process. Our people are

being conditioned to believe that the fallen SAF-44 were sacrificed for the peace process. We

are being indoctrinated to believe that the Muslims, without any qualifications and bereft of

historical knowledge, are out to seize all the advantages they can from our government in

order to advance their own selfish interests.

As nationalist and progressive educators we refuse to buy this indiscriminate political

propaganda against the Muslim Filipinos. We stand firmly for peace and justice! We must, as

educators, stand as advocates for peace based on justice to our students and young people.

We cannot remain silent in the face of this horrendous cultural discrimination and political

harassment against our people in Mindanao. We cannot condone the deaths of innocent

civilians. We cannot be indifferent to the communities displaced by this state-sponsored war

of vengeance. Before we judge the people of Mindanao, the Muslims, we have to ascertain,

without hesitation and with complete transparency, the accountability of President Aquino

and the US government in the Mamasapano bloodbath.

We therefore call on our fellow educators, students, and educational workers to

support the growing chorus of our people’s voice demanding the resignation of Pres. Aquino!

Let us show solidarity for all the victims of state injustice and state-led war by joining the

protests of our patriotic fellow Filipinos. Let us not be fooled by the desperate propaganda of

the ruling clique that an equally corrupt politician will take over as President. We are for a

“transitional council” that will serve as caretaker of our government until the 2016 election.

This is the only way to ensure that our aspirations as a people will not be hijacked by the

corrupt political dynasties and ruling elites.

Pres. Aquino resign now!

Justice to all the innocent victims of US-sponsored war against terrorism!

Justice to the fallen SAF-44!

Struggle for lasting peace based on social justice!

No to US-sponsored war on terror!

No to US-generated Islamophobia!

Down with US imperialism!

Down with bureaucrat capitalism!

Down with feudalism!

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“FOR THE LORD HEARS THE POOR, AND DESPISES NOT HIS

PRISONERS.” Statement of Congress Of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-University of

the Philippines, Diliman On the Current Suppression of the Voices of Political Prisoners

During the Four-day Visit of Pope Francis

18 January 2015

We, the members of the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and

Democracy, express our disgust and moral indignation against the callousness of the

government, in refusing and muting the voices of political detainees, who simply want to

express their requests and send their petitions to Pope Francis. We express our strongest

solidarity with the 491 political prisoners in 43 jails all over the country, especially with the

32 political detainees at Camp Bagong Diwa—22 of whom are held at the SICA1— who have

been on a hunger strike since Saturday, hoping to dramatize their call for Pope Francis, who

is on a four-day visit to the country, to intercede for their release. We are strongly alarmed by

the report of political prisoner and peace consultant of the National Democratic Front of the

Philippines Alan Jazmines that the other inmates were “threatening to kill us, political

prisoners, especially the senior leaders among us. We worry a lot that those, who have been

shouting their threats on top of their voices, have actually already been involved in murders

of fellow inmates in jail.” As a result, political detainees are now suffering from tightened

security measures that curtail further their freedom even inside prisons. Doctors who are

supposed to check their health are now prevented from visiting the political detainees.

We urge all our fellow patriotic educators and teachers, our students, to raise our

voices against the roaring and raucous frenzy of the majority of mainstream media’s coverage

of Pope Francis visit that pacifies the Pope’s disconcerting revolutionary message, while

selling his image as harmless religious leader like show business celebrity. The way

mainstream mass media projects the image of the Pope pays lip service to his radical call for

us to express solidarity with the poor. Pope Francis explicitly stated the goal of national

development in his speech at Malacanang: “Essential to the attainment of these national goals

is the moral imperative of ensuring social justice and respect for human dignity. The great

biblical tradition enjoins on all peoples the duty to hear the voice of the poor. It bids us [to]

break the bonds of injustice and oppression, which give rise to glaring, and indeed

scandalous, social inequalities. Reforming the social structures, which perpetuate poverty

and the exclusion of the poor first requires a conversion of mind and heart.” This strong

political statement filled with biblical and prophetic meanings are now hushed in the surge

of mass media frenzy that highlights the trivial acts of the Pope and bloating them as the

official image of Pope Francis –from his cap being blown away to his breaking of protocols.

