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Òṣogbo: Power, Song and Performancein a Yoruba FestivalBode OmojolaPublished online: 14 Apr 2011.

To cite this article: Bode Omojola (2011) Òṣogbo: Power, Song and Performance in a YorubaFestival, Ethnomusicology Forum, 20:1, 79-106, DOI: 10.1080/17411912.2011.549360

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_O

_sun O

_sogbo: Power, Song and

Performance in a Yoruba FestivalBode Omojola

This article focuses on_O

_sun O

_sogbo, an annual festival of the Yoruba people of Western

Nigeria. In exploring the sociality and performativity of the festival, the article discusses

the ways in which music and song-texts are deployed to articulate social and political

agendas and power relations as shaped within the context of recent democratic politics

in Nigeria. Ethnographic material as well as musical examples provide the basis for

analysing how this religious festival is enacted responsively to the expanding political

topography of institutional power in Nigeria, while remaining an important forum for

the celebration of ancestral and religious identities.

Keywords:_O

_sun O

_sogbo; Yoruba; Festival; Song; Performance; Power and Politics

Introduction

_O

_sun O

_sogbo is an annual religious festival held in the Nigerian city of O

_sogbo in

honour of_O

_sun, one of Yoruba’s numerous deities (orı

_sa). The festival has, in recent

years, become one of the most visible Yoruba religious celebrations.1 There are a

number of reasons for this. First, the creation of the_O

_sun State within the Nigerian

federation in 1991 has brought considerable infrastructural and administrative

benefits to the city of O_sogbo, which is now home to the state headquarters of

various federal government agencies and departments, colleges and universities. The

naming of the state after_O

_sun is indeed an acknowledgement of the historical

significance of the Yoruba traditional religion.2 Second, the 75 hectare grove, which

houses the_O

_sun shrine is visited annually by thousands of tourists, both from within

and outside of Nigeria, and was inscribed a world heritage centre by UNESCO in

2005. Third, the popularity of the_O

_sun festival derives significantly from the efforts

of Susan Wenger, an Austrian who came to Nigeria in 1950. Initiated into the cult of

devotees, Wenger, with the support of the King of O_sogbo (the Ataoja) and other

Dr Bode Omojola is a Five College Assistant Professor of Music at Mount Holyoke College. Correspondence to:

Bode Omojola, Department of Music, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, MA USA. Email: bodeomo

jola@yahoo.com

ISSN 1741-1912 (print)/ISSN 1741-1920 (online)/11/010079-28

# 2011 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/17411912.2011.549360

Ethnomusicology Forum

Vol. 20, No. 1, April 2011, pp. 79�106

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devotees, helped to preserve the sacred status of the_O

_sun grove and to heighten

interest in the festival, both locally and internationally.3 Although_O

_sun is now widely

celebrated amongst diasporic Yoruba communities in countries like Brazil, Cuba and

the United States, this article focuses on the festival as celebrated in O_sogbo, Nigeria.4

It is important to note that the population of O_sogbo, though predominantly

Muslim, also consists of Christians and followers of the Yoruba traditional religion

who worship Olodumare or_Ol

_orun (the owner of the universe) through numerous

orı_sa, including

_O

_sun. Participation at the

_O

_sun festival thus cuts across the religious

divide, a fact well illustrated by the Ataoja himself who, in spite of being a Muslim, is

the festival’s chief patron and principal custodian. Likewise, most of the drummers

who perform at the festival are nominal Muslims. Participants thus include full-time

devotees like the Ataoja, the Aworo (chief priest) and the Iya_O

_sun (the

_O

_sun chief

priestess), government officials and politicians, as well as ordinary participants, most

of whom are either Christian or Muslim. The heterogeneous religious affiliation of

participants reflects their diverse interests and provides an important background to

my discussion of the varied musical landscape of the festival. Although certain

attributes are ascribed to_O

_sun deity, her significance within the Yoruba religious

cosmology traverses many different domains of human and spiritual experience,

including politics, economics and healing, to mention just a few (see Abiodun 2001:

28).

My discussion focuses on the significance of music, which, in the festival, is

polyvalent in nature, consisting of song, chant, drumming and dance. In spite of the

quite considerable amount of research devoted to the subject, the role of music has yet

to receive significant attention. This is rather curious, given the critical importance of

music for the festival. Although I am Yoruba and have been visiting O_sogbo since

childhood, my interest in_O

_sun O

_sogbo began only in 1997, the year in which I started

conducting research into the festival. Prior to that, I had participated in the festival

rather passively, by watching from the sides while paying little attention to detail and

not asking any questions. My lukewarm attitude, however, changed in 1997, and I have

since gone back to O_sogbo many times, both during and after the festival period in

furtherance of my research. My discussion here relies considerably on data collected in

2006 and 2007, consisting of interviews with the_O

_sun chief priestess, ıya

_O

_sun, named

Mama Omıleye, and many other participants, including drummers who perform at

the festival. A video recording of the 2006 festival provides additional resource for my

discussion. The names of the drummers, dancers and singers with whom I worked are

provided at the end of the article.

The songs and chants transcribed here derive from recordings made during the

festival, as well as during arranged sessions with my main informants, Sule Ayantunde

and members of his dundun ensemble before and after the festival. Born in 1943,

Ayantunde hails from Laro Street in O_sogbo, and leads the main dundun ensemble,

that performs at the annual festival. In addition to discussing the musical activities

that take place during the finale of the festival at ojo_O

_sun, the day of

_O

_sun,

I analyse the performance of the troupe of the National Commission for Museums

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and Monuments, comprising of music and dance repertoires associated with the_O

_sun

deity outside the context of the annual festival, though usually within the sacred

grounds of the_O

_sun grove*the sacred grounds within which the shrine of

_O

_sun is

located, and where the festival is held.5 The group’s activities are coordinated by the

Nigerian National Commission for Museums and Monuments to entertain visitors at

the grove.6 The group, which I henceforth refer to as_O

_sun Group, consists of

drummers, dancers and singers wearing white costumes that symbolise the purity of

the_O

_sun deity. The group’s lead drummer is Ayantunde, the same master drummer

who leads the main dundun ensemble during the festival. The group’s 2006

performance that I witnessed adumbrated the actual festival in many ways and

represented a sketch, against which I evaluate the structural fluidity of the festival

itself.7

_O

_sun O

_sogbo in Yoruba Religion and Culture

The Yoruba religion is defined within a hierarchical relationship, involving humans,

orı_sa and Olodumare, the Almighty God. As Alana (2004: 69) has explained, there are

three categories of orı_sa. The first category comprises of primordial deities who are

‘believed to have been with God’ since the time of creation. They include_Orunmıla,

the orı_sa of divination, and E

_su, the unpredictable orı

_sa of human conduct. In the

second category are those orı_sa that evolved from the deification of notable humans.

To this category belong_Sango, the orı

_sa of thunder and lightning, and

_Ogun, the orı

_sa

of iron and iron-implement, vengeance and justice. In the third category are those

orı_sa that are associated with natural objects. Oya, for example, is the orı

_sa of

the River Niger, while Okebadan is associated with a hill in the city of Ibadan. These

categories are however not mutually exclusive._O

_sun, for example, is considered a

primordial orı_sa in spite of the fact that she is also associated with a river. All orı

_sa, no

matter their status within the hierarchy, act as intermediaries between humans and

the Olodumare, the supreme ruler of heaven and earth, to whom they are answerable.

Festivals provide the most elaborate medium for the celebration of the Yoruba

religion. The history of the annual_O

_sun festival is told in a popular myth that

describes a series of encounters between Larooye Gbadewolu, an ancient ruler of

O_sogbo sometime in the 14th century, and

_O

_sun.8 In desperate need of fertile land,

Gbadewolu and his subjects abandoned their original settlement for a new riverside

location, which they however soon discovered was the ‘abode’ of_O

_sun. The deity was

said to have complained that they were disturbing her peace. In deference to her

authority, Gbadewoolu and his subjects moved a few kilometres away from the river,

and reached an agreement that they would henceforth pay an annual homage to the

deity in return for her promise to protect them, ward-off enemies, heal the sick and

bless infertile wombs.

