ONE NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM BROADCASTING AND THE MYTH OF A NATIONAL CULTURE By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D. Associate Professor and Director School of Communication Studies University of Ghana P.O. Box LG53 Legon, Ghana Phone: +233-21-512589 Fax: +233-21-500693 E-mail: kansuk2000@yahoo.com; kansuk@libr.ug.edu.gh or scs@libr.ug.edu.gh BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh is currently an Associate Professor at the School of Communication Studies, University of Ghana, Legon, where he lectures in communication research methodology and development communication. He the Director of the School. He obtained his Ph.D. from La Trobe University at Melbourne, Australia and has taught at the University of Windsor, Ontario, Canada. He is the author of Communication, Education and Development. In addition, he edited the two-volume Perspectives on Indigenous Communication in Africa. He is also the author of chapters in books and journal articles. PAPER PREPARED FOR THE COMMUNITY COMMUNICATION SECTION OF THE 23RD GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE OF THE

INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION RESEARCH (IAMCR), INSTITUT DE TEATRE, BARCELONA, SPAIN, JULY 21-26, 2002 ABSTRACT In this era of ethnic conflicts in the West African region, it has become important to monitor community inclusion in nationhood as determined by language and culture, especially when multiculturism and multilingualism are key characteristics of African (including Ghanaian ) nationhood. This paper examines the notions of national unity and collective belongingness as enhanced or impeded byn multilingualism arising out of languages restricted to small communities. It argues that multiculturism is not necessarily coterminus with multilingualism. It identifies language representation in broadcasting in numbers and airtime. Findings indicate that only a few of the 50 odd languages are employed in broadcasting. It further discusses activism geared toeards securing representation of minority languages in broadcasting. This is followed by a historical review of language policies designed to achieve national integration and inclusion. The paper concludes that there is a difference between inclusion at the local level and at the national level. It then proposes strategies for the formulation of communication policies aimed at achieving language inclusion in broadcasting for national cohesion and unity.

ONE NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM BROADCASTING AND THE MYTH OF A NATIONAL CULTURE By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh School of Communication Studies, University of Ghana, Legon

Introduction

Spoken tongues or languages and their role in the construction of culture have suddenly become topical

in Ghanaian politics following a major government policy change which favoured the English language

over local languages for instruction at early primary school (Okine, 2002). This paper critically

examines the language of FM broadcasting in the Ghanaian national capital, Accra and its environs and

contends that, language is no indicator of nationhood. It argues that although the nation's 1992

Constitution (Ghana 1992) recognizes the multilingual situation of the country -- a condition Ansah

(1986) effectively described and analysed from the broadcasting perspective --, languagewise, there is

nothing like a Ghanaian culture. And, indeed, one could actually be looking more at development

communication problems as by-products of intranational language-related cultural incongruencies. Even

then, the contribution of the spoken tongue to the construction of culture is recognised by a proposed

National Communications Policy (Ghana 2000) document which identifies "social responsibilities of

broadcasters" to include the promotion of "the use of Ghanaian languages by broadcasting in at least

those spoken in a station's coverage area: for a defined percentage of airtime." After a review of current

FM broadcast language use practices, the paper advocates a recognition and appreciation of a

multilingual Ghana from which a national culture can be constructed by positively exploiting, rather than

encouraging negative competititon among, its diversity of languages.

Language is as much a vehicle for comunication as it is the soul of culture (Fuglesang 1973, Freire

1981). As the soul of culture, it is a key indicator of, the unilingual nation. A national culture would,

indeed, imply the existence of a national language. Nevertheless, an extended association of language

with national pride would likely generate competition among different languages of a geo-politically

defined entity called nation for a national status and designation as national language. Indeed, it is difficult

to define nations with multiple languages by using the language criterion. Yet even such nations would

want to project "national culture," something so easily achieved in the unilingual national setting. An

expectation of broadcasting to promote Ghanaian national culture had been one of the main

preoccupations of Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah (Ansah 1986), in the context of the nation's

multilingualism. He had hoped for, and actively sought the use of Ghanaian languages as instruments for

the presentation of the broadcast content which together with other forms of language use would

"construct" and promote a culture of the "African personality." Nkrumah would, therefore, have

expected present day FM radio to broadcast in Ghanaian languages.