We urge all the progressive Catholic educators, fellow teachers, and students to

transcend this wanton celebritization and showbiznization of the Pope and his message. We

have to break through this mass media hypnotic propaganda that blinds us to the plight of

our political detainees, the poor, landless farmers, and abandoned children. Let us wrestle

away from the reactionary religious groups the monopoly of interpreting the message of Pope

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Francis! His message should reverberate in our society and awaken our conscience about the

current dismal situation of our political detainees, whose lives are now threatened inside their

detention facilities. We have to tell our students and the Filipino people that the visit of Pope

Francis is not just about personal compassion and moral conversion. It also entails the

liberation of our people from the bondage of oppression. It means recognizing the rights of

all political detainees who have always fought for the liberation of our people against

imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism –the idols that Pope Francis consistently

denounced in public. As Zaldy Cañete, former New People’s Army combatant, now political

prisoner wrote to Pope Francis from the Compostela Valley provincial jail: “Dear Pope, I am

just a revolutionary, I am not a criminal.”

Free all political detainees now as a sign of good will during Pope Francis’ visit!

Ensure the safety of political prisoners especially those in Bicutan!

Uphold their right to see and consult with their lawyers and to be examined by

doctors!

Stop trivializing the radical message of Pope Francis! Heed his revolutionary

message!

Unmask the hypocrisy of the reactionary sectors of our religious institutions!

Express solidarity with the poor, political prisoners, landless peasants, exploited

workers, and displaced indigenous peoples.

Pursue genuine peace based on justice and solidarity with the poor!

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“AMONG OUR TASKS AS WITNESSES TO THE LOVE OF CHRIST IS THAT OF

GIVING A VOICE TO THE CRY OF THE POOR.” Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy

on the Pastoral Visit of Pope Francis to the Philippines

15 January 2015

We, the members of the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and

Democracy, University of the Philippines- Diliman, join the Filipino people in welcoming the

pastoral visit of Pope Francis with the theme “Mercy and Compassion.” We support Pope

Francis’ mission and vision to proclaim the good news of compassion and mercy to the poor

and the oppressed. We approve his statement that “[i]t is no longer possible to claim that

religion should be restricted to the private sphere and that it exists only to prepare souls for

heaven” (Joy of the Gospel, No. 182). Thus, “[a]n authentic faith – which is never comfortable

or completely personal – always involves a deep desire to change the world, to transmit

values, to leave this earth somehow better that we found it.” The root of this renewal based in

“[o]ur faith in Christ, who became poor, and was always close to the poor and the outcast, is

the basis of our concern for the integral development of society’s most neglected members.”

This means “working to eliminate the structural causes of poverty and to promote the integral

development of the poor, as well as small daily acts of solidarity in meeting the real needs

which we encounter” (No. 188). The Pope wants “a Church which is poor and for the poor”

(No. 198). And “[t]his reminds us Christians that we are called to care for the vulnerable of

the earth.”

And we are delighted that Pope Francis has since then been very faithful in pushing

for this direction of the Roman Catholic Church. He has constantly denounced the “ideologies

which defend the absolute autonomy of the marketplace and financial speculation” (No. 56),

and the system “which tends to devour everything which stands in the way of increased

profits.” The Pope reminds the rich: “Not to share one’s wealth with the poor is to steal from

them and to take away their livelihood. It is not our own goods which we hold, but theirs”

(No. 57). Hence the poor cannot be blamed if they resort to violence. For “until exclusion and

inequality in society and between peoples are reversed, it will be impossible to eliminate

violence.”

In this spirit, we wholeheartedly support the calls, petitions, and requests of the

various progressive sectors of our society –the migrants, political detainees and their

families, victims of human rights abuses, the urban poor, displaced farmers, and especially

the survivors of typhoon Yolanda – who are hoping Pope Francis will listen to their cries, look

at their oppression with compassion, and express solidarity with their sufferings and

miseries. We denounce the attempts of the US-Aquino regime to sanitize these protests and

to cordon the peaceful activities of the people who, like the poor in the time of Jesus,

desperate for justice and marginalized by society, simply want to touch the heart of the

highest religious leader of the Holy Roman Catholic Church.