During the festival, participants re-affirm their allegiance to the King, and offer

sacrifices and prayers to the deity. Although my discussion here focuses on the grand

finale of the festival (usually referred to as ojo_O

_sun, the day of

_O

_sun), it is important

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to note that the entire festival covers a span of about six weeks, consisting of various

events and rituals. One such event is a street procession (ıwopopo) led by the King

through the main streets of O_sogbo. Badejo (1995: 107) has explained that gifts of

money and food donated to the Ataoja during the procession serve to renew the

spiritual bond between the people and the deity. Another key event is the lighting of a

16-burner lamp (atupa oloju merındınlogun) by the King in the company of his

chiefs, wives and children amidst drumming, singing and dancing. This ritual

also symbolically serves to rekindle the bond between the deity and the people of

O_sogbo.

It is also important to note that the festival features economic activities that

speak to the dynamics of power within the O_sogbo community. It is generally

assumed, for example, that the Ataoja is a major beneficiary of monetary and

material gifts from prominent sons and daughters of O_sogbo, as well as from local

and state governments during the time of the festival. Money also changes hands

through contracts awarded by government officials for the construction of the

official pavilion, the tarring or maintenance of roads leading to the grove, and the

hiring of items like chairs, tables and the public address system. At the lower end of

the power scale are petty traders who hawk items like water sachets, soft drinks,

cola-nuts and empty water kegs in and around the venue of the festival. Drummers,

singers and chanters also perform to solicit meager monetary gifts from visitors and

participants. A brief discussion on the sociality and performativity of African

festivals is necessary at this point as a background to my analysis of the role of

music in_O

_sun O

_sogbo.

African Festivals as Performance

Drewal (1991: 1) defines a performance event as ‘anything from individual agents’

negotiations of everyday life to the stories people tell each other, popular

entertainment, political oratory, guerrilla warfare, [and] bounded events such as

theater, ritual, festivals, [and] parades’. Commenting on the nature of such cultural

performances, Victor Turner (1986: 98) observes that the ‘apprehension of meaning

of life is always relative, and involved in perpetual change’. As a form of performance,

African festivals are typified by the application and re-interpretation of received

knowledge to reflect on new and emerging social, economic and political issues. The

constant reshaping of African festivals in response to the existential reality of life thus

requires us to analyse them as forms of cultural expression. Johannes Fabian,

drawing on examples from Zaire, explains that the ultimate value of such cultural

expressions is neither immanent, nor wholly predetermined. Rather, their efficacy

derives from the ways in which they are deployed as socially responsive

performances. Cautioning against an analytical approach that is guided by the

notion of ‘textual fundamentalism’, which places an undue emphasis on the status of

African cultural expressions as predetermined forms, Fabian calls for more attention

to the sociality of festivals, that is, how they are made to speak to specific moments,

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issues and the evolving nature of their social environment (Fabian 1990:

913). To interrogate the sociality of African festivals is to study them ‘contextually

and ethnographically’, and to evaluate them as ‘deeply situated human behavior’ and

as part of the ‘conduct of social life’ (Bauman 1986: 2).

The continuous maneuvoring of cultural performance also directs attention to the

status of performers and participants as agents guided by specific interests. Against

this background, Andrew Apter makes a case for an analysis that balances a

functionalist interpretation of text against an exploration of how cultural expressions

are manipulated by participants for specific purposes. In his study of ritual

performance in Ayede-Ekıtı, a Yoruba town in Western Nigeria, Apter explains, for

example, that the same set of songs and chants may be performed to ‘enhance or

consume the power of the king’ (Apter 1992: 112), depending on the agenda of

participants at specific moments. Apter’s observation stresses the improvisational

character of African musical renditions, a quality which Askew, in her study of

Tanzanian music, identifies as constituting the basis for the power of taarab music to

articulate conflicting social identities in Tanzania (Askew 2002: 291).

With specific reference to the_O

_sun festival, Badejo stresses the polyvalent

character of the music and how it ‘contributes to dialogue and monologue’, while

functioning as ‘the medium of communication between the deities and humanity’

(Badejo 1995: 117). Badejo explains the religious and non-religious themes of the

songs of_O

_sun as well as the ways in which musical ensembles representing different

religious cults converge during the festival.9 She further explains that the songs and

chants of_O

_sun often emphasise ‘the historical, social and political prowess’ of the

goddess (Badejo 1995: 3). Her study, just like Apter’s, shows that political and

religious themes intertwine in Yoruba religious festivals. In exploring the sociality and

performativity of the_O

_sun festival, my discussions in this article focus on the ways in

which music and song text are deployed to articulate specific social and political

agenda and power relations as shaped by the dynamics of recent democratic politics

in Nigeria.

The Power of_O

_sun: Speech, Song and Chant

Describing the structure and meaning of the_O

_sun festival, Badejo (1999: 103)

explains that ‘[d]istinctions are clearly established between participants who engage

in the exclusive sacrosanct rituals and the uninitiated who are invited to share in the

resulting affective communal rites’. Responses by Ayantunde, members of his

ensemble and Mama Omıl_eye to my questions reflected this dichotomy. Responding

to the question about why they were drawn to the festival and what_O

_sun meant to

them, for example, Ayantunde explained that:

_O

_sun is our mother . . . .

_O

_sun can heal any ailment . . . .

_O

_sun gives children to

barren women . . . ._O

_sun heals without using the medicine of the white people.

(Ayantunde, personal communication,_O

_sogbo, 15 July 2007)

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Ayantunde, members of his ensemble and Mama Omıl_eye also ascribed some

developments in the city to the divine intervention of_O

_sun. All of them reminded

me, for example, that the creation of the_O

_sun state and the elevation of O

_sogbo to

the status of state capital by the federal government in 1991 took place just two days

after the_O

_sun festival was celebrated. It was one of the greatest gifts from

_O

_sun in

recent years, they told me. Statements such as these assumed a much more profound

spiritual significance in the testimony of the_O

_sun chief priestess, ıya

_O

_sun, named

Mama Omıl_eye, who explained the significance of the

_O

_sun festival to me as follows:

The main significance of the festival is to thank_O

_sun for all her deeds last year; to

appeal to her to guide us in our decisions. The path of the river goddess is that ofjoy. There is no problem that

_O

_sun cannot solve, as willed by God.

_O

_sun heals all

ailments, including barrenness. We are the children of_O

_sun. When we die, we will

all go back to_O

_sun. The children that

_O

_sun gives us are good ones. My god never

gives us bad children. When we thank her, she blesses us anew. (Mama Omıl_eye,

personal communication, O_sogbo, 18 July 2007).

As a demonstration of their religious belief, participants at_O

_sun festivals pray to

the deity for the gift of a child, a good job, good health or victory over enemies. Many

of them promise to come back to thank_O

_sun with appropriate items of sacrifice in

the following year, should their prayers be answered. Songs (orin) and chants (orıkı)

are the media through which the religious, social and political dimensions of the

festival are performed. I now examine the thematic content of some selected

examples that I have heard performed during the festival.

To begin with an analysis of orin, the song titled O_sogbo Ilu Aro (O

_sogbo, the City of

the Dye) has virtually become a local anthem of identity (Example 1; see also Figure 3).

Radio and television announcements about events in O_sogbo, for instance, are often

accompanied or prefaced by this song. The first line of the song refers to O_sogbo’s

well-known cloth dyeing industry, while the second line hails the town of O_sogbo as a

centre of refuge under the protection of_O

_sun.

The third and fourth lines recount the activities of hunters who in the past protected

the town against invaders and overpowered rampaging dangerous animals.10 Line five

describes O_sogbo as belonging to O

_sun, whose significance as a symbol of identity is

reinforced through the recent naming of the state after her, as I earlier mentioned. The

sixth line describes_O

_sun as a benevolent mother of numerous children.