Language Use Policy in Ghana

In a nation with an "effective literacy level" of 46.9 percent (Ghana Statistical Service 2002:7), and

where literacy largely means the ability to read and write the English language, a policy that prefers the

use of the English language to that of the mother tongue of citizens, is tantamount to a "tyranny of the

minority." Yet, this is what the policy pronouncement by the Minister of Education, Professor

Christopher Ameyaw-Akumfi, that changed the language of instruction in the first three years of primary

education to favour the English language over local languages. From 1967, the policy had been "a

Ghanaian language should be used as the medium of instruction for the first three years of primary

school" (Ghana 1967:9). The new policy has been challenged by linguistic and education experts (mainly

from the pedagogical stance) who insist upon greater learning achievement when lessons are

communicated in the mother tongue (Okine 2002). The Minister had included in his reasons for puuting

premium on the English language its significance as an international language, something that suggests

"overglobalization" of policy. The policy change is strenghthened by apologists of globalisation as

transplantation such as Dartey (2002:7) who believe “there is the need for a fair knowledge in English

Language by every individual to cut off the communication barrier between our nation and other

nations.” Intercultural exchange, exchange of ideas as well as tourism can only be enhanced by bridging

the language gap” Dartey (2002:7) adds.

Constitutionally, the policy does not seem to be in line with Article 26(1) of the 1992 Constitution

which requires that: "Every person is entitled to enjoy, practise, profess, maintain and promote any

culture, language, tradition or religion subject to the provisions of this Constitution." The Standing

Orders of the Parliament of Ghana (November 1, 2000, pp. 29-30) also adopts an inclusive

approach to language use by prescribing that its debates shall "ordinarily be conducted in English

Language, except that a Member may exercise the option to address the house in either Akan, Nzema,

Ga, Ewe, Hausa, Dagbani, Dagaare or in any other local language ..."). At the local government level, a

" District Assembly may conduct its business in English and in any Ghanaian language common to the

communities in the District" (Ghana 1993:9). The new “English only” policy contradicts the above

inclusive legislative framework at the local community level. It does, indeed, not facilitate inclusiveness

and participation, two key attributes of the community.

Just as the English language is credited for providing a unifying communication mechanism for a

multilingual Gold Coast (former name of Ghana) nationalists in their fight against colonialism, the Minister

might also have been influenced to arrive at his decision by English as the single language that is used

across all ethnic groups. If in the nationalist struggle English became an indicator of "nationness," in its

recognition as the leading instructional communication tool in education (including for citizenship) it

incongruously represents "Ghanaian nationhood."

What this suggests is that the difference that was established right from the point of the construction of

nationhood between the language of the leadership and the language of the led persists. Thus, while from

the perspective of the leader the foreign language is a unifying device, it actually alinates the leader from

the led. This fits into the development dependency model a la globalization which proposes intensive

integration and strenghthened linkage between the periphery and the centre the adoption of whose

language is a condition to be fulfilled by the dependent nation.

This arrangement is also antithetical to the practice of the indigenous leadership where the Chief was

prohibited from speaking in a language other that of his people. The rationale here was for cultural

survival and enrichment as well as securing communication between the leadership and the led. These

days, some chiefs speak English at public functions presumably to display the state of their

“educativeness” and sophistication. A more conciliatory approach would be to transform the role of the

okyeame (spokesperson) into that of an English translator to encourage the chief to continue to link up

with his people through the indigenous language medium.

None of these legal provisions which regulate language use in Ghana expressly designates any

language(s) as "official" or "national." Governments, such as the new language of instruction policy

suggests, sometimes, appear tempted to declare English as such. In such a decision, they would be

encouraged by the fact that "...much of [the language of] literature and mass communication is in English"

(Ghana Statistical Service 2002:7). Indeed, the observation by Ansu-Kyeremeh and Karikari (1998:11)

that "there is not a single Ghanaian language newspaper" still holds.