We urge all educators and teachers in Catholic schools, all progressive religious

educators, to use this historic opportunity to evangelize the students and their families and

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communities to preach the Gospel of justice and compassion. We should follow the example

of Pope Francis in denouncing the causes of injustices in the dictatorship of wealth and the

market. We have to teach our students that religion is not just about being compassionate

and charitable. We have to convince our students and colleagues that “[t]oday’s economic

mechanisms” which promotes “inordinate consumption” and “unbridled consumerism

combined with inequality” is “damaging to the social fabric.” As Pope Francis urges the

Catholics, “we need to provide an education which teaches critical thinking and encourages

the development of mature moral values.” The moral values we must teach should be counter-

cultural moral values to the values being sold in the market today: consumerism, worship of

money, inequality, indifference, and apathy.

Let us join our progressive religious brothers and sisters in highlighting the pro-poor

vision of Pope Francis. Let us unmask the frenzy of the US-Aquino regime in downplaying

the radical message and vision of the Pope of the poor. Let us not allow the conservative and

reactionary sections of the church, mass media, and religious leaders to monopolize the

interpretation of the papal visit. We have to highlight to our students and educators the

liberating message of Pope Francis and his Church, and steer it away from the spiritualizing

and privatizing apolitical moralism of the reactionary members of the religious communities.

Let Pope Francis hear and listen to the cries of the victims of human rights abuses!

Free all political detainees as expression of good will to Pope Francis’ visit!

During Pope Francis visit, “let justice roll down like waters, and righteousness like an

overflowing stream.”

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DEFEND HUMAN RIGHTS, END THE CULTURE OF IMPUNITY, OUST THE

IMPUNITY PRESIDENT Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP Diliman

on the 64th Anniversary of UN Declaration of International Human Rights Day

10 December 2014

As the whole world commemorates the 64th Anniversary of the declaration of Human

Rights Day by UN General Assembly, we, members of CONTEND-UP Diliman join the

Filipino people in defending human rights against the reign of the “culture of impunity” in

our society. When the state acts as the aggressor and perpetrator of human rights violations,

we have the duty to stand together as a people to defend our rights.

The Amnesty International’s (AI) latest report, Above the Law: Police Torture in the

Philippines amply documents the culture of impunity that allows torture in the Philippines.

But this culture of impunity does not only hold sway among the police. The state itself

commits violence against its own people, especially those who stand against its aggressive

development policies. According to Karapatan Alliance for the Advancement of People’s

Rights from July 2010 to June 2014, there are 117 peasants killed for asserting their land

rights against the big-time land grabbers, businesses and plantations; and 49 indigenous

peoples became victims of extrajudicial killing for defending their ancestral lands against

foreign large-scale mining corporations and other ‘development’ projects. For the same

period, Karapatan recorded 204 victims of extrajudicial killing and 207 victims of frustrated

killing.

The massive assault of the state against our own people, especially the indigenous

peoples, is recently demonstrated by the forced evacuations of the Lumads of the

communities in Lianga, San Agustin and Tago, Surigao del Sur, involving 378 families with

1,783 individuals. Since 2011 AFP troops have been occupying schools, health centers, and

chapels in rural communities and terrorizing the villagers as they pursue “peace and

development” programs under “Oplan Bayanihan,” the Aquino government’s counter-

insurgency plan patterned after US imperialist military strategies. In the highlands of Davao

del Norte, Talaingod, the terroristic counter-insurgency of the military among the Manobo

tribes forced 13 indigenous students from Talaingod to seek help in Manila through

Manilakbayan.

Our state does not only assault the indigenous peoples, but they even indiscriminately

violate the rights of female political detainees.

Andrea Rosal was arrested in March 2014 when she was seven months pregnant.

Unlike the political VIP criminals, she was put in a cramped jail based on trumped up

criminal charges and false testimony of a hired witness used by state security forces to justify

false arrests.

Last June 20, Maria Miradel Torres, 26, and four months pregnant, a member of a

local chapter of Gabriela, was arrested without a warrant. She was arrested based on the same

dubious tactics.

