PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA · 2015. 7. 22. · political parties; and • examine the internal functioning and structure of political parties and the impact of

EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 24

EISA gratefully acknowledges the generous financial support for this project fromthe Royal Danish Embassy, Pretoria; the Embassy of Finland, Pretoria;and the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), Harare.

DANIDA FINLANDEMBASSY OF Swedish International

Development Agency

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PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTIN TANZANIA

Rose Shayo

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ISBN 1-920095-29-2

Zambia

Dar es Salaam

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iEISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24

PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

IN TANZANIA

EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24ii

iiiEISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24

2005

PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTIN TANZANIA

BYROSE SHAYO

EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24iv

Published by EISA2nd Floor, The Atrium

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P O Box 740Auckland Park

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EISA

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, storedin a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means,

electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without theprior permission of EISA.

First published 2005

EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democraticprinciples, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance

at all levels of Southern African society.

–––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––

Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes

Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, Ma USA

EISA Research Report, No. 24

vEISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

DR ROSE SHAYO is a senior lecturer and has for the past 25 years beenworking with the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) based at theUniversity of Dar es Salaam. She is convenor of the IDS Women’s StudiesGroup and chairperson of the Tanzanian Chapter of Women, Law andDevelopment (WilDAF). She has undertaken research and published severalpapers and articles on various development issues, including women andpolitics, gender and technology, gender and employment, gender and highereducation, gender and poverty. Some of her published articles have included,Women’s participation in elective politics in Tanzania: Problems, prospects andchallenges, REDET Report 8, 2001; Gender and employment sector reformsin Tanzania, IDS Journal 5(2), 2004; Alternative technologies available forwomen in Africa, Women’s Encyclopaedia 7, 2004; and The march towardsgender equality in higher learning institutions: The case of the UDSM, IDSJournal 5(5), 2004. Dr Shayo has also been active as a local and internationalconsultant on various gender training programmes dealing with gendermainstreaming, budgeting and planning.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The successful completion of this study was made possible with the supportof many people, particularly key officials in the parties that were studied aswell as colleagues at the University of Dar es Salaam. My thanks go to, amongothers, those party leaders who created an environment conducive to people’sinvolvement. We were able to make courtesy calls to the leaders of the CivicUnited Front (CUF), Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) andthe Tanzania Labour Party (TLP). Special acknowledgements are extendedto the party officials who responded directly to the questionnaires, including:Mr Chisi, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM); Richard Hiza Tambwe (CUF);Hamad Rajab Tao (TLP); Wilbroad Slaa (Chadema); Mr Tendwa (Registrarof Parties in Tanzania); the chairperson of the CCM’s youth wing; and MsJanet Kahama, (chairperson of UWT-CCM Dar es Salaam region). Specialthanks go to my colleagues at the Institute of Development Studies whoprovided constructive information on the functioning of parties, includingProfessor B. Koda, Dr S. Sinda, Dr R. Mhamba and Professor I. Shao. Ms S.Joyceline and Mr B. Salema are thanked for their support during the processof collecting the information used in preparing this paper, and Judith Stephenis thanked for her word-processing services.

EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24vi

PREFACE

Multiparty democracy is becoming increasingly entrenched in the SouthernAfrican Development Community (SADC) region. A few SADC memberstates, including Botswana and Mauritius, boast long-enduring multipartypolitical systems implemented since their independence. Others haveexperienced a variety of mono-party systems (Angola, the DemocraticRepublic of Congo [DRC], Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambiaand Zimbabwe), military dictatorship (Lesotho), apartheid rule (Namibiaand South Africa) or no-party dynastic regimes (Swaziland).

Since the 1990s, most SADC countries (barring Angola, the DRC andSwaziland) have undergone a phenomenal transition towards multipartypolitics. Crucial as this political transition is, its exact impact on democracyremains a moot point. In both the academic and policy discourses today, anumber of questions still require answers. For example:

• Has the current political transition enhanced democraticgovernance?

• Has the transition deepened democratic culture and practice?• Has the transition improved the effectiveness of democratic

institutions such as political parties?

EISA (formerly the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa) – under the theme‘Consolidating democratic governance in the SADC region’ – is thereforeundertaking a broad programme that attempts to answer these questions.

The first stage of the programme focused on political parties and attemptedto answer whether the transition improved the effectiveness of democraticinstitutions, such as political parties. This component of the programme wasundertaken jointly by EISA and the International Institute for Democracyand Electoral Assistance (IDEA) between 2003 and 2004. It investigated thestate of political parties in the democratisation process in the SADC regionover the past decade. The main goal of the programme was to assess the roleand effectiveness of political parties in the process of institutionalisation ofdemocratic governance in each of the SADC countries. The specific objectivesof the project were to:

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• assess the general political and socio-economic context of eachcountry and its possible impact on political parties;

• investigate the external regulatory and legislative environmentin each country and its impact on the role and functions ofpolitical parties; and

• examine the internal functioning and structure of political partiesand the impact of this on their institutional effectiveness.

There is no gainsaying that political parties play a critical role in thedemocratisation process. It is also incontrovertible that political parties arekey to the institutionalisation and consolidation of democracy. Thus,sustainable democracy is dependent upon well-functioning and effectivepolitical parties. Each country context suggests that vibrant and robust politicalparties are crucial actors in articulating and aggregating diverse interests,providing visionary political leadership, recruiting and presentingcandidates, and developing competing political and policy programmes uponwhich the electorate base their choices during elections.

Democracy is unthinkable without political parties and, conversely, politicalparties cannot add value to a political system under conditions ofauthoritarianism. Parties everywhere have the potential to be effective andaccountable, but they face enormous challenges. The political context andthe legal environment in which they function, as well as their systems ofinternal organisation, management and operation, require attention and areoften in need of reform.

Although little comparative research has been conducted, it is clear that theexternal environment – the regulatory, financial, political and electoral spheresin which political parties grow and function – influences parties’ strategiesand organisation. The external environment also has a fundamental impacton the capacity of parties to become more effective agents of democratisation.

The internal functioning of political parties determines how the social demandsof different groups in society are represented in parliament. Candidatesnominated for election are selected, supported and trained by their parties.In addition, parties put candidates in touch with voters and hold themaccountable. In many instances, the electoral and political culture and

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associated structures have allowed traditionally excluded groups – such aswomen, ethnic and religious minorities, indigenous peoples and youth – tohave only limited access to the political realm.

To address these issues, EISA and IDEA developed three questionnaires on:the country context; the external regulations and environment; and theinternal functioning and structure of political parties. Country studies wereundertaken by experts commissioned by EISA and IDEA. One of the mainoutputs of this project is a series of research reports, and this report forms anintegral part of the series.

We extend our profound gratitude to the Swedish International DevelopmentAgency in Harare, Zimbabwe, the Royal Danish Embassy in Pretoria, SouthAfrica and the Embassy of Finland in Pretoria, South Africa for their generousfinancial support, without which this programme would not have beenpossible.

We are also grateful to the following people who have played a crucial roleat various stages of the project: Denis Kadima, EISA executive director;Abdalla Hamdok, director, IDEA Africa Regional Office; Julie Ballington,IDEA programme officer; Roger Hallhag, IDEA head, political parties; PerNordlund, IDEA senior programme officer; Francesca Binda, IDEA, senioradvisor, political parties; Claude Kabemba, EISA programme manager,research; Jackie Kalley, EISA publications officer; Grant Masterson, EISAresearch fellow; Sydney Letsholo, EISA research assistant; Maureen Moloi,EISA research intern; Selby Matloga, EISA research intern; and NkgakongMokonyane, EISA assistant programme administrator. We acknowledge thesterling effort they invested in the project.

Thanks are also due to the party leaders who were interviewed and gavegenerously of their time. Last but not least, we would like to thank Dr RoseShayo for her insightful contribution to this programme.

Khabele MatlosaProject coordinator and series editor

EISA

ixEISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24CONTENTS

List of Acronyms xi

Executive Summary xii

1. Introduction 1Research methodology 2

2. Socio-economic context 5

3. Political development and democratisation 7Democratisation within parties 8

4. Contemporary history of political parties and party systems 9

5. External regulations and environment 13Legislation governing the formation of parties 13Regulatory framework for internal party functions 13Registration of parties 17Nomination of candidates for elections 17Processes for selecting party candidates for presidential elections 18Election campaigns and observation 20

6. Internal functioning and structure 21Policy development 21Opinion surveys 21Implementation of policy decision directives 21Membership and recruitment 21Communication with party members 23Training 23External relations 23Internal alliances 24Relations with the electoral commission and observers 25Relations with civil society organisations 25Media outlets 25Gender equality 26Party funding 27Campaign funding 28Support for women’s and youth wings 29

7. Constraints, challenges and opportunities 31Mushrooming of parties 31Lack of enforcement 31Party financing 31Interference with party activities 31Relationships between parties 31Membership 32Disconnected or uninformed parties 32Skewed party assistance 32Conflicting views on economic management 32

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Gender imbalances 32Limited or inadequate funding 32

8. Conclusions and recommendations 33

Notes 35

References 36

AppendicesAppendix 1: Country context questionnaire 39Appendix 2: External regulations and environment questionnaire 41Appendix 3: Internal functioning and structure questionnaire 45

About EISA 53

About IDEA 57

Other research reports in this series 58

List of tablesTable 1: Respondents and party affiliations 3

Table 2: Details of registered parties in Tanzania, 2005 10Table 3: Qualifications for party candidates for presidency 18

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LIST OF ACRONYMS

AU African UnionCC Central CommitteeCCM Chama cha MapinduziChadema Chama cha Demokrasia na MaendeleoChausta Chama cha Ustawi wa TanzaniaCSO Civil society organisationCUF Civic United FrontDP Democratic PartyFord Forum for the Restoration of DemocracyGDP Gross domestic productGGC General Governing CouncilMakini Demokrasia Makini (Maarifa, Kilimo na Nishati)MP Member of parliamentNCCR National Convention for Construction and ReformNEC National Executive CommitteeNGC National Governing CouncilNGO Non-governmental organisationPPT Progressive Party of Tanzania – MaendeleoRedet Research and Education for Democracy in TanzaniaSADC Southern African Development CommunityTLP Tanzania Labour Party

EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24xii

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This report presents findings from a study conducted in Tanzania for theEISA project on ‘Strengthening democracy through dialogue with parties’.The overall aims of this project are to examine the functioning and regulationof parties in Tanzania during the multiparty era, and to identify best practicesin relation to the functioning of parties in Southern Africa. The report providescomparative information on various aspects that were raised, including partyformation, membership, policy development and relations within andbetween parties, as well as constraints and challenges facing parties when itcomes to practising effective democracy.

Information presented in this report was obtained from primary andsecondary sources. The former involved in-depth interviews with key leadersof the four parties included in the survey, namely, Chama cha Mapinduzi(CCM), the Civic United Front (CUF), Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo(Chadema) and the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP).

Except for the CCM ruling party, the parties surveyed were established inthe early 1990s after the reintroduction of multiparty politics in Tanzania.Multiparty politics existed in the pre-independence period (1961), but wasabolished in 1965, leaving the country as a one-party state. Since theresumption of multiparty politics, there have been almost 100 attempts toestablish parties. Owing to the strict regulations, however, only 17 of thesehad been registered at the time of writing, and of these only the four includedin this study are active and have genuine and wide coverage throughout thecountry (that is, from national to grassroots levels).

It is evident from the findings that all four parties surveyed have well-designed legal documents (party constitutions, policy documents andelection manifestos) for regulating their functioning. For instance, eachparty’s constitution, although written and formatted in different styles, coversthe party’s objectives, membership (rights and duties) and meetings andorgans, from national to grassroots levels. Most constitutions have remainedunchanged for many years, but the CUF’s was revised after 10 years, in 2003.The parties have clear processes and procedures for nominating leaders.These vary from party to party and depend on the positions in question and

xiiiEISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24

the party’s financial stability. There are also differences with respect to thenomination of candidates seeking election to positions both within andoutside their own parties. Generally, the parties emphasise age, membershipstatus, academic qualifications and the support from members required bythe law. Although there are remarkable differences regarding theinterpretation of these basic qualifications, it became evident that the parties’respective national executives or governing councils approve the names ofall presidential and parliamentary candidates.

All four parties reported having leaders elected through party meetings andby society at large – both proceeded by election campaigns. Although mostelections have been smooth, there have been many petitions against certainelection irregularities as well as allegations of corruption.