Accra's 13 FM Stations

Some fifty-seven out of Ghana's sixty-two years of radio broadcasting experience had been

dominated by a sole national broadcasting agency, the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC)1

(which metamorphosed from Radio ZOY in 1939 through Gold Coast Broadcasting System, Ghana

Broadcasting System to its present name and status) and its centrifugal (Ansu-Kyeremeh 1992) single

station format. In addition to two FM stations, UNIIQ FM and OBONU FM, which are operated by

the GBC, there are eleven others that are located in the capital city. These include ATLANTIS RADIO,

CHANNEL R, CHOICE FM, JOY FM and PEACE FM. The others are RADIO GOLD, TOP

RADIO and VIBE FM. RADIO UNIVERS, which is owned and operated by the University of

Ghana, is also located in the capital. In close proximity at Tema, Accra's neighbour city are two other

stations, Meridian Radio (owned and operated by a women's advocacy group) and Adom FM. The

latter is owned by Multimedia Broadcasting Company which also owns JOY FM. Station Adom

appears to be JOY's Ghanaian language answer to the success of PEACE FM. Although its the initial

GBC Radio (Radio ZOY) relay format by which programmes originated from the BBC in London meant

English as the language of broadcasting, within a few years of its inception, it had introduced the local

languages Akan, Ga, and Hausa in that order.

Language of Broadcasting in Accra

Today, GBC which had begun as an English only broadcaster broadcasts through its regional stations

in more languages than any other single station in the country. This is in contrast to JOY FM which

broadcasts virtually solely in English. JOY FM seems to have taken a cue more from the pro-English

stance of the likes of the Ministry of Education than from the multilingual legislative instruments. It is

virtually in competition in English language broadcasting with the local BBC FM2 station, whose

programmes "Focus on Africa" and "Sports Round Up" JOY (serving as a beachhead) broadcast live

BBC programmes before the BBC's local FM was established. A local Radio France International

(RFI) FM station broadcasts virtually in French and vigourously promotes French culture. There is no

doubt BBC FM and RFI FM are respective agents for the propagation of British and French languages

and cultures.

One consequence of the positioning on language use by JOY FM has been the success challenge to it

and the final edging of the station from the top position in ratings. Surveys, including one by Ansu-

Kyeremeh (2000) indicated a serious challenge to JOY FM's domination of commercial broadcasting

by PEACE. The latter is now regarded as the top and most popular commercial FM station in Accra.

The phenomenal success of PEACE has been attributed to its presentation of programmes in the local

languages. its would be examined in greater detail shortly. Need one state, though, that also in the

mould of JOY FM is ATLANTIS RADIO which broadcasts in English only and plays a lot of American

country music. The rest of the stations broadcast either in multiple languages or in multilanguage use in a

single programme formats.

The University of Ghana station, Radio UNIVERS, broadcasts in at least four major local languages:

Akan, Hausa, Ga and Ewe. Actually, it was the first privately operated or independent radio station to

be established in the history of the nation. Its establishment had been enabled by the 1992 Constitution.

It was also the first independent station to broadcast in a Ghanaian language (Ansu-Kyeremeh and

Karikari (1998).

PEACE FM, the leading commercial station in Accra (as well as nationwide), broadcasts mainly in

Akan and in other Ghanaian languages. It seems to have opted against JOY FM's English stance and

responded to the multilingual recommendations of the various legislative instruments cited above. Radio

GOLD, on the other hand, prefers the presentation of single programmes in as many languages as

possible in a format it calls "multilingual broadcasting." Listeners seem to be responding favourably to

the format since the station has consistently placed second to the Ghanaian language dominated

brodcasting of PEACE FM in listenership surveys.

.