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These are clear examples of the human rights atrocities of the US-Aquino Regime. And

the government is spending people’s money to fund its war against its own people. In 2014

alone, the government gave away at least PhP 51.2 million of people’s money to so-called

informers that led to the arrest of perceived “enemies of the state” falsely charged with

criminal offenses and are now languishing in jail.

And instead of addressing the problems of state terrorism, Pres. Aquino simply blames

the victims, especially the journalists who were killed in the line of duty. Under the US-

Aquino Regime retired Maj. Gen. Jovito Palparan Jr., the “butcher” of activists, was allowed

to be transferred from Bulacan Provincial Jail to the Philippine Army Custodial Center in Fort

Bonifacio. Human rights violators and corrupt bureaucrat capitalists and their minions

receive special treatment while political detainees languish in ordinary jails.

In the face of this terrifying “culture of impunity”, we as teachers and educators cannot

shirk away from our social reasonability to raise our voices in protest! Human rights

discourse and discussion are part of civic education. When military forces occupy the school

facilities for counter-insurgency programs, we must join those communities, who are

adversely affected, to defend their right to war-free schools. Education cannot take place in

an undeclared state of war that terrorizes the students, teachers, and communities. Education

cannot be sacrificed in the name of flushing out and isolating the so-called enemies of the

state.

Hence we join our patriotic fellow Filipinos, human rights activists, victims of state

violence in demanding for the end of the culture of impunity. As teachers we stand against all

forms of violence that curtail human rights especially among the educational sector. We have

to struggle to “save our schools” from militarization. We have the duty to teach human rights

in the face of this culture of impunity. We must get out of our classrooms and schools and

join our communities in creating a human rights-friendly environment. We cannot allow our

children and students to witness the rampant violations of human rights committed against

indigenous peoples, peasants, and religious groups. Silence in the face of this culture of

impunity only encourages moral apathy and callousness among our students. Education is

for freedom! And there can never be freedom if people are terrorized by the state and its proxy

para-military groups who are waging war against the people.

We join our people in demanding:

Stop the culture of impunity!

Down with state fascism!

Stop Oplan Bayanihan!

Justice to all human rights victims!

Free all political detainees! Free Andrea Rosal and Ma. Miradel Torres!

Down with US imperialism, the godfather of state fascism worldwide!

Uphold and defend human rights!

Oust BS Aquino, the Impunity King!

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SAVE OUR SCHOOLS, PULL OUT MILITARY TROOPS IN IP

COMMUNITIES NOW! Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy

November 21, 2014

We, the members of CONTEND-UP Diliman, strongly register our condemnation to

the ruthless militarization that has wreaked havoc among Indigenous Peoples’ communities.

Under the US-Aquino administration, these marginalized sectors have been under constant

attack.

Two years ago, the Indigenous Peoples (IP) of Mindanao or Lumads staged a long

march to Metro Manila dubbed as Manilakbayan in defense of land, the Lumads and the

environment. The Lumads called the public’s attention to the dismal human rights situation

in IP communities brought about by intensified military operations under US-Aquino’s Oplan

Bayanihan. Lumads exposed the violations committed by the state forces. Manobos decried

militarization that made them internal refugees in their ancestral lands. A Higaonon leader

was killed in front of his family for campaigning against large scale mining operations. A

Mamanwa woman was shot and seized by the military and was refused medical attention. A

Banwaon minor witnessed the killing of his brother-in-law who opposed the presence of

mining companies in their area. A B’laan organizer was jailed because of organizing the

members of her community against mining. Lumad leaders faced trumped up charges of

murder and frustrated murder for resisting the plunder of their ancestral land. Lumad

communities were devastated and militarized.

Today, the human rights situation has even worsened and the plight of the Lumads

continues. Mindanao has literally been turned into a “military garrison” with the deployment

of 55 combat battalions across six regions of the island and the mobilization of special military

formations such as the Investment Defense Forces, paramilitary groups and private

securities. Killings, torture, illegal arrests, abduction, filing of fabricated cases against leaders

and activists, forced evacuation, and displacement persist. Since US-Aquino rose to power,

human rights group Karapatan has documented at least 204 cases of extra-judicial killings,

49 of which were indigenous peoples killed for defending their ancestral land. Another 207

cases were frustrated killing.