Members generally have the right to participate in all political activities withintheir parties. However, some members, such as civil servants, are not allowedto take an active part in politics, including holding key leadership positions,especially in opposition.

The survey findings established that parties adopted both top-down andbottom-up approaches in dealing with various aspects related to thefunctioning of their parties.

Party membership is generally broadly inclusive. Parties prepare gender datamainly for internal purposes, but are not allowed to form parties on the basisof sex, class, ethnicity or religion. Owing to the continuous movement ofmembers both within and across parties it was not possible to establish theactual number of members of the various parties.

Most respondents were not willing to disclose information on issues relatedto finances. Except for the ruling party, most parties do not have adequatefunds or assets.

Most opposition parties indicated that they are experiencing several problemsand challenges. Some of our recommendations include the need to:

• improve the quality of opposition parties, particularly in relation totheir internal functioning;

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• create neutral political institutions to deal with constant conflictswithin and between parties;

• establish a fair playing field by laying down sound financialpolicies with clear information that requires parties to disclosethe sources of their funds and donations, and the details of theircampaign spending;

• design gender-sensitive strategies for addressing gender issueswithin parties, including both quantitative and qualitativeaspects; and

• organise periodic meetings to generate debate on issues relatedto the functioning of parties, as well as to establish and shareinformation on best practices.

1EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 24

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1

INTRODUCTION

This report presents findings from a study undertaken to examine thefunctioning of political parties in Tanzania and the regulations that governthem. The study aimed to get a full picture across the 13 Southern AfricanDevelopment Community (SADC) countries regarding various aspectsaffecting parties and democracy, including external regulations governingthe parties, parties’ internal functioning and other socio-economic aspects.

The individual country studies were undertaken to obtain comparative dataand to help to identify best practices in the region that might serve asexamples to countries wishing to engage in political reform. The findingsare expected to promote informed and constructive debate that will, it ishoped, lead to an environment in which parties in the SADC region cangrow, flourish and compete.

The study was conducted on four parties, namely the ruling CCM and threeopposition parties – the CUF, the TLP and Chadema. These parties werechosen because they have members in the Union Parliament on the Mainlandor in the House of Representative in Zanzibar, or both. The findings arepresented in a format prescribed by the study organisers, EISA.

The overall objective of this study is to examine patterns and trends duringthe multiparty era in the subject areas being studied. In order to accomplishthe above task, the following specific objectives were pursued, namely, toexamine:

• various issues related to the formation of parties, including theyear of establishment and the reasons for their establishment,the interest groups served, and the parties’ internal relations;

• party structures, as well as the election of party leaders;• the various processes and procedures parties follow in

formulating their policies and programmes;• issues related to party membership;• the processes and procedures parties use to nominate candidates

to various positions, such as the country’s presidency and MPs;

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• parties’ external relations, including their local and internationalcontacts; and

• funding arrangements, including membership fees, funding ofcampaigns, support for regional branches, income, fundraisingstrategies, party assets and patterns of expenditures within andamong parties.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

EISA provided researchers with a detailed questionnaire (see appendices)containing information on the methodology to be observed by researchersparticipating in the project.

The data and information presented in this report were obtained from bothsecondary and primary sources. The main secondary sources includepublished and unpublished information available from the University ofDar es Salaam main library, the Research and Education for Democracy inTanzania (Redet) Programme, the Tanzanian government and the variousparties studied.

Primary sources of information came from the questionnaires that were tobe completed by key people in each party, including the chairperson, thesecretary, the treasurer, the information officer and representatives dealingwith specific issues, such as women’s and youth policies and programmes.

During field surveys it was not possible to find all these people for eachparty. In these circumstances, researchers were expected to complementinformation from primary sources with secondary data and informationavailable from both government and non-governmental organisations(NGOs).

The four parties selected from the country’s 16 registered parties wereincluded because they all have representatives in the Union Parliament orHouse of Representatives or because they participated in the 1995 or 2000presidential elections. The selection criteria were:

• Number of representatives in Union Parliament and House ofRepresentatives: All the selected parties have representatives in


Table 1: Respondents and party affiliations

Party Designation Sex Total

CCM Director of Information M One

UVCCM Directors of Information and M Two

Policy Development

Chadema Secretary-general M One

CUF Secretary-general M One

the Union Parliament and House of Representatives. In the firstand second multiparty election in 1995 and 2000, the CCM hadthe largest number of seats, with 185 and 202 MPs respectively.The CUF had 24 MPs in 1995 and 17 in 2000. Chadema had 3MPs in 1995 and 4 in 2000. The TLP had no MPs in 1995 and 4 in2000.

• Participation in presidential elections: All the parties exceptChadema participated in the 1995 and 2000 presidential elections.The parties nominated the same candidates for both terms – MrMkapa was the CCM’s nominee, Prof Lipumba was the CUF’snominee and Mr Mrema was the TLP’s nominee.

• Party histories: The ruling party (the CCM) was formed more than28 years ago and has not split or merged with other parties, whileits top leadership has remained solid and united. In the TLP andChadema there have been leadership changes. Indeed, the TLPwas formed from nearly all the members of another party, NCCR-Mageuzi, when they left that party with their leader, Mr Mrema,after a conflict of interest.

The table summarises the designations and genders of the respondentsinvolved in the study.


We could not interview party chairpersons, as they were all involved withvarious party activities. They did, however, delegate their responsibilities toother key officials.

Four difficulties or limitations were encountered in the process of collectinginformation for this report, namely:

• There were complaints from respondents on the way the studyhad been formulated. They were concerned about the study’stop-down approach. The questionnaires were, however, preparedby EISA/IDEA, which asked the country researchers to completethem as they were. In view of this, some of the sensitive questionsabout funding and sources of funding were not answered asrespondents found these ‘too demanding’.

• Respondents also complained that the questionnaires were toolong and too detailed. Most respondents said that they were toobusy with party activities to do justice to the questionnaires.

• Respondents found it difficult to keep their appointments withus, and in each case we had to arrange three or more sessions forall the issues in the questionnaire to be discussed. In all, theresearchers needed seven trips to complete the questionnaires.

• Information from party reports and data on sensitive issues suchas membership was difficult to obtain from all the parties.


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2

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT

When Tanzania became independent, it was among the poorest countries inthe world. The situation became worse from the mid-1970s to the late-1980s,when Tanzania went through severe economic crises, prompted externallyby the 1973 OPEC oil price hikes and exacerbated by a deterioration inTanzania’s balance of payments from 1977, the war with Uganda in 1978and the second oil price hike in 1979. Domestic conditions were no better. Inaddition, the protective, inward-looking import substitution policiesdiscouraged export expansion and stifled competition both politically andeconomically.

These crises adversely affected the economy and were manifested in hugebalance of payment deficits, high inflation rates, a huge external debt,stagnant and sometimes negative per capita gross domestic product (GDP)growth, and a general lack of basic consumer goods. Attempts to resolve thecrisis led the Tanzanian government to sign agreements in 1986 with theWorld Bank and the International Monetary Fund. After the crises of the1970s and 1980s, the economy has been slowly recovering, largely due toliberalisation and structural adjustment policies. Domestic inflation, whichhad averaged 25% between 1986 and 1994, fell to 11% by June 1998 and tosingle digit levels from 1999.

Today, achievements in macro-economic stability have included increasedofficial and private capital inflows and improved foreign capital reserves.Gross official reserves were up by one-third from US$1,529 million in 2002to US$2,038 million in 2003 – equivalent to 8.9 months of imports of goodsand services. Growth in GDP has averaged 5.4% a year over the past fiveyears, or considerably higher than the average for African countries.1 Theimproved performance of Tanzania’s economy is the result of the structuralreforms that the government has consistently pursued over the past 11 years.

It has been a substantial achievement indeed, with the manufacturing andconstruction sectors growing by impressive annual rates of more than 8%and 11% respectively – the latter in the wake of primary educationdevelopment and road construction programmes. While the rate of capital


investment increased from 14.7% to 18.5% of GDP between 1997 and 2003,this is still too low for economic development to accelerate effectively. As aresult of tax reforms and greater administrative efficiency, there has alsobeen a significant increase in revenue collections – from an average of someTsh25 billion a month in the early-1990s to Tsh108 billion a month in 2003/4.

These achievements have facilitated the servicing of external debt, thedevelopment of financial markets and improvements to the money supply,credit facilities and export levels. They have also led to the reopening ofenterprises that had closed before privatisation, an increase in the quantityand quality of goods and services, increased tax revenue from privatisedbusinesses, increases in employment and a strengthening of the educationand health environment.


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3

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRATISATION

Tanzania had been a multiparty state from before independence until 1965,when the decision to establish a single-party state was implemented. Inrecent times, political development has gone hand in hand with socio-economic development, with the most significant feature being theestablishment of multiparty democracy in the early-1990s that culminatedin the first multiparty election in 1995.

We call it a political development because it was attained after a nationwidedebate and referendum at which the people voted for the best course ofaction. Politicians (including the late President Nyerere), elites and the mediawere all involved in educating the masses on the need to shift from one-party to multiparty politics. Although 80% of those voting remained infavour of single-party rule, with only 20% preferring a multipartydemocracy, the decision was taken to go for the latter. The politicaldevelopment for Tanzania was that the minority view should prevail as thepoliticians accepted that a change to multiparty politics was in the country’sbest interests.

However, this change took place when the ruling party and the governmentretained both political and economic power. As a result, there was noimmediate redistribution of national resources in favour of newly emergingparties. The opposition therefore remained weak until some senior membersof the CCM started breaking away from their party to join the oppositionforces. Today, therefore, the CCM and other parties may remain the samede jure but not de facto. Resources, however, are still not being allocatedequally, and this has allowed the CCM – in the same way as ruling partiesin other countries – to continue to retain its power.

At the same time, the CCM has broadened the democracy by permitting –in line with President Mkapa’s credo of ‘openness, transparency andaccountability’ – the rise of private media, independent journalism andalmost unlimited freedom of speech and of the press. Other key players,such as the trade unions and civil society, have been able to become involvedin the process, as they are no longer subject to an authoritarian government.


Since Tanzania adopted multiparty politic, several social groups have playeddecisive roles in achieving broader democratic participation. These haveincluded student and youth groups, political, human rights and women’sorganisations, and the church. Firm leadership has strengthened thefavourable political climate. Perhaps the only weakness has been that theprogressive sector of the country’s society operates predominantly at presentin the capital cities, with the rest of the country and the rural populationhaving been almost forgotten.

While cases of electoral corruption have occasionally been reported, thesehave mainly involved individuals, and not the CCM as the ruling party.

DEMOCRATISATION WITHIN PARTIES

Inevitably, the degree of democratisation within parties depends on thefreedom, openness, accountability and above all ethics that bind the membersinto one responsible organ. From the grassroots there are party organsthrough which every member has a right to participate and air his or herviews, right up to the apex of the party at the national level, where majordecisions are made.

There is a participative democracy within the ruling party that permitsopposing views. Occasionally, this is quite different from what happens whenthe word of the party chairperson is all that matters.

The ruling party’s encouragement of democracy within its ranks has beenfor a real reason and not ‘just for the sake of it’. The party in power haswelcomed alternative approaches and different points of view on themanagement of resources and the economy generally in order to createimproved conditions for the people. The success of this approach can beseen in the country’s dramatic economic improvement. The party’s altruistic-sounding agenda has included opening the doors to broad citizenship rights– including the right to life and the right to a minimum income – as well asgiving attention to questions such as redistribution and control of ownership,resources and powers, and working towards gender equality.


4

CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES ANDPARTY SYSTEMS

The contemporary history of multiparty politics in Tanzania can be tracedback to the early 1990s, when Tanzania’s first president, the late MwalimuJulius Kambarage Nyerere, introduced the idea of reinstituting a multipartysystem in the country. According to Mmuya and Chaligha,2 President Nyererecalled a press conference in February 1990 and announced that it was nottreasonable to debate multiparty politics in Tanzania. Moreover, hechallenged Tanzanians to start thinking about the relevance of retaining asingle-party system: ‘The single party is not a religious dogma that wasnever to be tampered with,’ he said. The National Executive Committee ofthe CCM, under his chairmanship, endorsed his proposals and sanctioneda national debate on multiparty politics in Tanzania.

A commission under the chairmanship of Chief Justice Francis Nyalali wasformed to gauge public opinion on the reintroduction of multiparty politics.Msekwa3 reports that Tanzania officially became a multiparty state in 1992and the constitution was amended after 30 years of one-party politics toaccommodate the new changes. According to Ngware,4 however, the rulingCCM has continued to exercise an almost exclusive monopoly of powerand authority, even though 12 parties were formally registered between 1992and 2001. Indeed, Chachage5 argues that by 1994, 43 parties applied forprovisional registration but only 13 managed to get full registration.Likewise, five parties were formed between 2002 and 2005.