_O

_sogbo ılu aro O

_sogbo, the city of the dyeing industry

Orokı asala Refuge center, impenetrable to invadersAr

_e p

_eta Are [a visiting hunter] killed eta [a type of

animal]Ar

_e p

_eta a gbaa o We took the animal from him [from Are]

_O

_sun

_O

_sogbo p

_el

_e o I greet you,

_O

_sun of O

_sogbo

P_ele o

_ol

_omo y

_oy

_o I greet you, the mother of plentiful children

Example 1 O_sogbo Ilu Aro (O

_sogbo, the City of the Dye)11

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In the next two songs, Yeyee Mi (My Mother) and Olomo Nıya (Mother has

Children),_O

_sun is further eulogised as a giver of children, a caring mother and a

woman of great influence and power. In the first song, two key words, id_e and osun,

convey important attributes of the goddess (Example 2). Osun (not to be confused

with_O

_sun) refers to herbal medicinal paste, which Yoruba mothers customarily apply

to the bodies of their newly born babies. Osun has come to acquire a symbolic

meaning too. For example, a prayer that a ‘woman’s hand be soaked in osun’ seeks the

blessing of the womb for the woman.

Yeye mi o olowo aro My mother whose hands are coloured in dyeYeye mi o El

_es

_e osun My mother, whose legs are painted with osun

Eba mi kı yeye mi o afid_e w

_e’m

_o Hail the mother whose children are bathed in a priceless bowl

Example 2 Yeyee Mi (My Mother)

This song informs us that_O

_sun’s feet are permanently soaked in osun, while her

court is filled with babies. The word ide in the third line refers to brass, an important

symbol of_O

_sun’s authority. Devotees often wear bracelets and anklets made of brass,

and carry small brass bells as paraphernalia of worship. The word id_e also connotes

wealth and power, the possession of brass objects being a marker of high social status

in Yoruba culture.12

_O

_sun’s use of brass containers to bathe her children depicts her

role as a provider:_O

_sun does not only bless wombs, she provides the wherewithal to

take care of the children so generously given. Meanwhile, the song Olomo Nıya

reiterates_O

_sun’s status as a custodian and giver of children, while instructing that

_O

_sun’s benevolence must be reciprocated with befitting ritual sacrifices (Example 3).

Ol_om

_o Nıya My mother has children

Ol_om

_o nıya

_O

_sun Her abode is full of children

A rub_o yeye o We offer sacrifices

A rub_o yeye awa We offer sacrifices to our mother

Example 3 Ol_om

_o Nıya (Mother has Children)

In spite of the popularity of songs (orin), it is through chant (orıkı) that the

attributes of_O

_sun are most vividly and powerfully expressed. Orıkı refers to Yoruba

chanting performed to praise individuals, families, deities and places. It is rendered

in a recitative form, often with palpable emotion. An orıkı is structurally and

thematically cumulative in the sense that new achievements of the individuals being

praised are often compositionally worked into the structure of a pre-existing family-

orıkı, making it a performance framed by a perpetual creative process. The discursive

terrain of orıkı is generally wide and may include individual achievements in

economic, political, spiritual and intellectual realms. Physical attributes are also often

woven into its compositional structure. A man may be praised for his good looks and

protruding belly, while a woman may be eulogised for her robust figure. As a

recitative, the mode of discourse operates in the interstice between speech and song.

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Orıkı is more than just a performance. It is also an action-laden rendition that spurs

spirits and deities into action (Euba 2003: 64). Stressing their dialogical character,

Karin Barber explains that ‘[t]hey are always in the vocative case, and in utterance the

performer always establishes an intense, one-to-one bond with the addressee as long

as the utterance lasts’ (1990: 315).

On many occasions excerpts from the orıkı in honour of_O

_sun were rendered by

individuals or groups at the ojo_O

_sun. For instance, a chanter would render only an

excerpt from an orıkı in between songs and speeches. I did not hear a long and

complete narration of an orıkı. It was only during the performance by the_O

_sun

Group that I heard an extended chant version of the aforementioned song_O

_sogbo Ilu

Aro, which I now briefly analyse (Example 4).

Aro d_ed

_e bı orom

_odıye The one who sounds like a little hen

Are p_eta o gbaa o The hunter kills the animal

_O

_sun

_O

_sogbo orokı

_O

_sun O

_sogbo, a town of refuge

_Om

_o yeye

_O

_sun The children of the river deity,

_O

_sun

Yeye at_ew

_o gb

_eja onıyun lab

_eb

_e A wealthy mother with plentiful beads and a fan

Yeeleyee ile aro Iyalode The mother of the house of dye, the leader of allwomen

Ewur_e

_orangun tı ı j

_e l

_es

_e

_e gbagede

_Orangun’s animal that feeds at the frontage of thehouse

Agutan orangun tı ı j_e l

_es

_e

_e yara

_Orangun’s sheep that feeds at the frontage of thehouse

L_es

_e

_e gbagede nı n gben j

_e Yes, it feeds at the front of the house

Akuko mi gagara to gorı_op

_e re e le tente The cock [of

_O

_sun that crows every morning]

perching on a palm treeNıbo w

_on gben pAlara tantan From where it signals Alara [king of Aramoko, a

Yoruba town in Ekiti State]Ogboju obırin tı fowo gbogborogbo y

_om

_o re l

_ofın The brave woman that delivers her children from

the clutches of deathYeye e

_ol

_om

_oge toru to forı le O

_sogbo A beautiful damsel who embarks on a journey to

O_sogbo

Yeye e Tımı The mother of Tımı, [king of Ede, a nearby town]Akınkanju

_od

_e ton merin wa w

_olu O

_sogbo Famous hunter, killer of an elephant

O_sogbo orokı omo olooya ayun O

_sogbo orokı, descendants of the owner of a comb

made of beads [a reference to the hair style that isassociated with

_O

_sun]

_Om

_o

_owa oluyeye

_om

_o obokun The son/daughter of owa obokun [royal title for

the town of Ilesha] and oluyeye [an importantpersonality]

_Om

_o obokun tı ı

_san lorokı ile Daughter of obokun, [the river] which flows into

oroki ile [O_sogbo]

E nı so lO_sogbo, e nı so lO

_sogbo Let us go to O

_sogbo

E ko re yeye o Hail the good motherOre yeye o Blessings of the motherOmi o, ota o Water, stone [epithet words for

_O

_sun]

Example 4 O_sogbo Ilu Aro (O

_sogbo, the City of the Dye), extended chant version.

The qualities of_O

_sun that the chanter evokes in this orıkı are not limited to those

of healing and beauty. For example, the chanter informs us that she is a powerful

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warrior who protects her people in times of war and danger. The words fowo

gbogborogbo refer to_O

_sun’s ‘long and powerful hands’, a phrase, which recurs quite

often in Yoruba traditional prayers. In line fifteen, the chanter describes_O

_sun as

Akınyanju od_e, a brave hunter who single-handedly captured an elephant, another

reference to the olden days when hunters were the people who guarded and led

Yoruba societies in war. As Akınyanju_od

_e,

_O

_sun is in effect being hailed as war

commander, bringing into focus the widely shared belief that_O

_sun is a mighty

fortress capable of defending the people against foreign attacks, the type of which

nearly caused the downfall of the ancient Yoruba kingdom of Oyo when it was

invaded by the Islamic jihadists in the 19th century.

_O

_sun’s powers are however not limited to military skills. There are allusions to her

political and administrative acumen. In the sixth line, for example,_O

_sun is referred

to as ıyalode (female leader in the public sphere), the title traditionally reserved for

the highest female chief in Yoruba communities. It is also important to note that the

word O_sogbo, the name by which the people and the town are called, is derived from

the phrase o_so igbo, which translates as ‘the wizard of the forest’. O

_so igbo, a recurring

phrase in the orıkı_O

_sun, projects

_O

_sun as possessing a form of divine power that

renders her invulnerable to enemies.