Alternative learning schools of IP communities were not spared as military occupation

has plagued these communities. Karapatan has reported that attacks on schools by soldiers

have resulted to the displacement of 5,000 school children. At least 11 schools have been

closed due to militarization. Elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines have occupied

the communities of Ata-Manobo tribe in Talaingod, Davao del Norte.

According to Save Our Schools Network, there are 214 lumad community schools in

Mindanao that have been subjected to military attacks in the form of encampment and

destruction of school facilities and harassment of teachers and students. “These violations of

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the human rights of Talaingod Manobos disrupted their everyday lives, their children’s

education and moreso, their culture. But their resolve to continue their struggle for their land

and their future remain steadfast. It is their call and demand to respect their right to live

freely, exercise their political participation and further develop their culture as people.”

As teachers and educational workers, we strongly urge our fellow teachers and

educational workers, especially our students, to support the outcry against US-Aquino’s

Oplan Bayanihan. Military troops must be pulled out immediately from the communities in

order for Lumads to return to their homes and rebuild their lives. Let’s join all the progressive

and patriotic sectors of our society in their call to make Aquino accountable for his crimes

against the people. We encourage all sectors to help in exposing and opposing the atrocities

perpetrated by state forces against the Indigenous Peoples. Our collective voices and action

are instrumental in upholding and defending the right of Lumads to their ancestral land and

self-determination.

Defend our communities!

Stop Oplan Bayanihan of the US-BS Aquino regime in Mindanao and in the whole

country!

Pull out all military combat troops from indigenous ancestral lands, farms, schools,

churches and communities!

Disarm and disband paramilitary groups now!

Scrap the Mining Act of 1995 and Aquino’s EO 79!

End the state of impunity!

Down with fascism!

Down with state terrorism!

Uphold human rights!

Iskolar ng bayan, maglingkod sa bayan at sambayanan!

https://contendup.wordpress.com/2014/11/20/save-our-schools-pull-out-military-troops-in-ip-

communities-now-statement-of-congress-of-teacherseducators-for-nationalism-and-democracy-november-

21-2014/

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LET’S REMEMBER THE VICTIMS AND SURVIVORS OF YOLANDA

TYPHOON, JUSTICE FOR THE VICTIMS OF STATE NEGLECT Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy

on the First Year Anniversary of Supertyphoon Yolanda

November 8, 2014

Today, we commemorate the tragic disaster that struck our country and our people.

Typhoon Yolanda, the most powerful storm to make landfall in our recorded history, with

sustained winds of 270 kph, gusts of up to 312 kph, and a storm surge as high as 7 meters,

struck the Philippines on November 8, 2013. It pummelled the provinces were Leyte and

Eastern Samar, with a combined population of 2.3 million. It affected over 14 million people,

causing more than 6,000 deaths and displacing 4 million people. Such horrendous figures

could have been minimized if the government implemented a massive, information-based

evacuation program. Pres. Aquino did nothing but to go on television on the eve of the

supertyphoon’s arrival to give a weather forecast. No mass evacuations were undertaken in

Tacloban City, which has a population of scarcely 200,000. Yet the Vietnamese government

evacuated 600,000 people almost two days before typhoon Yolanda (international name

Haiyan) hit its coastal areas. Vietnam sustained less than ten deaths.

The incompetence of the Aquino government is no more fully demonstrated than in

its gross neglect of the devastated people immediately after the supertyphoon hit Leyte and

Eastern Samar. He even fired the police Chief Superintendent who gave a realistic assessment

of the death toll.Pres. Aquino forced to apologize, barely after four months, upon being

questioned by a high school student during a public forum. Worse, after declaring publicly

that he will stay in Tacloban indefinitely to supervise relief operations, Pres. Aquino hurriedly

left after the Supreme Court ruled that PDAF was unconstitutional. For Pres. Aquino

patronage politics is more important than the millions of lives devastated by the

supertyphoon. He chose the pork barrel over expressing solidarity with the devastated and

traumatized people. Meanwhile, instead of attending to the people’s miseries, his minions in

the cabinet tried to downplay the disaster and planned how to rebuild the tourism industry

in the affected areas.