It is pertinent to note that the majority of members of opposition partiescame from the ruling party (the CCM), including the leaders of variousparties. Thus, it is proper to indicate that most opposition parties are splintergroups from the pre-multiparty period. According to Malyamkono6 afterthe reintroduction of multiparty politics, most people started to challengethe supremacy of the ruling party. In this respect, although the CCM wasvery strong as an institution it began to lose support from the people, thusproviding space for the creation of new parties. Nevertheless, very few ofthese parties have gained broad-based support, particularly at grassrootslevels. This is clearly reflected in the location of their head offices. All the

9


parties except for the ruling party (the CCM) have their head offices in Dares Salaam city. The head office for the ruling party (the CCM) is in Dodoma,which is the capital city of Tanzania. Between 1993 and 2004, 16 parties hadachieved full registration. Table 2 summarises details of registered parties inTanzania in 2005.

Table 2: Details of registered parties in Tanzania, 2005

Name Certificate Chairman Secretary-General Address & other details

1. Chama cha 001/92 Benjamin Philip Mangula Kuu Street, DodomaMapinduzi William Telephone 21805757(the CCM) Mkapa

2. Civic United 002/93 Ibrahim Seif Sharrif Hamad Mtendeni StreetFront Lipumba P O Box 3637, Zanzibar(the CUF) Telephone 024 22 37446

3. Chama Cha 003/93 F Mbowe W Slaa Ufipa Street, KinondoniDemokrasia na P O Box 5330, DSMMaendeleo Telephone 2170785(Chadema)

4. Union for 004/93 Salum Ally Idrissa Ali Bakari Itungi Street, MagomeniMultiparty (acting) P O Box 298, DSMDemocracy Telephone 074 44 78153(UMD)

5. National 005/93 James Mbatia Mwaiseje Polisya Kilosa Street, No 2, IlalaConvention P O Box 72474, DSMfor Construction Telephone 074 43 18812and Reform(NCCR-Mageuzi)

6. National 006/93 Emmanuel Khalfan Matumiah Plot D/73, SinzaLeague for Makaidi P O Box 352, DSMDemocracy(NLD)

7. United People’s 012/93 Fahmi Abdullah Ally Shariff Mussa Street,Democratic Dovutwa KageraParty P O Box 11746, DSM(UPDP) P O Box 3121 Zanzibar

Telephone 074 47 53075

8. National 009/93 Rashid Masoud Ratuu Bububu Street, TandikaReconstruction Mputa KilimahewaAlliance P O Box 100125, DSM(NRA) Telephone 074 44 96724


Source: Registrar of parties in Tanzania, November 2005

9. Tanzania 010/93 John Lifa Charles Dotto Buguruni MalapaDemocratic Chipaka Lubala P O Box 482, DSMAlliance Party Telephone 022 28 65244(Tadea)

10. Tanzania 012/93 Augustine Rajab Tao Argentina, ManzeseLabour Party Mrema P O Box 7273, DSM(TLP) Telephone 074 43 25648

11. United 013/93 John Teddy Kasela Mbezi, JuuDemocratic Momose Bantu P O Box 5918, DSMParty Cheyo Telephone 074 86 13723(UDP)

12. Demokrasia 014/01 Godfrey Dominick Kinondoni, MkwajuniMakini Hicheka Lyamchai Mabuki(Makini) P O Box 70387, DSM

Telephone 074 83 42077

13. Haki na 015/01 James Joseph Drive-Inn, OysterbayUstawi Mapalala Mkomagu P O Box 5450, DSM(Chausta) Telephone 074 49 90228

14. Forum 016/02 Ramadhan Emmanuel 13 Kibambawe Street,for the Mzee Patuka KariakooRestoration P O Box 15587, DSMof Democracy Telephone 074 44 78116(Ford)

15. Progressive 4/3/2003 Peter Ahmed Hamad Plot No 11 Morocco RdParty of Kuga P O Box 31932, DSMTanzania Mziray Telephone 074 43 00302(PPT-Maendeleo)

16. Jahazi Asilia 18/11/2004 Abuu Shaaban Kakinga Saateni JKU RoadJuma P O Box 761, ZanzibarAmour Telephone 074 74 28593

It will be seen that the first 11 parties were formed immediately after theintroduction of multiparty politics, while the others were formed in the pastfive years. Parties in the later category include Demokrasia Makini, Chausta,and Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (Ford), the Democratic Party(DP), Progressive Party of Tanzania (PPT)-Maendeleo, and Jahazi Asilia.


Parties from the days of pre-multiparty politics, including the ruling CCM,have a history dating back to soon after the attainment of politicalindependence in 1961. The CCM has a strong ideology base and a strongnational grassroots identity. It has a firm and sustainable organisationalstructure and continues to gain support.

Later parties, which are in opposition, can be divided into those formedbetween 1992 and 2000 and parties formed more recently.


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5

EXTERNAL REGULATIONS AND ENVIRONMENT

LEGISLATION GOVERNING THE FORMATION OF PARTIES

This is detailed in a 1992 government notice, titled Party Registration –popularly know as the Regulations – which includes information on:

• conditions for applying for temporary registration;• processes and procedures for applying for full registration;• office-bearers and changes in office-bearers;• changes in the location of a party’s head office or postal address;• changes to the name or status of a party – including becoming a

member or affiliate of another party or organisation locatedoutside the country, or applying for deregistration;

• changes to a party’s constitution;• name changes – generally, parties may not use identical names

or names that resemble those of existing parties or that are likelyto confuse members of the public;

• records of funds and sources of funds;• notices, returns and reports; and• offences and penalties.

The Registrar of Parties may refuse to register a party, but if s/he does so s/hemust give reasons for this.

REGULATORY FRAMEWORK FOR INTERNAL PARTY FUNCTIONS

On paper, most parties have frameworks and polices that allow for internaldemocracy in all-important matters, including party organs, selection ofcandidates and settlement of disputes.

CCMThe ruling party has well-designed and elaborate regulations governingalmost every aspect of the party. These are contained in the party’sconstitution and in its Party Guidelines document, and include:

• the name, objectives and aims of the party;• membership and leadership, including founding members,


new members, conditions for joining the party, training of newmembers, membership contributions, annual fees, resignationfrom party membership and membership rights and obligations;

• party meetings from branch to national level, the latter including:❑ the National Congress;❑ the National Executive Committee (NEC) and its secretariat;

and❑ the Central Committee (CC) of the NEC;

• responsibilities of the CC, including:❑ providing general political guidance;❑ overseeing the implementation of party activities at all levels;❑ spreading the policy of the CCM throughout the country;❑ monitoring the implementation of party elections; and❑ electing district party secretaries.

During presidential elections, the CC also deals with:

• nominations of and recommendations for party members for thepositions of chairperson and deputy chairperson of the party;

• nominations for the president of Tanzania;• nominations of party members for MPs and members of the

House of Representatives;• disciplinary actions against all party members except the party’s

chairperson and deputy chairperson; and• issues relating to national security and development.

CUFThe comprehensive constitution of the CUF was formulated immediatelyafter the party’s establishment in 1993 and revised 10 years later. It regulatesthe internal functioning of the party, which was created by Shariff Hamad, aformer Zanzibar chief minister in the CCM government. It has a strong baseboth in Zanzibar and on the Mainland. The party was formed after a pressuregroup from the Mainland, Chama cha Wananchi, united with Kamahurufrom Zanzibar at a meeting that was held at the Institute of Finance andManagement in Dar es Salaam.

The CUF is a liberal party and a member of Liberal International and AfricanLiberal networks. The party was established with the intention of improving


the wellbeing of all Tanzanians with respect to socio-economic and politicalmatters.

To be more precise, the party is committed to addressing the needs, interestsand priorities of low-income people, particularly in the informal sector (theso-called Wabangaizaji). The party works closely with people of all walks oflife and has become known as a ‘people’s party’.

The CUF’s constitution and operational guidelines are similar to those ofthe CCM. Its General Governing Council (GGC), which is its national organ,governs the party and meets on a quarterly basis.

A total of 45 members of the GGC (i.e. 25 from the Mainland and 20 fromZanzibar) are elected by delegates to the party’s general congress, whichmeets every two-and-a-half years. Congress delegates, who are required topay a registration fee of Tsh500, are drawn from regional and local partybranches and other affiliates, such as youth and women’s wings. Delegatesreceive allowances but not salaries. Decisions taken by the congress need tobe ratified by the GGC, which is the party’s highest decision-making body.

The party’s constitution also gives guidance on the formation of partybranches, for which a membership of 50 is required.

ChademaThis was one of the first opposition parties in Tanzania. A former Minister ofFinance in the CCM government, Mr Edwin Mtei, established Chadema in1993. Since its inception, Chadema has provided strong opposition becauseit has a clear programme of activities from national to grassroots levels. Unlikeother strong parties, such as the TLP and National Convention forConstruction and Reform (NCCR-Mageuzi), Chadema has undergone nosplit in its ranks and has retained both its original name and its membershipintegrity. The party is considered to have a centre-right alignment.

Similar to the CUF, Chadema sees its role as fighting for the rights of low-income urban and rural people. It believes that the people’s low level ofdevelopment can be transformed by the power of the people in the privatesector of the country’s economy. The party’s leaders are campaigning for


good economic governance and attacking the misappropriation of publicgoods and services by the ruling party. They believe that all the country’ssocial groups – from the elite to the business community and the peasants –can combine to create ‘peoples power’.

Chadema’s constitution includes clear operational guidelines on membershipand financial issues, and on the formation and roles of party organs fromnational to branch levels. The constitution contains procedures for theselection of members of its National Governing Council (NGC), which meetsevery five years, as well as for the selection of candidates for MPs and formembership of regional and district branches and the party wings for women,youth and people with disabilities. Lower-level bodies elect most of the partyleadership in a bottom-up approach, while higher-level bodies elect thedirectors of various departments. The party also has a code of ethnics for itsmembers and officials.

While Chadema has no formal internal quotas for women or youth, 37% ofthe members of the NGC are women and almost 23% are youth members.NGC members receive no salaries but are paid subsistence allowanceswhenever they attend meetings. If available, allowances are also paid atdistrict and regional levels, but again no salaries.

The next highest organ of the party is the NEC, whose members are electedby national, regional and district congresses, as well as by women’s andyouth wings at regional and district levels. A further 12 members areappointed by the party’s national chairperson, half from the Mainland andhalf from Zanzibar, with six of the members being women or youth members.

The party’s structure includes some 25,000 sub-branches – each with at leasteight members living in a sub-village – and 8,000 branches – each made upof several sub-branches. There are also 130 district branches and severalwomen’s and youth wings throughout the country, as well as regionalbranches for each of Tanzania’s 26 regions, five of which are in Zanzibar.

A representative from a district branch supervises the choice of the leader ofa sub-branch. Party members are required to pay a total of TSh500 as annualand subscription fees.


Overall observationsIn practice, parties have adopted both top-down and bottom-up approachesin addressing various issues related to the functioning of their parties.Consciously or unconsciously, however, most party leaders have createdorganisational structures that tend to concentrate power at the top levels,with most decisions handed down to the lower party levels. The chairpersonis usually the senior party officer.

The three parties that provided us with information on the subject told usthat their parties were all managed by national governing councils, differingonly in the details of their structure, size, operation and frequency ofmeetings.

REGISTRATION OF PARTIES

The 1992 Parties (Registration) Regulations provides detailed informationon the processes and procedures to be followed by individuals or groupsinterested in establishing political parties. Registration is normally inprovisional and full stages, and requires copies of constitutions, rules andnames and other details of two founding members.

Prospective parties are required to pay the Registrar of Parties’ fee, afterwhich, to achieve full registration, they are required to:

• have at least 200 members aged above 18 years;• have support from at least 10 regions, two of which must be from

Zanzibar and Pemba;• submit the names of their parties’ national leaders, one from the

Mainland and the other from Zanzibar; and• provide proper addresses for the national party offices, including

the physical location and the postal addresses of their head offices

NOMINATION OF CANDIDATES FOR ELECTIONS

The presidencyTable 3 summarises the qualifications for party candidates for the country’spresidency. As will be noted, these are virtually identical for all the parties.