References to other Yoruba communities in this orıkı convey important historical

facts. The word tımı (line 14) is the title of the King of the ancient town of Ede in the

_O

_sun State. Meanwhile, the phrases

_om

_o owa and

_om

_o obokun (the offspring of owa

and the offspring of tiger) in lines 17 and 18 are employed exclusively to praise the

King of Ilesha, another neighboring town. Both royal institutions played important

roles in the long history of O_sogbo. Oral history states, for example, that the first

ruler of O_sogbo was installed by the king of Ilesha.13 However, these facts are not

performed merely to re-enact history; they also convey_O

_sun’s political influence. As

the ‘mother’ of powerful Yoruba kings,_O

_sun is projected as a major source of royal

authority in O_sogbo.

As illustrated in these examples, songs and chants performed in honour of_O

_sun

focus on a range of social, religious, political and historical issues, while projecting

the deity as a powerful symbol of identity. I now examine how these themes assumed

topical relevance during the_O

_sun festival. The theme of political authority and

power, which features powerfully in the chants and songs of_O

_sun, was appropriated

for political purposes during the 2006 festival. Key participants at this particular

event performed well-known religious songs and created new ones to reflect or

amplify the political rivalry that characterised the electioneering campaign that

preceded the 2007 general elections.

Ojo_O

_sun as Performance

Ojo_O

_sun, the grand finale of the festival, is a polyvalent spectacle in which multiple

events run concurrently. There are, for example, performances by various musical

ensembles alongside the actions of participants who pray frantically at the_O

_sun river,

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or those of devotees who attend to individuals seeking answers and solutions to

specific problems, as well as devotional activities by women who keep watch at the

shrine as they await the arrival of the votary maid along with the regular movement

of people into and out of the grove. Keeping note of these various activities is

considerably challenging for a participant-observer who seeks to engage with the

polyphonic spectacle that defines the festival. In discussing the significance of music,

I focus mainly on specific moments and activities at the festival in 2006 and 2007,

and contextualise my discussions by providing a formal overview of ojo_O

_sun as

framed by certain key rituals and events.

Recurrent Rituals

The procession of the votary maid, called the Arugba, from the King’s palace to the

_O

_sun grove is perhaps the most important part of the festival. Arugba, a virgin from

the royal family, symbolises purity, represents the link between humans and_O

_sun,

and constitutes the medium through which corporate healing is delivered to the land.

Her procession includes the chief priestess, devotees, a group of professional drummers

and other members of the community. At the rear of the procession is the Ataoja.

The votary maid’s arrival at the grove marks the climax of the festival. On sighting

her, participants intensify their prayers and supplications, while singing, drumming

and dancing are done with greater frenzy. The votary maid stops at important points

inside the grove before finally retiring to the inner chamber (ojubo) of_O

_sun. She is

later visited by the Ataoja, who, along with the chief priestess and some devotees,

offers prayers for his people. From this point until the end of the festival, various

groups, including organisations, societies and chiefs take turn to pay homage to the

King amidst singing, drumming and dancing. The King later addresses the people,

praying for a good year, peace and prosperity, and wishing them a happy celebration.

The King speaks in the Yoruba language, because, according to him, ‘that is the

language that_O

_sun understands’.14 The governor and the representative of the federal

governor also take their turn to address the people in the English language, each

seizing the opportunity to talk about their political achievements and plans to

improve the lot of the people. The most sacred part of the festival ends when the

votary maid returns to the palace.

Performance and Power

The_O

_sun festival has traditionally been an important forum for the Ataoja to assert

his royal authority. But the dynamics of power performed during the festival have

become complicated in recent history. Federal and state political leaders now compete

with the royal King to assert their authority and promote their political interests.

Thus, while the average worshipper may seem more enthralled by the religious

dimension of the festival and the material benefits that come through spiritual

devotion, some participants engage in activities whose significance goes well beyond

the domain of religion.

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During the 2006 festival, certain groups and individuals canvassed support for some

political leaders through musical performances. For example, the governor and his

deputy were encouraged by a group of drummers to dance, which helped to announce

their arrival. Both officials performed a short improvised dance to the applause of

participants. After taking their seats, a well-rehearsed ensemble of dundun drummers,

dancers and singers from the State Arts Council began to perform for them. This group

did not merely entertain, but also praised the governor and enumerated his

achievements and leadership qualities. They also sang proverbial songs of insults

against political opponents. The politically-charged rendition of the dundun group was

complemented by the renditions of the emcee who also provided political commentary

during the festival. It is pertinent to look more closely at the activities of these two

performers to understand how the festival captured party political rivalry.

Songs for the Governor

The dundun group that often performs in praise of the governor is from the_O

_sun State

Arts Council, a department of the Ministry of Information and Culture. The unique

mission of this group is reflected in the ceremonial nature of their costume, which is

clearly different from the predominantly white uniform of devotees and participants.

Members of the group wear the traditional Yoruba iro, buba, gele and iborun, an attire

normally reserved for formal occasions like weddings and child naming.15 Standing

clearly apart from other groups and performing mainly in front of the governor, his

deputy and some members of the cabinet, the group exudes an identity that enhances

the political orientation of its performance. The political mission of the group is

eloquently expressed through many songs, as illustrated in the subsequent examples.

In the song titled_O

_sun Ti B

_o Saye (The

_O

_sun State is Transformed), the group

urges the governor to continue to lead the_O

_sun state (Example 5). His tenure as

governor, according to the song, had been peaceful and brought prosperity to the

people. The singers direct their attention to the critical importance of the time by

singing that ‘it is now that we know that we have a fatherly leader’. The political

importance of this song cannot be overemphasised, as at that time, the political

campaign for the 2007 general elections had earnestly begun, and the candidates of

the opposition parties were campaigning rigorously to unseat the ruling party.

Nkan ti yıpada Our state has been transformedLaye Oyinl

_ola o Under the leadership of Oyinl

_ola

[name of governor]Igba reo o tu wa lara o Your rule is good for usGomına ıpınl

_e

_O

_sun Our dear governor

Igba yı lawa to m_o o pawaa ti nı baba It is now that we know that we have a fatherly

leaderMa a ko wan

_so Continue to lead us.

Example 5_O

_sun Ti B

_o Saye (The

_O

_sun State is Transformed)

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In another song, A ıı Bomi Sota (Water Has no Enemy), the performers invoke the

physical image of_O

_sun to canvass political support for the governor (Example 6).

This is achieved through an adaptation of symbols and epithets that are associated

with_O

_sun who is described as omi aluwee omi

_O

_sun, the flowing water of

_O

_sun. The

performers remind listeners that ‘no one makes enemy with water’ and urge the

people to regard the governor as their friend. On the other hand, ‘trouble makers’

must be shown the way out of the state.

A ıı bomi_sota Water has no enemy

Omi aluwe omi_O

_sun; Flowing water of

_O

_sun

Okuku_sa nile Oyinl

_ola o kare, Our dear governor hails from Okuku [name of

a town in_O

_sun state]

Karı_o na o orırı

_om

_o a porırımu Where are you, the one who drinks oriri [a local

beverage]E kore baba o e kore yeye

_O

_sun Hail the good father; hail the good mother,

_O

_sun

J_ow

_o bami se ore yeye

_O

_sun

_O

_sun, please solve my problems for me, good

mother,_O

_sun

Awon alagıdı osı nıhın (speech) Trouble makers are not hereWon osı nı wahın (speech) And they will not come here

Example 6 A ıı Bomi_Sota (Water Has no Enemy)

The Emcee’s Performance

The emcee is the name used by participants to refer to the man who directs

proceedings at the festival. The popularity of the word in Nigeria dates back to the

late 1970s when American-type disco parties flourished in the country. By the early

1980s, its use had been extended to cover the role of the people who make

announcements at events like marriage and funeral receptions, birthday parties, book

launches and traditional festivals. In the_O

_sun festival, more specifically, the emcee

announces the names of dignitaries as they arrive, and identifies performing and age-

graded groups and professional associations as they take turns at the central arena to

pay tribute to the Ataoja. Working together with the men and women of the Nigerian

police force, he also sees to the maintenance of order throughout the festival. More

significantly, however, is the fact that he often leads in the rendition of songs, using

the power of his microphone to conduct and mobilise the huge crowd to sing a

particular chorus or shout an epithet. The emcee thus enjoys considerable power, as,

apart from the Ataoja, as well as the governor and other dignitaries who deliver speeches

using a microphone, the emcee is the only performer with the privilege of using a

microphone. He virtually holds on to his own microphone throughout the festival, while

amplifying his voice over mounted speakers. One strong quality of the emcee at the

festival is his ability to respond to situations as they emerge. For example, the emcee

performs or re-composes songs on the spur of the moment in order to capture the

dynamic ambience of the festival. He also brings into the festival arena issues that

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resonate with the larger socio-political landscape, as long as such issues are politically

supportive of the status quo, as represented by the King and the state government.