In its failure to respond to the massive devastation, the US-Aquino regime simply

relied on US military forces by welcoming the docking of a giant US nuclear-powered aircraft

carrier, at least six other warships, and nearly 10,000 American troops. And the US

imperialists were just too happy to overwhelm the people with ostentatious display of

humanitarian assistance and relief operations to prepare for the permanent military basing

in our country through Enhanced Defence Cooperation Agreement (EDCA).

Pres. Aquino even appointed Sen. Panfilo Lacson, a known military fascist, as the

“rehabilitation czar”. And Sen. Lacson wasted no time in inviting and courting big businesses

and ‘s Aquinocronies like the Ayalas, Cojuancos, Pangilinan and Petillas to literally slice and

apportion Tacloban according to their own economic spheres of interests. Today, after a year

of neglect and incompetence, Pres. Aquino, barely a week before the first anniversary of

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Yolanda disaster, had just signed the P167.9 billion recovery plan. And this definitely will be

used as carrot and stick for 2016 election. Worse, this huge amount will facilitate the inroads

of bourgeois comprador businesses and foreign investments in the Yolanda-devastated areas.

Indeed even in disasters, bureaucrat capitalists, big landlords, and imperialists benefit

more than the victims and the survivors. The bureaucrat capitalists and big landlords use

disasters to advance their business interests by exploiting the helpless unemployed people,

buying and occupying lands, and setting up exclusive economic zones. The imperialists on

the other hand blackmail the traumatized people and their government, making them believe

they cannot recover without military intervention and massive foreign investments.

According to Ibon Foundations, though 1.5 million families were affected, only 215,471

families are reported to have benefited from Cash for Building Livelihood Assets projects.

Only 44,870 fisherfolk were provided fishing gears and 32,081 fisherfolk had their bancas

replaced or repaired; only 4,507 seaweed farmers were assisted. Victims remain largely in

temporary and transitional shelters. Reports reveal that only 364 housing units were

completed in Tacloban and Tanauan, Leyte.

Hence, we, members of CONTEND-UP Diliman, express our continuing support for

the Yolanda survivors. We join them in their struggle to regain their lives and rights by

fighting against the incompetence and neglect of the government. We urge all educators to

express solidarity with all the victims and survivors of Yolanda disaster especially those

affected in the educational sector. Today, the schools and education in the affected areas have

not yet recovered and normalized. Many students already migrated to other neighbouring

provinces because of lack of educational facilities. Others already dropped out of school. As

of now, only 213 classrooms have been repaired out of the target 19,648 classrooms.

The tragedy of Yolanda simply mirrors our greatest tragedy: a state ruled by

bureaucrat capitalists who pocketed and unconstitutionally re-aligned billions of pesos

through DAP and PDAF from the national budget to finance their massive political election

machineries while neglecting the rehabilitation of Yolanda-affected areas. Thus, after a year

of continuing state neglect, we join the chorus of our progressive and patriotic people of

Yolanda-affected areas:

JUSTICE FOR YOLANDA VICTIMS!

JUSTICE FO ALL THE VICTIMS OF STATE NEGLECT!

NO TO IMPERIALIST-ORIENTED, CAPITALIST-DRIVEN, ANTI-PEOPLE

REHABILTATION PROGRAM!

OUST PRES. AQUINO, THE PRESIDENT OF DISASTERS!

https://contendup.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/lets-remember-the-victims-and-survivors-of-yolanda-

typhoon-justice-for-the-victims-of-state-neglect/

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LET’S SHOW OUR RAGE AND DEMAND JUSTICE FOR THE DEATH OF

JEFFREY “JENNIFER” LAUDE, LET’S UNITE WITH THE PEOPLE TO

DEFEND OUR SOVEREIGNTY AGAINST US IMPERIALISM Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy

on the Death of Jeffrey Laude, a Transgender in Olongapo City

14 October 2014

The members of CONTEND-UP Diliman, express our deepest sympathy to the family

and friends of Jeffrey “Jennifer” Laude, 26, a transgender who was killed brutally in Celzone

Lodge, Olongapo City, last 11 October 2014, allegedly by an American marine soldier. We join

our fellow Filipinos who condemn this dreadful crime and who demand immediate justice for

the death of Laude. We support the growing clamor of our patriotic people for the immediate

abrogation of the Visiting Forces Agreement and Enhanced Cooperation Agreement (EDCA)

and all other military agreements with American government.