Table I: Language of Broadcast of Accra Radio Stations STATION

LANGUAGE(S)

REMARKS

Atlantis Radio

English

English only

Channel R

Twi (Akan), English

Mainly religious

CHOICE FM English Mainly talk JOY FM

English

Some BBC programmes

PEACE FM

Akan (also Ga & Ewe)

Virtually Ghanaian Langs

UNIIQ

English (Main), some Akan

Virtually English

Radio GOLD

Akan (lot), Eng/Ga/Ewe/Hau

Multiple language use

Radio UNIVERS

Eng/Akan/Ga/Dagbani/Ewe/Hausa

Only Six-language Station

TOP Radio

Eng/Akan/Ga

A lot of Akan

In effect, various radio stations have adopted different formulations of a "Ghanaian" national culture

through their language policies. For example, JOY FM's approach indicates language as peripheral to

the constrcution of culture, since the prospects of a "Ghanaian culture" with the English language as its

soul its rather remote. PEACE FM, on the other hand, places language at the centre of culture. The

multiple language format of Radio GOLD may be interpreted as a recognition and contribution to the

construction of a multicultural Ghanaian society.

Table II: Accra Ethnic* Population and FM Language Use

LANGUAGE

POPULATION

STATIONS (9)

TOTAL AIRTIME/Wk (1,267

hr)

Akan

1,064,679

6 (9)

111hr 11m

Ga/Adangbe

793,501

4 (9)

4hr 57m

Ewe

480,618

4 (9)

6hr 25m

Mole Dagbani

136,650

- (9)

-

Guan 77,247 - (9) -

Grusi

54,109

- (9)

-

Gurma

20,933

- (9)

-

Hausa

-

2 (9)

2hr 25m

Nzema

-

- (9)

-

Other Groups

27,934

- (9)

-

*Ghana Statistical Service, 2000 Population Census Report.

Language Use and Airtime

In terms of a station using a language, English appears to be the most often used among stations (Table

I). And the listeners of polyglot Accra (Dakubu) to the nine FM stations hear more English than any

one Ghanaian language. This is reflected particularly in the totality of airtime, the Ghanaian language

(irrespective of type) appears more regularly used than English.

The free expression enablement provided in the provisions of the 1992 Fourth Republican Constitution

and supported by theNational Media Commission ( NMC) Act has created a boom for radio pluralism

to the extent that as implied from above one shortwave station in 1995, and for that matter one FM

station in the same year, Accra today has 13 stations - an addition of 12 stations within a period of six

years.

Table 1 shows nine out of Accra's thirteen FM stations and the their various approaches to linguistic

applications to programme presentation. It is representative of the stations for the discussion of language

of FM broadcasting and its implications for the purposes of the construction of a Ghanaian a nation.

The representativeness hinges on the inclusion of stations such as PEACE FM, the leading [see various

studies] commercial FM station which emphasizes the use of local languages, JOY FM the premier

commercial and one of the leading stations which broadcasts in virtually English only and Radio

UNIVERS, the truly privaly owned public broadcasting station. In the Table, one finds evidence

supporting the statements above which attempt to categorize Accra FM radio stations in terms of the

extent of each station's potential to contribute to the construction of a "Ghanaian culture" with language

diversity.

In a sense, in the context of language of FM broadcasting in the nation's capital, what is often perceived

as a homogeneous "national culture" is in reality a multicultural situation or collection of cultures bound

together by artificial structures such as a constitutional instrument and other indicators of statehood. For,

just as radio programming follows the western time method, language of broadcasting is determined

more by commercial opportunism or by political expediency. An example of the former is PEACE FM

which continues to exploit local languages for their lucrative advertising and OBONU which was

established as a Regional public broadcasting station.