During the 2006 festival, the emcee used his privileged position and skills to great

political effect, as illustrated in two song performances, which reflect, what Drewal

describes as, an act of improvisation through which ‘participants intervene

spontaneously in the ritual framework at their whims’ (Drewal 1992: 7). The emcee’s

actions are strategic and intentional. For example, in the song entitled Boya Ara_Orun

A De (Soon The Spirit Will Come), he warns ‘trouble makers’, a thinly veiled

reference to unnamed political opponents, not to cause problems during the festival

(Example 7; see also Figure 4). In the fourth line of the song, he describes the reigning

governor as ‘the husband of his enemies’ mothers’, that is, a nemesis to his political

foes. In the Yoruba language, to be a ‘husband to the mother of one’s enemy’ is to be

able to overpower that enemy. The emcee also sings that no matter how rich and

powerful such enemies are, they will not prevail. The governor is advised not to give

his enemies ‘any chance’. My informant Sule Ayantunde, with whom I discussed this

song, believed that the enemies referenced here were members of the opposition

party, the Action Congress (AC), and many participants interviewed during and after

the festival offered a similar explanation. It is important to understand here that the

governor belongs to the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), the ruling party at the

Federal level and in the_O

_sun State.

Boya ara orun a de Soon the spirit will comeEnıkan as

_oro to jenu baba re lo He will suffer the consequences of reckless

talkBoya ara orun a de Soon the spirit will comeIsh

_ola L

_ok

_o ıya a w

_on But Ishola is the husband of their

mother

_Sa

_sangele

_Sa

_sangele [a slogan touting the

governor’s toughness and strength]Bı w

_on logun

_eru Even if they [the governor’s enemies]

have twenty slavesBı w

_on l

_e gb

_e orun ıw

_ofa Or even one thousand slaves

I_sola ni w

_on o fi sın All their slaves will be for Ishola

Dakun ma gba w_on laye [Ishola] Please, do not give them a

chance

Example 7 Boya Ara_

Orun A De (Soon The Spirit Will Come)

The emcee’s opening phrases constitute only the beginning of a long narrative of

praise for major political leaders and the King. I have translated key sections of this

long narrative and called it the Emcee’s Song (Example 8). In this performance, the

emcee touts the governor as more than capable of ‘battling’ his political foes. He

describes the governor of the_O

_sun State,

_Olagunsoye Oyinl

_ola, as a family man: ‘the

husband of Omolola and the father of Damola’. Such invocations of familial relations

are idiomatic of Yoruba praise songs, which are designed, as in this case, to project

someone as omoluabı, a well-raised and well-behaved person. The emcee proceeds to

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praise the female deputy governor too by including her chieftaincy title (erelu) in a

short responsorial phrase, erelu o, erelu_O

_sun. 16 This phrase is imaginatively

interwoven with a chant, Ijesha re omo obokun, which is traditionally recited for the

indigenes of the Ijesha, to which this deputy governor belongs.17 The emcee then

moves rather patronisingly from his praise of the two politicians to praises of the

King, as if suddenly realising that the King, who would normally be the sole recipient

of accolades at the festival, should play a central role in his performance. The

complete rendition thus praises all major leaders, actors within the modern political

landscape of Nigeria.

Yoruba secular praise songOmo Oyinlola The son of OyinlolaOyinlola la mo to le koju won Oyinlola is the one that can confront themOlagunoye oko Omolola Olagunoye the husband of OmololaOyinlola la mo to le koju won Oyinlola is the one that can confront themAtanda Baba Damola Atanda the father of DamolaOyinlola la mo to le koju won Oyinlola can confront themBaka o dowo re o Baka [a friend to the governor] make sure you defend

[the governor]

_O

_sun Praise song

E kore yeye Sing the praise of our motherE kore yeye

_O

_sun Sing the praise of our mother

Praise for the deputy governor who is fromIjeshaland

Erelu erelu_O

_sun Erelu [title of the deputy governor] of

_O

_sun

Boya Olushola lo de ree o omo Obokun Olushola is here, the daughter of ObokunBoya erelu lode re e omo ObokunIjesha re omo obokun She is Ijesoa, the daughter of ObokunE kore yeye Hail the good mother

Praise for_O

_sogbo people and King

_O

_sogbo o O

_sogbo

Ataoja o Ataoja o [‘title of king of O_sogbo’]

Secular song of abuseBoya ara orun a de Soon the spirit will comeBoya ara orun a de Soon the spirit will comeEnıkan a soro to jenu baba re lo He will suffer the consequences of reckless talkBoya ara orun a de Soon the spirit will come

A type of recreational folk song known asaluwasi

Atanda o nı wo be, sasangele Atanda will ignore them all, sasangeleEven bi won ni wofa ogbon Even if they have thirty slavesOmo Oyinlola loko ıya a won Oyinlola is the husband of their motherIshola loko ıya a won Ishola is the husband of their mother SasangeleDakun ma gbawon laye Please do not give them a chance

Shouts of_O

_sun praise name

E kore yeye Sing the praise of our motherE kore yeye Sing the praise of our mother

Spoken greetings for King and votary maidBoti ri naa nu That is the way it is

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Baba wa e maa rora Our father [the king] please be carefulEkore yeye o Sing the praise of our motherArugba maa rora Votary maid, please tread gently

Example 8 Emcee’s Song (extended version)

The thematic variety of the emcee’s performance reflects its compositional process.

It is an amalgam of epithets, song fragments, yells, spoken utterances and proverbs

drawn from several sources and joined together on the spur of the moment. The

creative sourcing of material from a variety of sources, as demonstrated in the emcee’s

performance, is a technique that is commonly employed by Yoruba performers in their

attempt to respond to developments that emerge in the course of a performance and to

issues that emanate from the larger social and political environment. The emcee’s

renditions are marked by ‘fluidity, boundarilessness and centrelessness’, stylistic

elements which Barber identified as key features of orıkı (Barber 1991: 249). As

noticeable in example 8, the emcee’s performance, like orıkı more generally, is typified

by a ‘genetically disjunctive character’, which derives from an ‘accumulation of

utterances of different origins and intents, juxtaposed in performance’ (Barber 1991:

248). Although the overarching theme of the emcee’s performance is that of praise and

critique, specifically praise for the King, the governor and the deputy governor, and

criticism of the ‘enemy’, the materials that are deployed in the performance are

remarkably eclectic in their origins and character. In Example 8, I have provided

descriptive labels for some of the key phrases to highlight this diversity.

As shown in this example, sacred and secular phrases are juxtaposed and

manipulated to praise favoured political leaders. Phrases and extracts from orıkı,

which are traditionally rendered for the orı_sa, are creatively deployed for strategic

political purposes. For example, the phrase ore yeye o (blessings of the mother), the

most popular signature chant for_O

_sun, is rendered as part of a song performed in

praise of the female deputy governor. The phrase, in its new meaning, appropriates

the magnanimity of_O

_sun for political praise at the climactic point of the festival,

which is marked by the arrival of the votary maid. The emcee sings this phrase in

conjunction with erelu o, erelu_O

_sun, the phrase that I earlier referred to.