Laude’s death is not the first recorded death of a Filipino in the hands of Americans in

the long history of US imperialist plunder of our economy, destruction of our environment,

exploitation of our people, and meddling in our national politics. The rape case of Suzette

Nicolas in 2005 should remind us that those who do not learn from the past mistakes are

bound to repeat the same mistakes in the present. In this case, the Article 5 item 6 of VFA

(Criminal Jurisdiction), will again put the Philippine government in disadvantaged position,

by giving the custody of the alleged criminal to the US: “The custody of any United States

personnel over whom the Philippines is to exercise jurisdiction shall immediately reside with

United States military authorities, if they so request, from the commission of the offense until

completion of all judicial proceedings.” The US imperialists and their local lackeys will again

apply all forms of deceptive extra-legal chicanery to save American honor, as evidenced in the

Wikileaks information about the haggling of the question of custody of Daniel Smith between

Washington and Manila in 2009. To extricate their soldiers, the US imperialists will use all

means to blackmail our government just as they suspended Balikatan Exercises immediately

after Cor. Daniel Smith was incarcerated in 2007 to put pressure on our government.

We urge our people not to be deceived by the posturing of some sectors of our society

who demand justice for Laude but insist that we need the American presence in our country

to defend our territories. This kind of double-talk and pseudo-nationalist rhetoric simply

resurrects the deceptive attitude of the elites in our history who betrayed our people by

trusting in the good will of our colonizers. We have to expose and oppose these war-mongers

who peddle the myth of America as ally and friend of democracy! We must refuse to be a part

of magnet for mounting terrorist attacks against American wars of plunder around the world.

We, as teachers and educational workers, urge our fellow teachers to discuss this

“burning issue” in our classes. We have to make this issue as a springboard to educate our

students about the distorted views of our history especially about American colonialism and

its continuing presence in our national life. We have to teach our students how Americans

manipulated our leaders, plundered our economy, supported Martial Law, and colonized the

minds of our people. We have to teach our students how to expose those unFilipino Filipinos

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who would rather let the death of Laude be muted than offending the sensibilities and feelings

of the American government.

We also express our full support for all transgender Filipinos who are struggling to end

all forms of discrimination. We reiterate Lenin’s wise advice to activists that we must be “able

to react to every manifestation of tyranny and oppression, no matter where it appears, no

matter what stratum or class of the people it affects.” Everyone Filipino who feels indignation

at any form of oppression should support the struggle of transgender Filipinos. The struggle

of transgender Filipinos, homosexuals, lesbians, and women cannot be isolated and

separated from the larger struggle of the Filipino people against inequalities and all forms of

tyranny. And our poverty and inequality cannot be abstracted from the historical ad

continuing unequal trade relations and military agreements with the American government.

Justice for Jeffrey Laude!

Junk VFA! Junk EDCA!

Arrest the murderer of Jeffrey Laude now!

US troops out now!

Down with US imperialism!

Down with state fascism!

Support the struggle of LGBTQ!

End all forms of discrimination!

Oust Pres. Aquino, the number one lackey of US imperialism!

Defend the sovereignty and dignity of our people!

Struggle for an independent foreign policy!