Table 3: Qualifications for party candidates for presidency

Requirements Party

CCM CUF Chadema TLP

Age – above 40 years ✓ ✓ * ✓ ✓

Belong to a certain ethnic group X X X X

Must hold position in party X X X X

Representative from a certain geographical area X X X X

Active members of the party for at least five years ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

Academic qualifications ✓ † ✓ ✓ ✓‡

Leadership experience – at least five years inside ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

and outside the party

Fulfil all legal requirements of the Registrar of ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

Parties

✓ Reflects a Yes response and X a No response* For the CUF, at least 45 years.† For the CCM, this is a basic undergraduate degree.‡ For the TLP, this is reading and writing fluency in both Swahili and English.

PROCESSES FOR SELECTING PARTY CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENTIAL

ELECTIONS

CCMOn 10 February 2005, 11 members of the CCM, the ruling party, who wereeligible to stand for the presidency, were invited to collect application formsfrom the party secretary-general. They were then given two months (up to15 April) to collect at least 25 signatories from 10 regions in Tanzania,including two regions in Zanzibar and Pemba, in order to establish the extentto which party members throughout the country accept each prospectivecandidate. After the prospective candidates returned their forms to thesecretary-general, a confidential meeting was held by the party’s nationalsecretariat, which forwarded its technical recommendations to the ethicscommittee, which then scrutinised and discussed the qualities of eachprospective candidate on the basis of prescribed parameters. The ethicscommittee then forwarded a shortlist of five names to the party’s central


committee, which after further discussion forwarded its three preferrednames to the party’s national congress, attended by some 1,500 membersfrom all 26 of the country’s districts. The congress used the three-vote system(kura tatu) to declare the name of the winning candidate by a majority of thevotes.

CUFAspiring candidates from this party similarly collect application forms, whichthey submit to the party secretaries in the districts where they havepermanent residence. The district executive committees then scrutinise theforms and forward them for discussion first by the NEC and then by theparty’s general congress, after which one name is selected by a simplemajority in a secret ballot as the party’s presidential candidate. This candidatethen recommends the name of his or her running mate as vice-president tothe party’s central committee.

ChademaThe party’s central committee provides forms for assisting party membersto elect party leaders, including its candidate for the presidency. There is atimetable for the collection and submission of the forms after these havebeen filled in. The selection process begins with district and nationalexecutive committees, and their recommendations are normally endorsedby the party’s national congress. Chadema has introduced a system of givingunsuccessful candidates reasons for their not having been selected.

TLPAny member aspiring for the presidency must meet the conditions laid downby the party and complete the required forms. The central committee thendiscusses the qualities of each of the would-be candidates and approves thename of one candidate to stand for the presidency.

Candidates for other officesAll the party constitutions lay down procedures for electing leaders tovarious positions within their parties, such as:

• national leaders, including party chairpersons and vice-chairpersons;


• party secretaries and treasurers;• heads of various party organs and committees; and• regional, district, ward, branch and sub-branch officers.

For leadership positions within a party, similar qualities and proceduresgenerally apply, as in the case of aspirant candidates for the country’spresidency. These include diligence, commitment and adherence to partyguidelines. For members to become party leaders, sex, colour, ethnicity, class,age or place of residence provide no disqualification. Equality within partiesis emphasised by the use of the word ‘comrade’ (ndugu) as the commonform of address, although some honorific, such as ‘honourable’, ‘professor’or ‘bishop’ are gaining currency.

ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND OBSERVATION

Party leaders are elected through party meetings, while the leadership usuallyappoints administrators. Parties’ national congresses elect all national leaders.While details may differ, political campaigns are a common feature of allparties. These serve two purposes – to advertise a party’s policies and toassess the personal attributes and leadership qualities of the various aspirants.

There are today considerable differences compared with the one-party era,when, for example, there was only one candidate for the country’s presidencyand the voters could vote only ‘yes’ or ‘no’, or not vote at all.

Except in 1995, elections in the multiparty era have gone smoothly, althoughthere have been various petitions to contest some parliamentary results. Thereis stiff competition among parties, and charges of corruption against MPsand councillors during the campaign process are quite common.


6

INTERNAL FUNCTIONING AND STRUCTURE

POLICY DEVELOPMENT

Most parties make use of departmental heads to draft policy papers, whichthen go to the party secretariats for discussion and improvement. Revisedpolicy proposal documents are then forwarded to the central committeesfor further deliberations, after which they go up to the parties’ highestdecision-making organs for final approval and endorsement.

The overall policy statements of all the parties surveyed were very similar.All parties expressed commitment to the development of a strong economicand political base that is both self-sustaining and responsive to the needs ofthe majority of the country’s people, particularly the poor and marginalisedgroups.

OPINION SURVEYS

The CCM, Chadema and the TLP have access to their own opinion surveyresources as well as to public resources – which include institutions such asRedet for which they are not required to pay insofar as the research is relatedto the parties’ activities. All three parties also poll their own members’opinions.

IMPLEMENTATION OF POLICY DECISION DIRECTIVES

All parties noted that they were required to operate within the approvedpolicies of their parties, and that any leaders or members who are in violationof party decisions or rules were subject to disciplinary proceedings involvingethics or advisory boards or committees at all levels of the party structures.

MEMBERSHIP AND RECRUITMENT

The CCM, Chadema and the TLP indicated that they maintained membershipregisters at the branch level, and that reports on membership were submittedto the party head offices at the national level. There were, however, difficultiesin quoting actual numbers because the figures were continually fluctuating.

Nevertheless, the secretary-general of Chadema indicated that at the time ofthe survey his party had about 850,000 members on the Mainland and in

21


Zanzibar. This included a membership drive during which no fewer thanhalf a million new members were recruited during 2004 in preparation forthe forthcoming election in October 2005.

Similarly, the secretary-general for the TLP reported that his party’smembership had increased from fewer than 10,000 members in 1995 to some300,000 in the year 2000, and to more than one million in 2005.

While the membership strength of the ruling CCM was not known,opposition parties were concerned that it had employed the administrativeservices of the state for more than 40 years to gain its membership strength.There was further concern that the ruling party could afford to pay its officialsand staff much higher salaries than was the case with the opposition parties.

A study by Chaligha7 established that very few elite people join oppositionparties, particularly at the early stages of these parties. All parties had clearcriteria for recruiting new members and for the members’ rights andobligations once they had joined. The details provided for the ruling partyare broadly similar to those of the other parties.

CCMMembers are required to participate fully in party activities, to offer theiropinions at party meetings, to take part in elections of leaders and otherofficials and to be elected to any vacant position in the party. Members maycriticise the party and present their views at higher levels if they are notsatisfied. They are also entitled to meet any of the party’s leaders if theyfollow laid-down procedures.

People may join the party if they are above 18 years of age, are employed orare a peasant (farmer) and subscribe to the party’s constitution. They mustalso respect other people, be prepared to cooperate with other people andlet their actions and deeds be a role model for others. They must, in addition,be hard working and ready to advocate the party’s ideology.

ChademaMembers pay fixed amounts in membership and annual fees but the exactamounts were not disclosed. However, most members cannot afford these fees.


TLPActivists and other influential people are sometimes retained to recruitmembers. When identified by branch and other leaderships, these recruitingagents may receive small financial support in the form of food and transportallowances. This is especially the case for those with family commitments. Amember who joins this party is required to pay TSh200 for his or hermembership card plus an annual membership fee of TSh600.

COMMUNICATION WITH PARTY MEMBERS

Individual postal correspondence is the most frequent form of com-munication in the case of all parties except the CUF, which relies to a largeextent on public rallies and meetings. Rallies are also used by the other parties,as are mobile phones and, to a smaller extent due to the limited access tocomputers, websites and email.

Members who have filed petitions against election results communicate withparty leaders in order to receive administrative guidance and support.Although parties’ constitutions and election manifestos are widely available,most party leaders said that few of their members read these regularly.

TRAINING

All four parties surveyed offer training to different categories of theirmembership, including the leadership, campaign volunteers, aspiringcandidates, MPs and party officials.

Political training for candidates for senior positions in their parties or forpublic offices includes training in lobbying, advocacy and social andeconomic issues. There is also training on gender issues, good governance,multiparty politics, democracy, peace and security.

Civic education programmes for the general public and for women’s andyouth wings are sometimes offered in partnership with certain NGOs andcivil society organisations (CSOs).

EXTERNAL RELATIONS

As the ruling party, the CCM has strong contacts with internationalorganisations, but no details were available.


ChademaThe party communicates with the International Democrat Union (IDU) andhas contacts with political parties in various countries, including theConservative Party of the United Kingdom, the Center Party in Sweden,Kokomus in Finland, the NPP in Ghana, the DP in Kenya, Renamo inMozambique and the UMP in Sri Lanka.

TLPThe party has ‘friends’ in the Scandinavian countries and in the United States(particularly the Democrats), who are supporting them. Since 2002 theNetherlands-based Institute for Multiparty Democracy has provided fundsto the TLP for civic education training for its members and for capacity-building training for its leaders. The National Democratic Institute of Americaand the Foundation for Democracy in Africa have provided similar funding.

CUFThis party has contact only with the Liberal Democratic Party in the UnitedKingdom.

INTERNAL ALLIANCES

Parties have the right to form alliances without having to establish legalentities. Our respondents speculated that the reason for this might be thedifficulty new parties have in establishing themselves with little, if any, statefunding, which at present is provided in proportion to the votes cast foreach party.

Attempts have been made to form coalitions among the opposition partiesin an attempt to oust the ruling party. One of these was during the politicalcrisis after the 2000 election in Zanzibar, when some 26 people were killedand several hundred fled the country as political refugees.

It was also reported that parties not included in our survey had formed analliance to push for constitutional changes and a levelling of the playingfield for all political parties. While the law requires the state to provide equalopportunities for all fully registered parties, state support goes mainly tothe parties that are represented in parliament, and in proportion to theirrepresentation.


RELATIONS WITH THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION AND OBSERVERS

Our respondents reported that the parties work closely with the country’selectoral commission, which was established after the reintroduction ofmultiparty democracy.

Chadema noted that the electoral commission is the official observer of itsparty’s activities. The TLP also indicated that it has a formal relationship withthe electoral commission, but said that the party is not happy with how theelectoral commission operates, ‘because it favours the ruling party rather thanthe opposition parties’.

RELATIONS WITH CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS

Only the CCM, as the ruling party, has wide contacts with the majority ofCSOs, including those in the rural areas. The party also participates in theoutreach programmes of these CSOs.

Outreach programmes by opposition parties are limited by the parties’ weakfinancial position, and their relations with these organisations and networksare nowhere near as strong as the CCM’s. The CUF, indeed, said that it hadno formal relations with any CSO or NGO.

However, the TLP and Chadema indicated they have formal relations withseveral NGOs, including Redet, the Eastern and Southern African UniversitiesResearch Programme, the Bunge Foundation, the Tanzania GenderNetworking Programme and the Media Women’s Association of Tanzania.

Chadema added that it worked closely with NGOs on issues related to civiceducation and debates on the state of democracy in Tanzania. For instance,for the past 13 years Redet has been organising annual conferences on thestate of democracy in Tanzania, involving political parties, other NGOs andCSOs, and has also been conducting research and training from national tograssroots levels. What emerged from our interviews was that most partiesdo not consult with the general public on a regular basis.

MEDIA OUTLETS

In Tanzania, the electronic and print media make up the most importantvehicle for communicating with the general public. The law gives political


parties equal access to the media, with free airtime on public television andradio, and free space in government-owned newspapers.

The government owns two television and radio stations – one each on theMainland and in Zanzibar – while there are at least five private televisionnetworks and twice that number of private radio stations. Tanzania also hasmore than 100 privately owned newspapers.

While no opposition party owns a television network, a few parties do ownnewspapers. These include a daily, Tanzania Daima, which is owned by thechairman of Chadema, and a weekly, Shaba, which is owned by the TLP. (Atthe time of our survey, however, Shaba was not being produced due to a lackof funds.)

The ruling party has the lion’s share of the media, and opposition partiescomplain that they have an unequal access to the public electronic and printmedia.

GENDER EQUALITY

In 1995, the Commonwealth heads of state endorsed an action plan for thepromotion of gender equality. Their governments were urged to introducemeasures that would result in an immediate increase in the participation ofwomen in politics. The target then was that the ratio of women to the totalshould be at least 30%. At national level, gender equality is reflected in thecountry’s constitution.