It is important to note that although the governor also received praises during the

2007 festival, the praise was far less intensive than during the 2006 festival. The

election had now been conducted and the incumbent governor had won. The level of

bitterness and struggle for supremacy and attention at a public forum, as well as the

bid to outwit political opponents, which prevailed during the electioneering

campaign of the previous year, had waned considerably. In 2007, I did not hear

any veiled or direct references to political opponents. The rhetoric that marked the

previous year was clearly not there in 2007 when the performances reflected the

relative repose of the post-election period.

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The Musical Landscape of the_O

_sun Festival

One of the striking features of the_O

_sun festival is the variegated nature of its musical

performances, consisting of traditional ensembles, which perform during the various

rituals inside the grove, as well as modern popular bands, notably juju and fuji

groups, which are stationed along the main street leading to the grove. My discussion

here, however, focuses mainly on musical performances that take place inside the

grove because they are more directly linked to the power structures displayed at the

festival. These include performances of the traditional drum ensembles, as

represented by the ‘official’ dundun ensemble; performances of orin ıbıle (tradi-

tional/indigenous songs); performances of orin ıgba l’ode (modern ‘syncretic’ songs);

and performances of the Nigerian National Anthem. Each of these performance types

is representative of a specific realm of power and emanates from or is associated with

specific institutions, agendas or historical developments.

The Dundun Ensemble

The dundun ensemble features most prominently at the festival. The capability of the

dundun to function as a speech surrogate accounts for its strong visibility at most

Yoruba festivals. In stressing the role of the drum as the principal means of

communicating with supernatural forces, the chief priestess noted that ‘the drum

talks to us and we know what the drum is saying, it helps us to communicate with

_O

_sun’ (Mama Omıl

_eye, personal communication, O

_sogbo, 18 July 2007). The

procession of the votary maid is led exclusively by the official dundun ensemble,

members of which are drawn from a particular family of drummers in O_sogbo. In

2007, the ensemble was led by Sule Ayantunde, a member of the drumming family

that currently holds the title of areelu, the chief of drummers. Ayantunde explained to

me that his family had performed at the festival for as long as he could remember.18

Ayantunde’s ensemble consists of the iyaalu, the mother drum, and a group of

secondary drums, known collectively as omele, comprising of ısaaju, atele, gudugudu

and aguda. All drums, except the gudugudu, are hour-glass shaped, two-headed

tension drums. The gudugudu, which consists of a single drum head, is shaped rather

like a small pot.19

Dundun music as performed at the_O

_sun festival falls within the cultural and

political jurisdiction of the Ataoja. The areelu family, which provides the drummers

for the festival, is ordained by the Ataoja. The content of the ensemble’s

performance derives largely from the liturgical texts and musical repertoires of

_O

_sun. Furthermore, the procession of the King, his royal household and some of

his chiefs to the grove is accompanied and announced by the performance of the

dundun ensemble. Ayantunde’s dundun drumming is thus symbolic of and serves to

enhance the spiritual and political authority of the King at the festival. According to

Ayantunde, the musicians see themselves as serving the interests of Ataoja and his

subjects.

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Orin Ibıle (traditional/indigenous songs)

The second type of performance during the festival comprises of songs known

collectively as orin ıbıle (indigenous songs). It is believed that many such songs date

considerably back in time and provide reflections on the history of the O_sogbo

people and the identity of the_O

_sun goddess. The musicians and devotees whom

I encountered described them as ancient songs, but, as expected in oral traditions,

could not put a specific date of origin to them. Furthermore, although they did not

ascribe any specific technical attribute to them, the musicians and devotees expressed

the view that the songs in the orin ıbıle category are sufficiently similar to one

another, but strikingly different from other categories of songs. Relying on this rather

general categorisation, I have analysed selected examples of these songs in order to

understand why and if they are unique in the way described by musicians and

devotees.

Many of the songs in this category are relatively short in length, and feature the

pentatonic scale and call and response format, in which the soloist and chorus repeat

the same song or phrase alternately. These features are illustrated in the song Iro Ni

Won Pa_O

_sun O le e Parun (

_O

_sun Cannot be Destroyed) (Figure 1) and E Nı So

LO_sogbo (Come Let Us Go to O

_sogbo) (Figure 2), both of which feature a pentatonic

minor scale. Both examples show that the inflectional patterns of the words in these

songs follow the contours of the melodies to which they are set, which is customary

in a musical setting of a tonal language like Yoruba.20

In comparison, the previously mentioned song O_sogbo Ilu Aro (O

_sogbo, the City

of the Dye) (Example 1, Figure 3) also features a pentatonic scale, albeit in D major,

and yet its phrases are strikingly triadic in structure, while its final measure outlines

a ii7-V-I Western-type cadence. I suggest that this song, alongside another

aforementioned example called Boya Ara_Orun A De (Soon The Spirit Will

Come) (Example 7, Figure 4), may have been influenced by the music of the British-

influenced Yoruba Christian church, even though both songs were regarded as orin

ıbıle (traditional/indigenous songs) by the musicians whom I spoke to. Both

examples also feature a pervading parity between the contour of speech and that of

Figure 1 Iro Ni Won Pa_O

_sun O le e Parun (

_O

_sun Cannot be Destroyed), a song in the

orin ıbıle category (traditional/indigenous song).21

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melody, and yet the apparent European influences displayed in them show that the

category of orin ıbıle (indigenous songs), just like the festival itself, is neither static

nor sacrosanct in terms of featured stylistic elements. Further, the presence of

Christian influences in Figures 3 and 4 provides musical evidence for the diverse

religious orientations and identities of festival participants, which I described earlier,

and for which I provide further evidence below.

Like dundun drumming, most of the songs in the orin ıbıle category are indigenous

to or strongly associated with O_sogbo because their themes focus on historical facts

and religious values that are germane to the jurisdiction and authority of Ataoja, the

Figure 2 E Nı_So L

_O

_sogbo (Come Let Us Go to O

_sogbo), a song in the orin ıbıle category

(traditional/indigenous song).

Figure 3 O_sogbo Ilu Aro (O

_sogbo, the City of the Dye), although in the orin ıbıle category

of songs, shows European musical influences (See Euba 2003b).

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King. Many of the songs are believed to antedate other musical idioms or styles that

are performed at the festival, thus pointing to the historical pre-eminence of the King

in matters relating to the festival.

Orin Igba L’ode (modern ‘syncretic’ songs)

The third type of performance during the festival features songs that display Western

influences in much stronger terms than the examples discussed above. Many scholars

of Yoruba music, notably Akin Euba (2003b: 212-13), have located the origin of such

songs in the Yoruba Christian church from the colonial era. Such songs, while

retaining certain important features of Yoruba vocal tradition, especially the

relationship between text and tone, employ intervals and scales that conform to

the Western diatonic system. However, the performance of these songs is no longer

restricted to the church. Many of them now carry non-Christian texts and are

performed in non-Christian spaces like schools, night clubs, radio and television

broadcasts and state arts councils. Although songs with a distinct Christian theme or

text are not performed during the_O

_sun festival, it is difficult to miss the stylistic

affinity between the songs that were rendered by the aforementioned Arts Council

dundun group, and the syncretic melodic styles that emanated from the Yoruba

Christian church. It is thus important to briefly look at some of the Arts Council

group’s musical performances.

A good example in this category is the song_O

_sun Ti B

_o Saye (The

_O

_sun State is

Transformed), which contrasts with the previous songs in its employment of a

heptatonic scale that somewhat recalls the tonal character of Yoruba Christian

melodies (Figure 5). The distinct D-major tonal orientation of this song and its

considerable length*spanning seventeen bars*combine to differentiate it from the

previous orin ıbıle category, which comprises of relatively short and harmonically

simpler songs. Its ‘through-composed’ format, defined by the juxtaposition of tutti,

call and chorus sections, is also striking. All these features help to affiliate the song to

the syncretic anthems that are popular in Yoruba Christian churches. Although there

are call-chorus exchanges in the latter half of the song, call and response singing does

not pervade as it does in a typical orin ıbıle. In its more modern orientation, this song

Figure 4 Boya Ara_Orun A De (Soon The Spirit Will Come), although in the orin ıbıle

category of songs, shows European musical influences (See Euba 2003b).