https://contendup.wordpress.com/2014/10/15/lets-show-our-rage-and-demand-justice-for-the-death-of-

jeffrey-laude-lets-unite-with-the-people-to-defend-our-sovereignty-against-american-imperialism-

statement-of-congre/

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IN THE FACE OF CONTINUING DESTITUTION OF FILIPINO TEACHERS

UNDER BUREAUCRAT CAPITALISM, TEACHERS MUST UNITE AND

ORGANIZE TO OUST THE CORRUPT PRESIDENT AND HIS CRONIES Statement of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of

the Philippines, Diliman

October 5, 2014

The members of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP

Diliman, join today all teachers of the world in celebrating World Teachers Day. We give the

highest accolade and tribute to all teachers who persistently dedicate themselves to moulding

the bright future of the young minds and hearts of our nation’s future despite the continuing

government abject neglect of our educational system. Thus, we express our solidarity to all

teachers who are now fighting for higher salary befitting a teacher. Our public school teachers

are helping shape the future of our young people — and of the nation as a whole. The least we

can do for them is to ensure that they are adequately compensated for their efforts and

sacrifices. Teachers should not be burdened by non-teaching tasks. They should be constantly

improving their teaching skills. They should have enough money to buy books and materials

and attend programs that enhance their knowledge of subjects they are teaching.

We bewail the recent death of three teachers in Pangasinan, which attest to the

increasing economic destitution the public teachers are immersed. With a starting monthly

wage of P18,549, teachers could not cope with the rising cost of living. They find it difficult,

if not impossible to send their children to a public school, and maintain a decent human life.

Most teachers therefore are forced to work as part-time call center agents, tutors, proctors,

selling goods and items to students to cope with the daily grind of life. Some of them are

forced to become domestic helpers abroad, while others become victims of illegal recruitment

and human trafficking. One study showed that in the last 10 years, around 4,000 Filipino

teachers—mostly math, science, English, and special education teachers—left the country.

This figure included only new hires for teaching jobs and did not include those who left the

country for work other than teaching. They receive $4,000 and $8,000 a month or 20 times

their pay check in the Philippines (Public Services Labor Independent Confederation).

Filipino teachers are forced to take on higher salary abroad, but basically, lower than their

counterparts in countries they work.

And while the government pays lip service to the heroism and dignified status of our

teachers, it stubbornly snubs the clamour of teachers to upgrade their basic salary, and ease

their economic woes and afflictions. The corrupt government of President Aquino, through

Budget Sec. Butch Abad, had “unconstitutionally” stolen billions of saving from government

agencies and dispersed them among the chosen Liberal Party members of the ruling class of

haciendero President. Yet it could not allot a portion for teachers’ welfare and benefits.

While the corruption-ridden administration of Pres. Aquino keeps on deceiving people

that it has increased the budget for basic education since 2010, claiming triumphantly that it

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has solved the backlogs in basic education such as textbooks, chairs, tables, schools,

classrooms, and teachers, yet the stark reality that the Filipino people saw during the opening

of classes last June simply confirmed how deceitful and incompetent our government is. This

is all the more true in the area as devastated by supertyphoon Yolanda.

Not content with insulting the teachers by ignoring their plight, the US-Aquino regime

even aggravates the tribulations of teachers by pushing for the implementation of the

impractical K+12 program. The K+12 program, which harmonizes with CHED’s restructuring

of higher education, relegates teachers to being mere appendage of an educational system

that teaches entrepreneurial values necessary to enter the exploitative world of transnational

companies, business process outsourcing companies (BPOs), here and abroad. Teachers,

rather than acting as transformative intellectuals, who will challenge the existing system, are

reduced to mere instruments for perfecting the bogus visions of K+12. Moreover the K+12

effectively sidelines the teachers in General Education by making their work redundant.

Teachers, faced with uncertainties, are forced to undergo re-training to be hired in high

schools, while the rest are excised from the system.

Amidst this worsening condition of our teachers, both in the public and private sectors,

we the members of CONTEND-UP, join the mass protest of teachers today to demand:

Upgrade Teachers’ Salary Now!

Fight for Greater Budget for Education!

Stop The Exploitation of Teachers!

Fight for a Nationalist, Scientific and Mass-Oriented Education!

Oust Pres. Aquino, the number One Enemy of Educational Reforms!

Sec. Butch Abad, the Architect of DAP, Resign Now!

Patricia Licuanan Of CHED, Who Supported “Pork Barrel” Allotment, Resign Now!

https://contendup.wordpress.com/2014/09/30/in-the-face-of-continuing-destitution-of-filipino-teachers-

under-bureaucrat-capitalism-teachers-must-unite-and-organize-to-oust-the-corrupt-president-and-his-

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