In the context of political parties, however, no up-to-date information isavailable. This is not surprising, as the law governing parties discouragesany emphasis on religion, ethnicity or gender. For the purposes of goodgovernance, on the other hand, it seems important to have figures on thegender composition of parties, as well as other demographic data for theirmembers, such as their region of origin, age, education, class and occupationand the priority needs of themselves and their families.

Respondents also indicated that, particularly at national level, men occupyall the leadership positions, giving the impression that political parties aremen’s clubs. At the time of the study and in all parties except Tadea, men


filled the positions of party chairmen, secretary-generals, deputy secretary-generals, and publicity and information officers.

Also at committee level, men predominate, although the ruling party hastaken some corrective action. Whereas all 21 members of its NEC were malein 1994, by 2002 there were eight women members of the enlarged, 39-member, NEC.

In Chadema, the TLP and the CUF women are grossly under-represented inthese parties’ NECs. In Chadema, for example, the head of the women’swing is the only woman in this party’s 24-member NEC.

PARTY FUNDING

The 1992 Parties Act describes the following as the five main sources of fundsfor registered political parties:

• membership fees;• voluntary contributions;• the proceeds of any investment or project undertaken in which

the party has an interest;• subventions from the government; and• donations and grants from any other sources.

Only the CCM has significant assets in the form of businesses or buildings.

The opposition parties rent buildings and some cars. The TLP noted, forexample, that it owns two cars at its head office and a car in each of tworegions, as well as 30 motorcycles and 231 bicycles (one for each constituency)and some public address systems. Fundraising strategies include:

• CUF: Property donated by members is auctioned at fundraisingfunctions. Other activities include charity walks, dinners andlunches, and gala dances and festivals.

• TLP: This party asks for donations from friends outside thecountry.


• Chadema: This party receives donations from individuals, with thereservation, previously noted, that most businessmen are afraid tosupport opposition parties. Fundraising is also done through fliersand posters.

All parties indicated that their main expenditure goes on publicity andpropaganda, salaries, transport, and research and meetings. No percentagebreakdown for these various expenditure items was, however, available.

On paper, all parties are required by law to have their expenditure auditedand their audited reports presented to party meetings. The CUF respondentindicated, however, that no regular financial reports were prepared but that,without mentioning the time frame, some audited reports were sent to theRegistrar of Parties. The TLP respondent also indicated that no regular reportswere prepared or made public, but that some audited reports were discussedby its NEC and forwarded to the Registrar of Parties. Of the parties surveyed,only Chadema prepared regular financial reports at all levels, submittedaudited financial reports to its central committee and council for discussionand approval, and sent final reports to the Registrar of Parties.

No information was obtained on how parties spend their money. This wasseen as a sensitive issue and one that most respondents were not ready totalk about at any length. Party candidates pay only token amounts for theirnomination forms, and most party leaders noted that the majority ofTanzanian people are too poor to contribute significantly to party funds.This applies particularly to the opposition parties, including those wesurveyed – the CUF, Chadema and the TLP.

CAMPAIGN FUNDING

As far as campaign funding is concerned, there were differences from partyto party.

• CCM: This party has a solid funding base that allows it to distributefunds to the national, regional and district branch levels of the party.

• CUF: No funds are distributed from the central level, and individualcandidates must bear all their own campaign costs.


• Chadema: This party’s approach is different to the extent thatcandidates’ campaign funding is discussed by the various partyorgans and distribution takes place according to the amountavailable. This party’s total government funding subsidy is onlyUS$5,000, which is not even adequate to cover daily running costs.Expecting candidates to raise money for their own campaignsbecomes a major problem because ‘most people at these levels donot have enough money for their own personal needs’. Indeed,‘most people at these levels are not sure about their next meal’.

• TLP: The party’s NEC discusses campaign-funding requirementsand allocates amounts according to party strength in the variousareas and the quality of its candidates. Larger amounts go to areaswhere the competition is stiffer. Presidential candidates receivemore than aspirant MPs. The exact amounts depend on the moneyavailable at the time of the election. This party’s candidates areexpected to raise campaign funds themselves and they may spendeverything they collect without any party interference.

All partiesRegional and local parties are also expected to raise funds for their owncampaigning purposes. This is because funds from the national level arenever sufficient. When asked how much income was collected during thelast election and non-election years, all the respondents noted that this wasconfidential information that was disclosed only to the relevant partycommittees and to the Registrar of Parties.

SUPPORT FOR WOMEN’S AND YOUTH WINGS

• CCM: This party’s youth wing, which has some two millionmembers throughout the country, is 100% supported by the seniorparty. It also receives income from its projects but the exact amountwas not disclosed.

• Chadema: In the case of this party, no specific amount is allocatedto either women’s or youth wings because of the inadequatefunding of the party.


• TLP: This party allocates 20% of the funds it receives from theRegistrar of Parties to its women’s wing and 10% to its youth wing.A further 10% goes to the elders of the party. All these wings orgroups are also allowed to raise their own funds from any source.

• CUF: Both the women’s and the youth wings of this party havetheir own income and also receive contributions from themembership, in the form of membership fees and annualcontributions.


7

CONSTRAINTS, CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES

The development of democratic political systems in Tanzania faces a multitudeof constraints, challenges and opportunities. Most of these require political willin order to change some rigid or dominant political cultures. This will also requiregeneral goodwill and may take a considerable length of time to fully achieve.

MUSHROOMING OF PARTIES

There is a growing concern that changes to Tanzania’s political system mayhave been more the result of external factors than of internal forces. This viewseems to be borne out by the way most of the political parties, and particularlythe opposition parties, spend more time on party problems than they do ondevelopment issues. Also noticeable has been the readiness of some partyleaders to rush to create new parties instead of addressing the weaknesses intheir present parties. It is largely because of the personal ambitions of partyleaders that the wind of democratisation is not yet benefiting the majority ofTanzanians.

LACK OF ENFORCEMENT

Most opposition leaders interviewed felt cheated by the political law. Theyfelt that the ruling party was benefiting too much from government institutionssuch as the media and the electoral commission, and that the playing fieldwas therefore not level.

PARTY FINANCING

Most opposition parties were facing financial problems and these affect theimplementation of their party policies and programmes.

INTERFERENCE WITH PARTY ACTIVITIES

Most opposition parties felt that the ruling party was interfering with theiractivities, particularly when the opposition parties moved into areas wherethe ruling party had a strong base.

RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PARTIES

Overall, there is a serious problem with respect to relationships betweenparties. There is a perception that the ruling party and the government see the

31


opposition parties and their leaders as enemies rather than as partners jointlyresponsible for the promotion of a democratic culture in Tanzania. Chadema,for example, indicated that it is not close to the CCM at all.

MEMBERSHIP

Opposition parties complained that some sections of the population,including the elite and business people, do not join their parties becausethey believe they may suffer negative consequences. They see somegovernment actions as partisan, including directives aimed at preventinggovernment employees from taking an active part in politics, and as ways ofdiscouraging such people from joining opposition parties.

DISCONNECTED OR UNINFORMED PARTIES

Continuous conflicts between parties have led to some party leadersbecoming isolated from the general public, which does not take politics as aserious business, with most people believing that politics is a dirty game.

SKEWED PARTY ASSISTANCE

It was alleged that for various reasons rich businessmen, in particular, supportthe ruling party and not the opposition.

CONFLICTING VIEWS ON ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT

Most opposition parties do not support or approve many of the steps takenby the government (under the ruling party) to reform the Tanzanian economy,and believe in particular that the privatisation and democratisationprogrammes have not gone far enough.

GENDER IMBALANCES

Despite efforts by the ruling party to address gender inequalities, these stillpersist. There is also a concern that the ruling party is putting more emphasison the quantitative rather than on the qualitative aspects of gender equality.

LIMITED OR INADEQUATE FUNDING

There is hardly any financial support from the state for newly emergingparties, particularly those with no members of parliament. This accounts forthe weak base of most parties.


8

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

❑ The ruling party (the CCM) is content with the present state ofdemocratisation in Tanzania. Most opposition parties, on the otherhand, are dissatisfied with the democratisation process.

❑ The fragmentation and internal weakness of the oppositionparties create a strong opportunity for the ruling party to continuein power for a considerable period of time.

❑ Unless opposition parties unite or form alliances in order toestablish a few strong parties they will not be able to challengethe ruling party, even though many Tanzanians have lostconfidence in the CCM due to conflicts within the party.

❑ There is need to improve the size, quality and internal functioningof the opposition parties. This will require a review of theconditions governing the registration of parties. The followingproposals are made in this regard:

• One or more neutral institutions should be created to dealwith conflicts within and between political parties.

• Sound financial guidelines need to be laid down for parties.These should include clear recommendations on ceilingsfor donations and on campaign spending.

• Candidates aspiring to leadership positions such as thepresidency of the country and MPs should be required topay higher deposits or otherwise give proof of their ‘successstories’.

• Quotas for women should be raised to match the currentAU norm of 50%. Some parties have been able to achievethis.

• Regulations should be introduced for the financing ofelection campaigns, particularly those for the presidency.These should require parties to set funding limits for theircampaigns and for all parties to establish a temporary

33


election fund account with a bank (to be chosen by allparties) for all campaign-related activities. Procedures forreporting need to be established and all parties need to berequired to draw and deposit monies into these accounts.Income and expenditure statements should be prepared,and audited reports on these should be made available tothe public.

• Likewise, limits for individual donations to parties mustbe established.

• Additionally, the law should clearly define who is and whois not eligible to contribute money for political activities.

• Individuals or groups should also change the law toprohibit anonymous donations to parties.


NOTES

1 The State of the Nation, Statement by His Excellency Benjamin William Mkapa, Presidentof the United Republic of Tanzania, 25 September 2004.

2 Mmuya M & Chaligha A, Towards Multi-party Politics in Tanzania, Dar es Salaam: FES &DUP, 1992, p 108.

3 Msekwa P, The Transition to Multi-party Democracy in Tanzania. TPH, 1995, p 5.4 Ngware, 1994, p 77.5 Chachage, paper presented by the author to EISA workshop on party financing, 2004.6 Malyamkono TL, The development of multiparty politics in Tanzania, in The Race for

the Presidency: The First Multiparty Democracy in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: Tema /Government Publishers, 1995, pp 19-20.

7 Chaligha A, Electoral systems in democracies, Civics, Redet Reader, 2001, pp 21-53.


REFERENCES

Chaligha A. 2001. Electoral systems in democracies, Civics, Redet Reader.CCM. 1992. Programme ya the CCM (2002-2007) Idara ya Uenezi wa Siasa na

Ushirikishwaji Umma ya. Dodoma: NEC.CCM. 2000. The Election Manifesto October, 2000. Dodoma: NEC.Chadema. 1995. Katiba. Dar es Salaam.CUF. Itikadi ya Utajirisho. Dar es Salaam.CUF. Misingi Mikuu ya Sera za the CUF (1995-2005). Dar es SalaamEastern and Southern African Universities Research Programme (ESAURP).

1994. The Cost of Peace: Views of Parties on the Transition to Multi-PartyDemocracy. Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House.

ESAURP. 1998. The Road to Democracy. Dar es Salaam: Tema Publishers.Liundi G.B. 1996. The Parties Act 1992 and the Political (Registration) Regulations,

1992, of the URT. Dar es Salaam.Malyamkono TL. 1995. The development of multiparty politics in Tanzania,

in The Race for the Presidency: The First Multiparty Democracy in Tanzania.Dar es Salaam: Tema /Government Publishers.

Mmuya M & Chaligha A. 1992. Towards Multi-party Politics in Tanzania. Dares Salaam: FES & DUP.

Msekwa P. 1995. The Transition to Multi-Party Democracy in Tanzania. Dar esSalaam: Tanzania Publishing House.

MCCR –Mageuzi. 1995. ‘Komesha Rushwa Tujenge Uchumi: Ilani ya uchaguziya 1995”. Dar es Salaam: NCCR – Mageuzi.

REDET Project. 1997. The Foundation of Democracy. Dar es Salaam: UDSM.


APPENDICES

RESEARCH AND DIALOGUE ONPOLITICAL PARTIES PROGRAMME



APPENDIX 1:

COUNTRY CONTEXT QUESTIONNAIRE

1. What is the country’s record of holding free and fair general elections?

2. What is the record of freedom of association as regards forming political parties?

3. What is the country’s score on the Freedom House index for free and democratic countries?And thinking about changes over the past five years and reasons for the changes, pleasecomment on the Freedom House score?