The corollary of this would be that there is no national culture without a national language. The reality

could, however, be a geographically defined nation such as Ghana with multiple languages which when

not properly managed can degenerate competitive polyglotism in which conflicts can arise out of

competition by languages for attention such as being adopted as a national or an official language. In

nations such as Canada where such possibilities do actually exist, one may hear more of "official

language" than "national language." The content of culture, manifest or latent, is constructed and enriched

with and by language. Language may however be affected by culture when the latter is shaped largely by

factors other than language. From this perspective, a kind of symbiotic relationship exists between

language and culture. Growth of language is growth of culture and cultural transformation means change

in the language of expression of that culture. And so while the language of cultural representation on

radio would impact on the content of culture, culture may affect the operation and content of radio.

Multiculturism and its associated multilingualism or that nations are cultural heterogeneities, is often more

recognized in countries with a mixture of westerner-dominated and non-westerner racial minorities than

in African situations where the reality of multiculturism is subsumed under a notion of national culture. In

westerner-nonwesterner situations, communication-influenced cultural incongruities are often discussed

as a clash of western and indigenous cultures. Ansu-Kyeremeh (1992), for example, links the

problematics of the application of technology in development communication to exogenously stimulated

disjunctions between western technology and individualistic values on the one hand and indigenous

largely interpersonal and communalistic values [communication structures and principles] on the other.

(Also language of instruction /instructional use of language as one of the problematics of pedagogy).

References

Akosah-Sarpong, Kofi (April 15, 2002) The challenge of Africa's multiethnic make up, West Africa,

4321:36-37.

Baneseh, M. Aku (Wednesday, May 29, 2002) Lecturers Deplore Cabinet's Decision on Use of

English Language, Daily Graphic, p. 3.

Dartey, Joyce (Friday, June 28, 2002, p. 7) Examining the essence of education, The Evening News,

p. 7.

Dovi, Efam Awo (May, 2002) Education: Starting from First Principles ..., Ghana Review

International, pp. 10-11.

Freire, Paulo (1985) The politics of education: Culture, power and liberation. London: Macmillan.

Fuglesang, Andreas (1973) Applied communication in developing countries: Ideas and

observation. Uppsala: Dag Hamarsjoeld Foundation.

Ghana (1992) Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, 1992. (Article 26(1)).

Ghana (1993) Local Government Act, 1993 (462), Section 5(4).

Ghana (1967) Report of the Education Review Committee (appointed by the National Liberation

Council), June 1966 to July, 1967 [Kwapong Committee Report] Accra: Ministry of Information.

Ghana (November 1, 2000) Standing Orders of the Parliament of Ghana, 47.

Ghana. Ministry of Education and Culture (1975) Cultural Policy in Ghana. Paris: Unesco.

Ghana. Ministry of Communications (Octocer, 2000) National Communications Policy: Draft

Document.

Okine, Charles Benoni (Friday, May 17, 2002) "English now only medium of instruction," Daily

Graphic, pp. 1 and 3.

Press Statement at Press Conference by a Group of Language Experts and Educators in the University

of Ghana, Legon (May 28, 2002).

TWO-WAY BROADCASTING AND THE POWER OF PARTICIPATION

By

Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D.

Associate Professor and Director

School of Communication Studies

University of Ghana

P.O. Box LG53

Legon, Ghana

Phone: +233-21-512589

Fax: +233-21-500693

E-mail: kansuk2000@yahoo.com; kansuk@libr.ug.edu.gh or scs@libr.ug.edu.gh

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh is currently an Associate Professor at the School of Communication Studies,

University of Ghana, Legon, where he lectures in communication research methodology and

development communication. He is also the Director of the School. He obtained his Ph.D. from La

Trobe University at Melbourne, Australia and has taught at the University of Windsor, Ontario, Canada.

He is the author of Communication, Education and Development. In addition, he edited the two-

volume Perspectives on Indigenous Communication in Africa. He is also the author of chapters in

books and journal articles.

PAPER PREPARED FOR THE COMMUNITY COMMUNICATION SECTION OF THE

22ND GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE OF THE

INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION RESEARCH

(IAMCR), INSTITUT DEL TEATRE, BARCELONA, SPAIN, JULY 21-25, 2002

TWO-WAY BROADCASTING AND THE POWER OF PARTICIPATION

By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D.