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fits appropriately with the modern political status of the governor, whose leadership

qualities the song was supposed to extol.

When I sang this song to some Christians during my fieldwork in O_sogbo in 2006/

7, they confirmed that it is similar to the ones they heard or sang in church. Its

through-composed structure is particularly reminiscent of the compositions of early

Yoruba choirmasters who adumbrated British church anthems and abandoned the

call-response format of indigenous songs to accommodate a longer narrative form.

Such songs remain popular today in Yoruba churches. Indeed, it is the type of song

that the governor, a Christian, would have heard many times rendered as a special

anthem in the church.

During the 2007 festival, the performance of modern songs drew my attention to the

ways in which different ethnic groups employ music to express their sociocultural

identities during, what has become, a pan-Yoruba event. Ethnic groups from different

parts of Yoruba land in Nigeria make the regular journey to O_sogbo to take part in the

annual festival. In 2007, one such group was particularly visible to me because of the

type of music that they performed. The group consisted of Egba people who came from

Ab_e_okuta, a Yoruba town some 180 kilometers from O

_sogbo. They brought a musical

ensemble and a group of dancers, while singing songs that are widely known to belong

to Egba people. Such songs included Awa_Om

_o Olum

_o (We the Children of Olum

_o

Rock) and Lorı_Oke on P

_et

_ele (On the Mountain and in the Valley). Unlike most other

Figure 5_O

_sun Ti B

_o Saye (The

_O

_sun State is Transformed), a song in the orin ıgba l’ode

category (modern ‘syncretic’ songs).

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performing groups, this group employed Western instruments, including an

ensemble of four trumpets and drum kit. The syncretic nature of their ensemble

and songs captured the unique nature of their history as one of the first people to

embrace Christianity and Western cultural practices in Nigeria (see Ayandele 1960).

While Christian texts did not feature in their songs, the historical legacy of

Christian music during colonialism resonated strongly in their performance, which

illustrates the interconnections between different segments of Yoruba cultural life

and the ways in which Yoruba performances adapt and re-interpret new practices to

re-invigorate ancient traditions.

The Nigerian National Anthem

The Nigerian National Anthem is rendered only once during the festival, which is the

norm at events at which representatives of the state and/or federal government are

present. Nonetheless, the importance of the national anthem as a symbol of political

authority in Nigeria cannot be overemphasised. Its performance also illustrates the

changing face and increased importance of the festival as a national event in Nigeria.

The national anthem was composed in 1978 by a Nigerian police officer, Benedict

Odiase (Figure 6). It bears strong Western influences in its hymnal style and

European tonal harmony, alongside its performance by a Western-type brass band,

which uses strong, punctuating drum rolls, the type of which are typically associated

with military parades. All these elements represent vestiges of colonial domination in

Nigeria, yet now they constitute the symbols of the authority of the Federal Republic

of Nigeria that emerged from it. The disembodied nature of its performance further

underlines the unique status of the national anthem, deriving from the fact that the

music is pre-recorded and played with the aid of amplifiers and loud-speakers that

forcefully dominates the entire arena for the duration of the song. This disembodied

effect somehow draws attention to the aloofness of the political authority that the

music represents, especially in its relative detachment and distance from the average

citizen. As aloof as that authority may appear, however, it is very much in control of

political power. In deference to the authority of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the

Royal Highness, the Ataoja, like other participants, rises to honor the nation as soon

as the opening chords of the anthem sound from the loud speakers. Unlike other

musical performances at the festival, the national anthem is mediated in a unique

way, as all other activities are momentarily suspended for the duration of the anthem.

While many years ago the festival was not attended by modern political leaders, and

the national anthem was not played, its inclusion in the festival nowadays illustrates

how the position of traditional rulers has been re-defined within a larger

contemporary political context. Rather than being the sole recipient of the oaths

and acts of allegiance by his people, the King now also relates to a higher authority,

with which he shares the honour of leadership, which traditionally derived from his

forefathers.

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A Snapshot of the_O

_sun Festival

The performance of the_O

_sun Group, which I now briefly describe, was rendered for

visitors at the_O

_sun grove a few weeks prior to the 2006 festival. Lasting for just about

twenty minutes, it was a shortened rendition of the festival, which is summed up in

Table 1. The performance features songs and chants, drumming, as well as improvised

and choreographed dances. It begins with a drum- and dance-prelude during which

dancers move from freely improvised and individual movements to choreographed

group dances. Towards the end of the prelude, the master drummer moves closer to the

dancers to facilitate a heightened interaction in which specific dance steps are made in

response to specific drum strokes. Singing follows the prelude, with dancers also

functioning as singers. The climax of the performance comes during the singing of the

Figure 6 National Anthem of Nigeria composed in 1978 by Benedict Odiase. Source:

Nigerian National Anthem Score, Lagos: Federal Government of Nigeria, 1978.

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phrase ore yeye o (blessings of the mother) (section D), which occurs immediately after

the rendering of the extended chant discussed earlier (see Example 4). This climax

evokes the appearance of the votary maid at the festival, the point at which participants

would raise their voices in support. As can be seen in Table 1, many of the featured

songs describe the image of_O

_sun as a ‘mother’ who possesses great capacity for

kindness and acts as a symbol of their collective identity.

This group’s performance illustrates the significance of_O

_sun as a living concept that

transcends the immediate context of the annual festival. This performance also

demonstrates the fact that_O

_sun is associated with a well-known body of musical and

dance repertoire, which can be recalled through memory and enacted even outside the

festival. The activities of this group, like those of similar groups, thus illustrate the

Table 1 A shortened rendition of the_O

_sun festival, performed by the

_O

_sun Group at the

_O

_sun grove in 2006.

Sections Song/Instrument Dance/Movement Duration Comments

A Dundundrumming[continues almostthroughout]

Free individual movement;slow choreographedmovement with emphasison leg movement;increasing level ofengagement between themaster drummer anddancers

2? 26ƒ No singing

B Songs:i. O

_sogbo Ilu aro

ii. Saleru Agboiii Enı

_so l’Osogbo

Free improvised dance;emphasis on the waist andthe posterior

4? 16ƒ Songs raised in call andresponse phrases; the leadsinger also leads the dances

C Chant:i. O

_sogbo Ilu aro

Movement reduced tobarest minimum duringchanting

1? 05ƒ Shouts of ore yeye o(blessings of the mother) atthe end of chant

D Dance,accompanied withshouts of oreyeye o

More active dancingresumes; shuffled feetmovement alternatingbetween forward andsideway directions

3? 24ƒ Shouts of ore yeye ocontinue; choreographedmovement; dancersrespond with specificdance-steps to specificdrum sounds

E Songs:i. Ir

_o ni w

_on pa

ii. Yeye mi oiii. Ma r’O

_sogbo

iv._Ol

_om

_o nı ya o

Partially choreographeddance pattern changes tofree dance; posturegenerally upright, thoughwith occasional bending ofthe waist

4? 05ƒ Singing resumes

F Songs:i.Enı so l’O

_sogbo

ii._O

_sun O

_sogbo

gbamıiii Ore yeye o

Free dance: two dancers-male and female-moveclose to one another anddance as if in competition

3? 25ƒ Members of the audiencejoin the performancespontaneously; shouts ofore yeye o continue.

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periodic invocation of the identity and significance of the deity through performances

which recall well-known songs and dances. The representation of_O

_sun as a symbol of

ancestral and spiritual identity, as shown in the performance of the_O

_sun Group,

inevitably privileges the unifying role of_O

_sun at the expense of the competing interests

palpable at the festival, drawing attention to the ways in which the_O

_sun festival is

linked to the varied and often conflicting notions of power as mediated by local,

national and transnational institutions. For instance, the promotion of historical

memory by the Nigerian National Commission for Museums and Monuments through

the activities of the_O

_sun Group tallies with UNESCO’s designation of the

_O

_sun grove

as a site of cultural memory, which stands in direct contrast to the more modern

features of the festival as reflected in the performance of the emcee. The nostalgic

representation of the past and the promotion of an imagined sense of national and

global unity are definitely at variance with the narrative of existential conflict and

competition that is often projected in traditional Yoruba festivals and cultural

performances, as I have explained earlier. For example, Lillian Trager, in her study of

home-town based organisations in Ilesha, Western Nigeria, explains that Yoruba

festivals are ‘constantly being shaped and reshaped by contemporary economic and

political situations’ (Trager 2001: 5). In the same vein, Klein (2008: 134) notes that

Yoruba bata drummers, in their sensitivity to the social and economic realities of their

modern environment, have created ‘a new aesthetic of survival in a capitalist world

market’. The promotion of_O

_sun as historical memory and symbol of unity through

the performances of the_O

_sun Group, though true to an extent, conceals and laminates

the power contestations and divergent interests that are played out at the annual

festival.