4. How free are parties to present candidates in national elections?

5. How, if at all, are political parties restricted in carrying out political or electoral activities?

6. What, if any, specific rules or code of conduct exist for the ruling party or ruling coalition?Provide copies.

7. What parties and independent candidates are represented in the national parliament (bothchambers if applicable) according to the following model? (use Election Results Archive as onesource) – % of votes; No. of seats in lower chamber; No. of seats in upper chamber; No. of seats held bywomen in lower chamber; No. of seats held by women in upper chamber

8. What, if any, reference do the policy documents of the ruling party/coalition and the biggestopposition party/coalition in parliament make to specific International Conventions onHuman Rights? Provide examples of formulations where applicable.

9. What other significant – in size or otherwise important – political parties or political groupsexist that are not represented in the national parliament? Indicate why they are significant(size, regional, exiled, influential diasporas, historical, non-parliamentary influence, armed,repressed group, etc.) and measurable national/regional strength (percentage of votes, opinionsurvey results etc.).

10. What is the total number of registered parties (if applicable)?

BASIC MEDIA STRUCTURE AND ENVIRONMENT

11. Briefly describe the media environment, including: whether political parties have equitableaccess to major media outlets; difference between paid and free media coverage for parties;access during an election campaign period and during normal times. Distinguish anydifferences between publicly and privately owned media.

12. What are the most important sources from which people say they access political information?Note source. If survey/poll data is available, if not – skip question.Television; Radio; Newspaper; The Internet; Friends; Other (please specify)

13. What is the level of literacy of the general population? Note source.

14. If survey/poll data is available, what is the percentage of the population which:Read daily newspapers (combined readership); Read other news print media at least weekly (readership);Have mobile/cellular telephones; Use the Internet?

15. If survey/poll data is available, what is the percentage of households which have access to:Television; Radio; landline telephones?


16. Apart from the constitution and direct party laws, are there any legal instruments or othercircumstances that strongly impact the existence or functioning of political parties?

17. Which, if any, are the politically influential groups seeking to influence or maintain powerthrough other means than electoral politics? (Mechanism used/ Intended influence/ Intendedoutcome)Business groups; Ethnic groups; Media; Military; Other non-governmental organisations (specify);Organised crime syndicates; Religious; Unions; Other (specify)

18. Are there mechanisms for public participation in government decision-making other thanelections?Parliamentary public hearings; Referenda; User committees; Other (please specify)

19. Attempt a country nutshell description, a few paragraphs long, as an easy-read entry. Format:

a. Population, capital, head(s) of state/government, term limit for president (if presidentialsystem), are all seats in the national legislature elected or are some appointed – if so bywhom, attempts to extend/remove term limits, constitutional arrangements, balance ofpower between branches of government (executive – legislature – judiciary), type of electoralsystem, and (if appropriate) if inherited from colonial power.

b. Democracy since 19xx (and other recent years of great importance, like independence,system change, armed conflict, etc.). Last/next elections with (maximum) x years mandate.Restrictions on political parties (if any). Degree of respect for human rights (civil andpolitical rights but also economic, social and cultural rights) and rule of law. Freedom HouseIndex. TI Corruption Index, UNDP Human Development Index.

c. Governing party/coalition and leading opposition, degree of dominance/stability ofpolitical landscape. Important forces not standing in elections but shaping politics (businesssectors, unions, religious, military, criminal, etc.). Any social or regional upheavals withpolitical consequences. Relevant international/regional relations and membership, level oftrust in political parties and government institutions (use survey data and barometer datawhere available).

d. Economic and social level of development ($ GNP/capita, trade as % of GNP, HumanDevelopment Index, Income GINI Index, % of population in largest city (name if notcapital)/urban areas, rural:urban ratio.


APPENDIX 2:

EXTERNAL REGULATIONS AND ENVIRONMENT QUESTIONNAIRE

LEGISLATION GOVERNING POLITICAL PARTIES

1. What legal provisions govern political parties and/or individual candidates for election?(Full Name/ Year/ Year of last amendment, if any/ Main monitoring body)Specify full name, year and year of last amendment. Provide copies of all relevant legislation.(Legal provisions might include, but are not necessarily restricted to, the ones mentioned below.)Constitution; Political party law/Act that governs political parties; Electoral law/Code; Legislationgoverning Non-Governmental Organizations/societies; Legislation governing the access to media;Government decrees; Regulations with the force of law; Regulations without the force of law; Other lawsor regulations that are important to how political parties and/or candidates operate (including financing,tax exemptions etc); Not applicable

2. How, if at all, are political parties defined in current legislation?

3. Which, if any, legal provisions govern the conditions for the founding of new political partiesor coalitions? Please provide copies.

4. What are the requirements to register a political party at the national level? (As an association,not in order to contest an election) check all which apply.Establishment of (regional or local) party branches (specify); Monetary fee (specify in local currency);Registration with court (specify, including level of court); Signatures (specify); Other (specify); Nospecific registration requirements; Registration possible but not required

5. Which body (authority) decides on the registration of a political party?

6. What, if anything, can cause the de-registration of a political party? (Check all that apply andspecify the body or person who has the authority to deregister a political party.)Anti-democratic policy; Bankruptcy or insolvency; Breach of Code of Conduct; Breach of Electoral law;Failure to meet gender quotas; Hate Speech; Inciteful activities; Non-payment of registration fee; Other(please write in and code ‘9’); Not applicable

7. What body/bodies are responsible for the administration, enforcement and sanctions of thelegislation on political parties? Please note all different bodies and, if possible, provide contactdetails. (Note: It is possible that different bodies will be responsible for different aspects ofenforcing laws and regulations.)Electoral Management Body; Regulatory body specially; Created for this purpose (specify); Governmentdepartment(s) (specify); Normal courts/judicial system; Auditor; Other (please specify); Not applicable

8. Which sanctions, if any, have been applied to political parties in the last 10 years? Provide twoor three detailed examples.

9. What legal rights and restrictions, if any, apply to political parties in relation to accessingmedia (include electronic and print)? Provide details for both public and private media.

10. In the absence of legal regulation, what if any, agreements between parties – or rules appliedby the media – are upheld? Provide details for both public and private media.

INTERNAL PARTY FUNCTIONS

11. Which legal provisions, if any, govern the internal functioning of political parties?Provide copies.


12. Which legal provisions, if any, govern how a political party s/elects candidates for local,regional, national elections or presidential elections? Describe the provisions and specify therequired role of party members, local branches, etc.

13. Which public body, if any, has the authority to be involved in the process of internal partys/election of candidates? Specify the role of the public body.

14. Which non-governmental organizations, if any, have a role in political primaries or congressesduring candidate s/election? Provide name/s and describe the role of the NGO(s).

15. What legal provisions, if any, require political parties to include a certain number (orpercentage) of male or female candidates on party lists? Describe what the requirement is,what level it is on, the possible sanctions and provide the reference and copies.

16. What legal provisions, if any, exist to encourage or provide incentives for political parties toinclude a certain number (or percentage) of male or female candidates? Describe theincentives, what level they are on and provide the reference and copies.

17. What legal provisions, if any, require political parties to include a certain number (orpercentage) of persons from other groups as candidates (e.g. ethnic or religious or linguisticminorities, persons with disabilities?) Describe what the requirement is, what level it is on, thepossible sanctions and provide the reference and copies.

18. What legal provisions, if any, exist to encourage or provide incentives for political parties toinclude a certain number (or percentage) of persons from other groups as candidates (e.g.ethnic or religious or linguistic minorities, persons with disabilities)? Describe the incentives,what level they are on and provide the reference and copies.

19. What other legal provisions, if any, govern any other aspect of internal party functioning?Describe and provide the reference and copies.

REGISTRATION OF PARTIES AND NOMINATION OF CANDIDATES FOR ELECTIONS

20. What, if any, are the registration requirements for political parties which wish to contest elections?(Presidential Elections/ Chamber 1/ Chamber 2/ Regional/ Local)Check all that apply, and specify amounts, numbers and percentages where applicable.Deposit; Minimum number of candidates; Minimum number % of votes in previous election; Regionalpresence; Signatures; Others; No specific requirement for registration; Registration possible but notrequired

21. What are the requirements, if different from above, for political parties which wish tonominate candidates or lists of candidates for elections? (Presidential Elections/Chamber1/ Chamber 2/ Regional/ Local)Check all that apply, and specify amounts, numbers and percentages where applicable.Deposit; Minimum number of candidates; Minimum number % of votes in previous election; Regionalpresence; Signatures; Others; No specific requirement for registration; Registration possible but notrequired

22. What, if any, special requirements exist for the registration of new political parties to contestan election?

23. What are the legal qualifications to become a candidate in elections? (Presidential Elections/Chamber 1/ Chamber 2/ Regional/ Local)Please specify all that apply and note differences for chamber(s) of the legislature, president,regional and local elections.Age; Bankruptcy or Insolvency; Citizenship; Citizenship of parents; Civil status; Country of birth;


Criminal record; Current criminal incarceration; Detention; Holding of government office; Holding ofmilitary office; Holding of other public offices or employment in public services (police etc); Languagerequirement; Membership of a political party; Mental health problems; Minimum level of education;Multiple citizenship; Nationality/ethnic group; Naturalization; Offences against electoral law; Physicalhealth problems; Registration on voters’ roll; Religion; Residence in constituency/ electoral district;Residence in country; Unpaid debt; Other; Not applicable

24. In which elections, if any, can candidates not affiliated with a political party (independent)stand for election? Check all that apply.Presidential; To chamber 1 of the national legislature; To chamber 2 of the national legislature; To regionalcouncils; To local councils

25. What, if any, are the registration requirements for independent candidates who wish to standfor election? (Presidential Elections/ Chamber 1/ Chamber 2/ Regional/ Local)Check all that apply and specify amounts, numbers and percentages where applicable.Deposit; Minimum number of candidates; Minimum number % of votes in previous election; Regionalpresence; Signatures; Others; No specific requirement for registration; Registration possible but notrequired

26. If a candidate withdraws her/his candidacy or dies before election day, but after registration,can the party substitute with a new candidate?Yes, explain (include whether replacement candidate must be of the same sex and how late in the process acandidate can be replaced)/No/Not applicable/Other

27. Can a party remove a nominated and registered candidate without her/his consent?Yes/No

28. Can a political party remove or replace an elected representative?Yes (explain circumstances)/ No

29. Is it possible for a member of parliament to leave the party with which s/he was elected andjoin another party or become an independent MP (floor-crossing)? If so, what becomes of themandate/seat? (Yes/No/Not applicable)Possible to remain an MP – the mandate/seat remains with the individual until the next election/Notpossible to remain an MP: the individual is replaced by a member of his/her former party (please specifyhow, including the replacement MP must be of the same sex ); a bi-election is held for the seat; the memberof parliament leaves the legislature and the mandate/seat remains vacant; Other (explain)

30. How, if at all, are vacant mandate(s)/seats filled in between general elections?Replacement by candidates on the party list (describe and provide reference); Other (describe and providereference); None

ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND OBSERVATION

31. What, if any, additional rules of good conduct does the ruling party or coalition have to signor adhere to? Is the ruling party required to observe rules of good conduct regardingincumbency? Explain contents and possible sanctions. Provide copy.

32. What, if any, rights do political parties have in relation to the Electoral Management Body?Representation in the Electoral Management Body; Right to participate in meetings; Advisory capacity;Right to observe the proceedings of the EMB; Other (please specify)

33. What, if any, rights do political parties have with regard to the activities in the polling station?Describe, including if they form part of the polling station staff and/or if they are allowed to observe/witness the voting.


34. What rights, if any, do political parties have in the process of vote counting? Describe,including if they form part of vote counting staff and/or are allowed to observe/witness thecounting.

35. What rights, if any, do political parties have in the process of tabulation of votes and thecollation of results? Describe, including if they form part of the tabulation staff/committee,and/or if they are allowed to observe/witness the tabulation.

36. What, if any, is the official campaign period? Specify number of days/weeks and describe whatis permitted or restricted during that time.

37. What, if any, is the official period of campaign silence before election day? Specify number ofdays/weeks and describe what is permitted or restricted during that time.

38. What political party activities, if any, are prohibited during election day?


APPENDIX 3:

INTERNAL FUNCTIONING AND STRUCTURE QUESTIONNAIRE

FOUNDING OF PARTY

1. When and where (date and place(s)) was the party first founded?

2. When, if applicable, was the party first officially registered as a party?

3. What, if any, subsequent changes or party splits have taken place?

4. What was the original name of the party? If this name differs from the party’s current name,what were the circumstances of any changes in name?