Conclusions

In this article, I have discussed the significance of song, drumming, chant and dance

performance in the_O

_sun festival, held annually in the city of O

_sogbo in Western

Nigeria. I argued that rather than re-enacting an unchanging form, the festival is

shaped by the constantly evolving dynamics of social and political life in O_sogbo. The

festival constitutes an important forum for the performance of the hierarchy and

competition that characterise power relations in the_O

_sun State. As I have shown

above, the genteel and altruistic image of_O

_sun, as conveyed in the various statements

of beliefs made by devotees and participants and as reflected in the performance of

the_O

_sun Group, contrasts sharply with the dynamic social dialogue and negotiations

that take place at the annual festival. Although there are certain non-negotiable

aspects of the festival that continue to be a forum for the celebration of a common

ancestry and history, the_O

_sun festival in O

_sogbo provides a medium for the

performance of the divisions and hierarchies of political power in modern Nigeria

and the diverse interests that typify Yoruba society. Thus, rather than representing a

romantic re-enactment of an ancient past, the festival celebrates the heterogeneous

social and political landscape of a modern society.

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Music and dance play a critical role in articulating such divergences, in addition to

highlighting the growth of the festival from its initial status as a local custom to a

national and international event through which the contours of power in modern

Nigeria are illuminated. The strategic use of improvisation in song performances at

critical moments during the festival, as analysed above, draws attention to the agency

and sensitivity of participants, and to topical issues in society at large. The

improvisatory use of songs and chants to enhance the popularity of political power

holders and to make political gains at the expense of political opponents is

particularly striking. The_O

_sun festival provides an important context for

participants to function as agents in the ever-continuing process of negotiating

and reflecting social reality. As Badejo (2001: 130) observes, the ‘combination of

divine prerogative and its well-articulated jurisdiction in human affairs further

authenticates the assemblage of female and male_O

_sun worshipers’.

The variegated nature of the musical landscape reveals how the festival mirrors,

incorporates and negotiates the dynamics of power in modern Nigeria. Thus, while

ancient musical materials and song texts are reworked for new and contingent

purposes, relatively modern ones are incorporated in a manner that matches the

expanding political topography of institutional power. Such an accretive musical

profile is a measure of the progressive and open-ended nature of the festival. The

improvisatory nature of the festival thus manifests itself in synchronic and diachronic

perspectives: because the structure and content of each festival are responsive to the

dynamics of its immediate physical and social environment, each successive festival is a

reworking of the previous one.

Acknowledgements

The author is very grateful to my principal research consultant, Sule Ayantunde,

members of his ensemble, and Mama Omıl_eye for their performances and for

responding to my numerous questions in the course of conducting the field research

leading to the writing of this article. The author acknowledges with gratitude the

financial support of Mount Holyoke College toward the field research leading to this

article. The author is also grateful to Dr Simone Kruger for her editorial work and

very valuable suggestions.

Notes

[1] The_O

_sun festival is one of the numerous annual festivals celebrated in Yoruba communities.

[2] The Nigerian federal government comprises of thirty-six states, with Abuja as the federal

capital territory.

[3] Susan Wenger died on 12 January 12 2009.

[4] For studies devoted to the practice of the_O

_sun religion in Yoruba diasporic communities, see

Brandon 2001: 155�64; Castellanos 2001: 34�45; Flores-Pena 2001: 113�27; Murphy 2001:

87�101; Ribeiro dos Santos 2001: 68�83.

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[5] This group often performs for visitors at the_O

_sun grove under the coordination of the

National Commission for Museum and Monuments in_O

_sogbo. The names of performers

belonging to the group are: SuIe Ayantunde (drummer); Mufutau Babatunde (aka Mambo;

drummer); Moshood Murıtala (drummer); Sakirat Gbagamosu (dancer, lead chanter/

singer); Toyın Ajayı (dancer/singer); Omotola Ojuade (dancer/singer); Risikat Adewole

(dancer/singer); Nıkee Obısesan (dancer/singer); Suleiman Aderıbigbe (aka_Sango; dancer/

singer).

[6] The Nigerian National Commission for Museums and Monuments has been at the forefront

of promoting the international profile of the_O

_sun festival. As one of the officers told me, the

commission was the body that sponsored the application to the United Nations Educational,

Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to inscribe the status of a world heritage site

to the_O

_sun grove.

[7] Members of Ayantunde’s dundun ensemble were: SuIe Ayantunde (iyaalu drum); Ayansoola

Oladosu (ısaaju drum); Yınusa Ayanbıyıı (atele drum); and Lasısı Ayanwale (gudugudu drum).

[8] SuIe Ayantunde was the informant who narrated this myth to me. For variants of the myth,

see Olupona (2001: 50).

[9]_O

_sun is one of the numerous Yoruba pantheon of deities who possess delegated powers.

They include Ogun, deity of iron; Oosanyın, deity of medicine;_Sanpona, deity of smallpox;

_Obatala, deity of creation. These deities serve as assistants to the

_Olorun the head of heavens

who is regarded as the supreme God. For more insights into Yoruba religion, see Awolalu

1979; Falola, Toyin and Genova 2006; Idowu 1962; Lucas 1941.

[10] O_sogbo, because of its location in the northern part of Yoruba land, was prone to attacks

from the Islamic Fulani jihad warriors from northern Nigeria in the 19th century. The city’s

ability to successfully repel such arracks is generally regarded to have derived from spiritual

support from_O

_sun.

[11] This musical example and all subsequent examples are taken from the author’s own field

recordings, which were made during fieldwork in 2006 and 2007.

[12] For further discussion on the significance of brass objects in the_O

_sun religion, see Adepegba

2001: 102�12.

[13] This information was provided to me by Sule; Ayantunde, the master drummer with whom

I worked. Ilesha, one of Yoruba’s principal towns, is located about twenty miles from O_sogbo.

[14] This statement was made by the Ataoja while making his speech during the festival in July

2007.

[15] Iro, buba, gele and ıborun are the Yoruba female wrapper, top, head-tie and shawl respectively.

All four, worn together, make up the formal female attire for social gatherings, such as

weddings, birthdays and outing ceremonies.

[16] Chieftaincy titles are traditional titles. They could be honorific, that is bestowed by the King,

or hereditary, that is held only by members of particular families and lineages.

[17] The Ije_sa are one of the many ethnic Yoruba groups. Other groups include the Ekıtı, Oyo,

Ij_ebu,

_Egba and Ondo. Each of these ethnic groups speaks a variant of the Yoruba language.

[18] Sule Ayantunde hails from Ayoka Oyeetunde’s compound (agbo-ile) in Laro street, Isaleo

_O

_sun (close to the

_O

_sun river) in O

_sogbo.

[19] For further discussion on the Yoruba dundun ensemble, see Euba 1990.

[20] The tonal qualities of the Yoruba language are represented here by three symbols placed as

follows: (?) represents a high tone; (?) represents a low tone. The mid tone is left unmarked.

The marks are placed on vowels. The word omoluabı, for example, features the following

tones: mid tone, mid tone, high tone, low tone, and high tone. High and low tones are

combined in cases where there is a tonal movement on a single syllable.

[21] This musical transcription and all subsequent transcriptions are taken from the author’s own

field recordings, which were made during fieldwork in 2006 and 2007.

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