5. How, in a few key words, does your party describes itself (right, left, pragmatic, conservative,liberal, socialist, green, religious, nationalist, social group, ethnic group etc.)?

6. Why was the party founded?

7. How was the party founded? Describe.

8. Which constituency or socio-economic group does/did the party’s founders claim(ed) torepresent?

9. What was the initial participation or support of additional organisations to the party (i.e.ethnic, religious, military, business, civic groups, trade unions)?

10. Which, if any, of the above has changed since the party was founded?

INTERNAL STRUCTURE/ELECTION OF LEADERSHIP

11. What, if any, written organisational rules exist to guide the functioning and organization ofthe party? Provide copies.Constitution; Operational guidelines; Party Rulebook; Statutes; Other (please write in); No formal rulesexist

12. What is the name of the national executive body in the party?

a. Are there written rules and procedures for the regular s/election of members of this body?If yes provide copies. If no describe.

b. By whom are they elected or appointed? (Elected/Appointed)The party leaders; The parliamentary party (ie the group/caucus of the party’s members of the nationallegislature); Regional or state party branches; Local party branches; Delegates to a party congress; All orsome party members; Auxiliary party groups; Affiliated party organizations; Other (please write in)

c. If elected, how? Describe procedure.

d. Are there formal internal party quotas for women on this body? If yes describe howapplied, including number or proportion.

e. Are there formal internal party quotas for youth, ethnic minorities or any other group onthis body? If yes describe how applied, including number or proportion.

f. Are the members in this body paid by the party?All paid; Some paid (explain); Unpaid (Voluntary)


13. Is there a written mandate (duties) for the national executive body above and/or distributionof power/tasks within the party leadership?Yes (provide copies); No, but informal practices (describe); No mandate

14. What is the name of the next highest permanent body in this party?

a. By whom are they elected or appointed?The national executive body described above; The party leader(s); The members of parliament/parliamentary caucus; Regional or state party branches; Local party branches; Delegates to a partycongress; All or some party members; Auxiliary party groups; Affiliated party organizations; Other(please write in)

b. If elected, how? Describe procedure.

c. Are the members in this body paid by the party?All paid; Some paid (explain); Unpaid (Voluntary)

15. What is the name of the most local branches in this party?

a. What is the normal geographic or other area of operation of the most local branch?

b. How is it formed and by whom is its leadership elected? Describe.

16. How often, if at all, does the party have a national conference/convention/congress?Less often than once a year; Once a year; Twice a year; More than twice a year; Never (go to Q20)

17. Who attends the national party conference/convention, check all that apply?The party leader(s); The parliamentary party (i.e. the group/caucus of the party’s members of the nationallegislature); Regional party delegates; Local party delegates; All or some party members; Auxiliary groups(youth wing, women’s wing etc); Affiliated party organizations (trade unions, employers’ federations etc);Other (please write in)

18. Are decisions by the national party conference/convention/congress …Binding on the party executive; Advisory to the party executive; Other (please write in)?

19. Is this body the highest decision-making body of the political party?Yes/No (specify which body is).

20. What, if any, written rules govern the s/election of the party president? Describe type ofsystem used and provide copies of rules.

21. What, if any, formal process exists to monitor and regulate the ethical behaviour of political partyofficials? If board of ethics, explain structure, mandate and examples of activities and/or decisions.Board of Ethics; Other formal process (specify); No formal processes, but informal norms and practices (specify);No process

22. Provide a description of the structure of sub-national/regional/ local party units, women’s wings/associations, youth branches and other party groups.How many branches; In all of the country; Autonomous; To whom do they repory; How are leaders chosen;Main functions

Internal structure/election of leadership – additional comments

POLICY DEVELOPMENT

23. How does the party decide on its policy programme document, if it has one? Describe the processand provide copy of document.


24. Which of the following opinion-related resources, if any, does the party have access to? (Partyhas access / Check if party pays for resource) Check all that apply.Resources specific to the party: Surveys among members, Opinion polling (not restricted to members);Public domain resources: Public domain polling results, Surveys/barometers issued by otherorganisations; Other resources.

25. To what extent does the party use any of the following opinion-related resources whendeveloping policy? (Uses a large extent/ Uses a fair amount/ Does not use very much/ Does notuse at all/ Don’t know) Check all that apply.Resources specific to the party: Surveys among members, Opinion polling (not restricted to members);Public domain resources: Public domain polling results, Surveys/barometers issued by otherorganisations; Other resources

26. How, if at all, can the party leadership be held accountable for not following party policydecisions? Describe the process, including to whom it is accountable and possible sanctions.

Policy development – additional comments

MEMBERSHIP

27. Is there a national membership register? If yes provide details of how it is maintained and whatthe role of local/regional branches is for maintaining their own registers.

28. How much, if anything, does the party charge as membership fee? If fixed amount pleasespecify – per year – in local currency?A fixed amount; Amount dependent on member’s position in the party (EXPLAIN); Amount dependent onparty branch (explain); Other (specify); Voluntary contribution; No membership fee

29. How many members does the party have? (No. of individual party members/ No. or % ofwomen party members) Provide year and source of figures and indicate if real figures or estimates.Earliest available estimate; Latest available estimate; Year of maximum members

30. How much has the party membership increased or declined over the past ten years, inpercentage and total numbers? If ten-year figures do not exist, describe the general trends inmembership, if possible with other figures.

31. What, if any, criteria/requirements exist to be eligible for membership? Describe, including thebody/person who decides on admission as a member.

32. What, if any, formal rights come with membership?Discounts with merchants; Voting rights at party meetings; Other (please specify).

33. What, if any, responsibilities come with membership?Adherence to party statutes; Unpaid work; Other (please specify).

34. What process, if any, exists to discipline members who breach party rules? Describe the processand identify who takes the final decision.

35. How often, if at all, does the party communicate with its members? (From National Party/ FromRegional branches/ From local branches)Electronic Newsletter; Paper Newsletter; Party Paper; Meetings; Public website; Membership restrictedwebsite; Other (write in)

36. How often, if at all, do members communicate with the party? (To National Party/ To Regionalbranches/ To local branches)Individual postal correspondence; Individual email correspondence; Petitions; Meetings; Other (please specify)


37. Which, if any, formal and written guidelines provide party members with an opportunity toexpress their opinions on party matters?Guidelines (provide copies); No formal guidelines, although informal practices exist (describe includingrecent examples); No guidelines or practices

38. To whom does the party provide training? Check all that apply and describe type of trainingand at what level.Campaign volunteers; Candidates; Elected members; General members; Party officials; Other (please writein); No training provided

39. How, if at all, does the party seek to recruit members between elections?

40. What efforts, if any, are made to engage activists/members in party activities betweenelections? Describe and provide examples.

Membership – additional comments

ELECTORAL ACTIVITY – CANDIDATES

41. What are the eligibility requirements established by the party rules to become s/elected as apresidential candidate? Check all that apply and specify each requirement.Age; Belonging to a certain ethnic group; Certain position in the party; Coming from a certain geographicalarea; Membership in the party; Qualifications; Signatures; Other (please write in)

42. What is the process for s/election of party candidates for presidential elections? Describe theprocess, including who can propose and vote.

S/election of other candidates for election

43. What are the eligibility requirements established by the party rules to be selected as a partycandidate for elections other than presidential? (Chamber 1 of national legislature/ Chamber 2of national legislature/ Regional council/ assembly/ Local council/ assembly)Check all that apply and specify each requirement.Age; Belonging to a certain ethnic group; Certain position in the party; Coming from a certaingeographical area; Membership in the party; Qualifications; Signatures; Other (please write in)

44. What are the party rules for the process by which candidates to chamber 1 of the nationallegislature are recruited and then s/elected to stand for election?Describe, including how candidates put their names forward, who/which party bodies areinvolved.

45. What, if different from above, are the party rules for the process by which candidates tochamber 2 of the national legislature are recruited and then s/elected to stand for election?Describe, including how candidates put their names forward, who/which party bodies areinvolved.

46. What, if different from above, are the party rules for the process by which candidates toregional councils/assemblies are recruited and then s/elected to stand for election?Describe, including how candidates put their names forward, who/which party bodies areinvolved, and if the national party can decide on sub-national lists.

47. What, if different from above, are the party rules for the process by which candidates to localcouncils/assemblies are recruited and then s/elected to stand for election?Describe, including how candidates put their names forward, who/which party bodies areinvolved, and if the national party can decide on sub-national lists.


48. What electoral system, if any, is used within the party to s/elect its candidates? Describe andidentify which type of system is used, including possible differences between levels.Plurality/majority; Proportional; Other (please write in); Not applicable – no election of candidates

49. What, if any, is the quota voluntarily (not required by law) adopted by the party that a certainnumber or percentage of candidates for nomination will be women?Quota – explain year introduced, percentage, placement on list or in constituency, women only shortlists;No quota; Previously – please explain year introduced and rescinded, percentage, placement on list or inconstiuency, women only shortlists; Other, including informal practices (please describe)

50. What, if any other, special measures have been adopted by the party to ensure that women arenominated in elections?Training for aspiring candidates; Financial incentives; Other (please specify); No other measures

51. What, if any, is the quota voluntarily (not required by law) adopted by the party that a certainpercentage of candidates for nomination will be young people?Quota (please explain year introduced, percentage, placement on list or in constituency); No quota; Previously(please explain year introduced and rescinded, percentage, placement on list or in constituency); Other,including informal practices (please specify)

52. What, if any other, special measures have been adopted by the party to ensure that young peopleare nominated in elections?Training for aspiring candidates; Financial incentives; Other (please specify); No other measures

53. What, if any, is the quota voluntarily (not required by law) adopted by the party that a certainnumber or percentage of candidates for nomination be from any other group (not mentionedabove)?Quota (please explain which groups, year introduced, percentage, placement on list or in constituency); Noquota; Previously (please explain year introduced and rescinded, percentage, placement on list or inconstituency); Other, including informal practices (please specify)

54. What, if any, are the limits on the number of times a candidate can hold an elected office onbehalf of the political party? Please specify in number of terms and years.

55. If there are reserved seats for women, national minorities or other groups in the legislature,how are candidates selected by the party to fill them?A list of candidates is compiled (explain); Appointed (if so, by whom); Other (please specify); Not applicable

Electoral activities – candidates – additional comments

ELECTORAL ACTIVITY – CAMPAIGNS

56. Does the party produce election manifestos for election campaigns?Yes (provide copy)/ No

57. What is the process of development of party election manifestos?

58. What is the process of development of campaign strategy/operational plan?Yes (provide examples from recent campaigns)/ No

59. Are candidates (at all levels) expected to campaign on behalf of the party? Specify what isexpected of the candidates.Yes, only on behalf of the party/ Yes, in additional to personal campaign/ No, only personal campaign

60. What presidential elections or elections to the national legislature, if any, has your partyboycotted over the last 10-year period?Specify what national election, year and the reasons for boycott/ No


61. Has your party recognised, as legitimate, the officially declared winners of presidential electionsor elections to the national legislature during the last 10 year period?Yes/No specify which winners (presidential or party) and the reason for not recognising them as legitimate

62. What if any, non-partisan voter education or other civic training activities has the partyundertaken during the last five years?

Electoral activities – campaigns – additional comments

EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF THE PARTY

International contacts

63. Which, if any, Party Internationals or other international network of parties is the partyaffiliated with? (specify)Party international. (The Christian Democrat-People’s Parties International, The International DemocratUnion, The Liberal International, The Socialist International or other); Regional party organisation; Other(including non-partisan international organisations); No international affiliation

64. Which, if any, sister parties from other countries does the party have contact with?

65. What is the nature of the relationship, if any, with sister parties from other countries(eg policy support, campaign support, training, public relations, funding)?

66. What regular contacts, if any, does the party have with international organisations or partyfoundations?

National contacts

67. What, if any, formal alliances/cooperation does the party have with other political parties inthe country? (Eg common election platform)Yes – specify/ No, but informal – specify/No

68. What, if any, formal relationships does the party have with the Election Management Body?Represented as voting members of the EMB; Official observers on the EMB; Other formal relationship;Informal relationship; No relationship

69. What, if any, formal relations does the party have with national civil society organizations?(Name of organization/ Type of relationship/ Key issues)Describe the relationships including name of organization, type of cooperation, fundingrelationships etc.Business interests; Corporations – specify; Trade Unions – specify; NGOs, movements, civil societyorganisations – specify; Religious groups – specify; Other – specify

70. What, if any, media outlets are owned by the party or party leadership, nationally or locally?

External relations of the party – additional comments

FUNDING

71. What, if any, are the spending limits for s/election contests or primaries established by thepolitical party or in legal provisions? Please specify whether party rules or law and giveamount in local currency.

72. What amount of funding, if any, are party candidates required to bring to the party in order tosecure their candidacy? Specify amount in local currency.


73. How is funding for campaign purposes distributed within the party? Describe the distributionand who takes the decisions.

74. What amount of funding, if any, do candidates receive from the party for their personalelection campaigns once they are nominated? Specify amount in local currency.

75. What amount of campaign funds, if any, are individual candidates expected to raise for thecampaign? Please provide details.

a. Are the candidates expected to raise a specified amount?

b. How are those funds dispersed?

76. Do local and regional branches raise funds for their own campaign activities?

77. What was the total income of the political party in the last election and non-election yearrespectively? Specify in local currency.

78. How much funding, if any, does the party provide to the women’s wing, youth wing, etc anddo they have their own sources of income and budgets? Specify in local currency.

79. Which are the party’s main sources of income (amount and percentage) (In last non- electionyear/ Amount as % of total party income/ In the last election year/ Amount as % of total partyincome) Specify in local currency.Public funding from the state; Membership fees; Income from fundraising activities and events; Individualdonations; Trade union donations; Donations from associations (list principal donors); Other (pleasespecify)

80. What, if any, strategies and methods for fundraising are used by the party?

81. What, if any, assets are held by the party (ie. businesses, buildings, etc)? Specify which onesand if they generate income.

82. Which are the main expenditures of the party? (In last non- election year/ Amount as % of totalparty income/ In the last election year/ Amount as % of total party income)Specify in local currency.Publicity/propaganda; Salaries; Transportation; Public opinion research (polling/ policy development);National and regional meetings/ congresses; Voter education; Election campaign; Other (please specify)

83. How, if at all, are regular financial reports of the party (and/or individual candidates) madepublic?

84. How, if at all, are campaign finance reports of the party (and individual candidates) madepublic?

Funding – additional comments

QUESTIONS FOR ALL INTERVIEWEES

85. What are the most important reasons for change (or lack of changes) in membership, in youropinion? Please refer to Q30 on membership.

86. How much influence, in your opinion, do the following bodies have in initiating policychanges or development? (Great deal of influence/ Fair amount of influence/ Not very muchinfluence/ No influence at all/ Don’t know) Please check that all apply.Affiliated external organisations (trade unions etc); Auxiliary internal party organisations (women, youthetc); Delegates to party congress; Local party; National executive; Parliamentary party caucus/club; Partyleader; Party members; Regional party; Significant party donors; Other (please specify)


87. How much, in your opinion, do the following bodies participate in debating major policychanges? (Great deal of participation/ Fair amount of participation/ Not very muchparticipation/ No participation at all/ Don’t know) Please check that all apply.Affiliated external organisations (trade unions etc); Auxiliary internal party organisations (women, youthetc); Delegates to party congress; Local party; National executive; Parliamentary party caucus/club; Partyleader; Party members; Regional party; Significant party donors; Other (please specify)

88. How much influence, in your opinion, do the following bodies have in finally deciding majorpolicy changes? (Absolute approval or veto power/ Great deal of influence/ Fair amount ofinfluence/ Not very much influence/ No influence at all/ Don’t know)Affiliated external organisations (trade unions etc); Auxiliary internal party organisations (women, youthetc); Cabinet ministers (if ruling party); Delegates to party congress; Local party; National executive;Parliamentary party caucus/club; Party leader; Party members; Regional party; Significant party donors;Other ((please specify)

S/election of candidate

89. How much influence, in your opinion, do the following bodies have in finally deciding majorpolicy changes? (Absolute approval or veto power/ Great deal of influence/ Fair amount ofinfluence/ Not very much influence/ No influence at all/ Don’t know)Affiliated external organisations (trade unions etc); All party members; Auxiliary internal partyorganisations (women, youth etc); Delegates to party congress; Local party; National executive;Parliamentary party caucus/club; Party Leader; Party members; Regional party; Significant party donors;Other (please specify)

90. To what extent do the following factors, in your opinion, affect positively the chances ofcandidates to get s/elected by the party? (Very important/ Fairly important/ Not veryimportant/ Not at all important/ Don’t know)Ability at public speaking; Closeness to party leader or senior party officials; Commitment to thecampaign; Educational qualifications; Experience of holding party office; Local/regional connections withthe community; Name recognition; Personal wealth; Business experience; Trade union experience; Manyyears of membership; Other (please specify)

Additional comments


ABOUT EISA

EISA is a not-for-profit and non-partisan non-governmental organisationwhich was established in 1996. Its core business is to provide technicalassistance for capacity building of relevant government departments,electoral management bodies, political parties and civil society organisationsoperating in the democracy and governance field throughout the SADCregion and beyond. Inspired by the various positive developments towardsdemocratic governance in Africa as a whole and the SADC region inparticular since the early 1990s, EISA aims to advance democratic values,practices and enhance the credibility of electoral processes. The ultimate goalis to assist countries in Africa and the SADC region to nurture and consolidatedemocratic governance. SADC countries have received enormous technicalassistance and advice from EISA in building solid institutional foundationsfor democracy. This includes electoral system reforms; election monitoringand observation; constructive conflict management; strengthening ofparliament and other democratic institutions; strengthening of politicalparties; capacity building for civil society organisations; deepeningdemocratic local governance; and enhancing the institutional capacity of theelection management bodies. EISA is currently the secretariat of the ElectoralCommissions Forum (ECF) composed of electoral commissions in theSADC region and established in 1998. EISA is also the secretariat of the SADCElection Support Network (ESN) comprising election-related civil societyorganisations established in 1997.

VISION

Realisation of effective and sustainable democratic governance in SouthernAfrica and beyond.

MISSION

To strengthen electoral processes, democratic governance, human rights anddemocratic values through research, capacity building, advocacy and otherstrategically targeted interventions.


VALUES AND PRINCIPLES

Key values and principles of governance that EISA believes in include:• Regular free and fair elections• Promoting democratic values• Respect for fundamental human rights• Due process of law/rule of law• Constructive management of conflict• Political tolerance• Inclusive multiparty democracy• Popular participation• Transparency• Gender equality• Accountability• Promoting electoral norms and standards

OBJECTIVES

• To nurture and consolidate democratic governance

• To build institutional capacity of regional and local actors throughresearch, education, training, information and technical advice

• To ensure representation and participation of minorities in thegovernance process

• To strive for gender equality in the governance process

• To strengthen civil society organisations in the interest of sustainabledemocratic practice, and

• To build collaborative partnerships with relevant stakeholders in thegovernance process.

CORE ACTIVITIES

• Research• Conferences, seminars and workshops• Publishing• Conducting elections and ballots


• Technical advice• Capacity building• Election observation• Election evaluation• Networking• Voter/civic education• Conflict management• Educator and learner resource packs

PROGRAMMES

EISA’s core business revolves around three main programmes namely:Conflict Management, Democracy and Electoral Education; Electoral andPolitical Processes; and Balloting and Electoral Services.

CONFLICT MANAGEMENT, DEMOCRACY AND ELECTORAL EDUCATION

This programme comprises various projects including voter education,democracy and human rights education; electoral observation; electoral stafftraining; electoral conflict management; capacity building; course design andcitizen participation.

ELECTORAL AND POLITICAL PROCESSES

This programme addresses areas such as technical assistance for electoralcommissions, civil society organisations and political parties; coordinationof election observation and monitoring missions; working towards theestablishment of electoral norms and standards for the SADC region andproviding technical support to both the SADC-ECF and the SADC-ESN.

BALLOTING AND ELECTORAL SERVICES

The programme enhances the credibility and legitimacy of organisationalelections by providing independent and impartial electoral administration,management and consultancy services. The key activities include managingelections for political parties, trade unions, pension funds, medical aidsocieties, etc.


EISA’S SPECIAL PROJECTS INCLUDE:

• Rule of Law, which examines issues related to justice and human rights;• Local Government, which aims to promote community participation

in governance; and• Political Parties, which aims to promote party development at strategic,

organisational and structural levels through youth empowerment,leadership development and development of party coalitions.

EISA’S SUPPORT SERVICES INCLUDE:

• Research• Publications• Library• Information and Communication Technology (ICT).

EISA PRODUCTS

• Books

• CD-ROMS

• Conference proceedings

• Election handbooks

• Occasional papers

• Election observer reports

• Research reports

• Country profiles

• Election updates

• Newsletters

• Voter education manuals

• Journal of African Elections

• Election database


ABOUT IDEA

The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (InternationalIDEA) was set up in 1995 as an intergovernmental body located at the interfacebetween researchers, practitioners and the donor community to promotedialogue, analyses and networking for the purpose of strengthening democraticprocesses and institutions. IDEA’s current programmes cover three thematicareas: Electoral Processes, Democracy and Conflict Management, and PoliticalParticipation. IDEA’s work in the area of electoral processes is the mostdeveloped and entails, among other things, the production of global knowledgeand tools which cover issues such as electoral systems, representation andparticipation, and election administration. In 1997 IDEA produced a handbookon electoral systems which has been widely circulated and discussed and whichinformed electoral system reform processes in several countries. Recently, IDEApublished the New IDEA Handbook on Electoral Design, adding material on thepolitical context of electoral systems and the process of electoral system changeto the explanation of different electoral systems and their effects contained inthe original book.

This year (2005), IDEA is celebrating its 10th anniversary both at its headquartersin Stockholm, Sweden, and also at select venues around the world.

IDEA has an African office based in South Africa:

Postal Address:Suite 55, Private Bag X1Menlo Park, 0102 PretoriaSouth AfricaTel: +27 12 342 6988Fax: +27 12 342 6989

International IDEA AfricaBeeld Park Building1166 Schoeman StreetHatfield, 0001PretoriaSouth Africa


OTHER RESEARCH REPORTS IN THIS SERIES

No. 1: Electoral System Reform, Democracy and Stability in the SADCRegion: A Comparative AnalysisKhabela Matlosa

No 2: From Military Rule to Multiparty Democracy: Political Reforms andChallenges in Lesotho.Edited by Claude Kabemba

No 3: Swaziland’s Struggle with Political Liberalisation.Edited by Claude Kabemba

No 4: Gender and Elections in Lesotho: Perspectives on the 2002 Elections.Puleng Letuka, Mats’eliso Mapetla, Keiso Matashane-Marite

No 5: Governance Quality and Government Commitment to the NEPADAfrican Peer Review Mechanism.Grant Edward Thomas Masterson

No 6: Elections and Democracy in Zambia.Edited by Claude Kabemba

No 7: Dilemmas of Political Transition: Towards Institutionalisation ofMultiparty Democracy in Tanzania.Edited by Shumbana Karume

No 8: Gender, Women, and Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe.Rudo Gaidzanwa

No 9: Negotiating the Impasse: Challenges and Prospects forDemocratisation in Zimbabwe.Edited by Wole Olaleye

No 10: Elections and Democratisation in Malawi: An Uncertain Process.Edited by Nixon S. Khembo

No 11: Democratic Consolidation in SADC Botswana’s 2004 Elections.David Sebudubudu and Bertha Z. Osei-Hwedie

No 12: South Africa’s 2004 Election: The Quest for Democratic Consolidation.Edited by Laurence Piper

No 13: Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia.Debie LeBeau and Edith Dima

No 14: Multiparty Democracy in Mozambique: Strengths, Weaknesses andChallengesEdited By Adriano Nuvunga


No 15: Political Parties and Democratisation in the Southern AfricanDevelopment Community Region: The Weakest Link?Khabele Matlosa

No 16: Political Parties and the Democratisation Process in ZimbabweLloyd M. Sachikonye

No 17: Political Parties and the Quest for Democratic Consolidation inZambiaJotham Momba

No 18: Political Movements and the Challenges for Democracy in SwazilandJoshua Bheki Mzizi

No 19: Political Parties and Democracy in MauritiusSheila Bunwaree and Roukaya Kasenally

No 20: Parties and Political Transition in the Democratic Republic of CongoH Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy

No 21: Political Parties: Development and Change in MalawiNandini Patel

No 22: Parties and Political Development in MozambiqueEduardo J. Sitoe, Zefanias Matsimbe, Amilcar F. Pereira

No 23: Parties and Political Development in LesothoKhabele Matlosa


Documents

PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA · 2015. 7. 22. · political parties; and • examine the internal functioning and structure of political parties and the impact of