ABSTRACT (ORIGINAL)

For years, broadcasting in Ghana was unilinear; inundating listeners and viewers, in a top-down

direction of communication flow, with messages which they could not respond to. The freedom of

expression provisions of Ghana's 1992 Constitution seek rectification of this lack of audience

participation by facilitating dialogue. For example, rejoinders are now constitutionally guaranteed.

Indeed, Chapter 12 of the Constitution enables audience involvement in the communication act. Such

audience involvement happens to reflect the objective of the principles of participation. Following the

liberalisation of the airwaves in the mid-1990s, along with private broadcasting, audience contribution

through phone-in or in-studio presence as well as other forms of feedback and participation have

become integral part of Ghanaian radio, and to a limited scale television, broadcasting. This paper

examines this phenomenon from the perspective of objectives, principles and characteristics of effective

audience participation. It distinguishes between "talk-shows" and "phone-in" programmes on the basis of

instantaneous and delayed feedback. Its findings include the reduction of the power of audience

participation in recorded talk-shows by gate-keeping in the pre-recorded, and therefore, edited

programmes such as "Focus" (radio) and "Mmaa Nkommo," and "Public Concern" (television). On the

other hand, unscreened phone-in seems to be generating "negative" emotions and passions that may not

be helpful to the cause of participation. It is proposed, therefore, that "transparent" broadcast monitoring

and call-in screening devices could be the answer to enhancing participation through increased live

phone-in programmes rather than the production of pre-recorded talk-shows.

TWO-WAY BROADCASTING AND THE POWER OF PARTICIPATION

By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D.

INTRODUCTION

Decades of one-way, unilinear, state-monopoly broadcasting in Ghana yielded to two-way, dialogical

and interactive audience participatory broadcast programming in the mid-1990s. Suddenly, input-

access, hitherto closed to the audience is now open for listener and viewer contribution to programme

content. The radical change could be attributed to constitutionalism and liberalisation of the air waves.

Akin to international interactive broadcasting such as the BBC's radio discussion, "Talking Point" or

CNN's "Q and A" television programmes, Ghanaian audiences now use the telephone, e-mail and other

communication media to instantaneously, spontaneously, contemporaneously and simultaneously

contribute to live radio and television talk programmes.

This paper examines broadcasting in Ghana for this new two-way interactivity broadcasting for open-

input1 listener/viewer access to the hitherto privately appropriated, but otherwise public, broadcasting

space to the listener/viewer. The paper, thus, attempts to describe and explain audience-participation

phone-in broadcast programming in Ghana. The phone-in is seen as power, expressed in the ability and

capacity of impact or to generate reviews or attract observations which may be positive or negative in

the hands of previously powerless listeners/viewers.

The findings indicate powers of participation exercised through enabling communication mechanisms

with both positive and negative consequences. Measures proposed to rectify the shortcomings of the

4

new participatory phone-in broadcasting include "transparent" broadcast monitoring and the introduction

of call-in screening devices. Also advocated is an infusion of indigenous elements of communication into

the technology-based formats to enhance interactivity. These would strengthen the exercise of the

positive powers of participation for the effective, active and enhanced citizen involvement in national

affairs in fulfilment of the freedom of expression expectations of the nation's current practice of

democratic governance.2

One-Way Non-Participatory Broadcasting

From July, 1935 to March 1997 when broadcasting was entirely state-owned and operated,

communication was one-way with a top-down flow pattern. The format excluded the audience from

input-access. A centrifugal organizational structure, by which all programme production and presentation

originated from a central point, ensured that the role of the audience would be confined to receiving the

broadcast output.

Whether by rediffusion, shortwave wireless or even FM mode, broadcast communication by the Ghana

Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) which produced and presented programmes from its Accra

headquarters and studios flowed in one-way direction. Indeed, the initial FM stations (including URA

Radio and Radio GAR) operated on a 60 per cent and 40 per cent air time for national and local

programming, respectively.

However, since 1995, broadcast pluralism, private ownership of radio stations, the FM broadcasting

mode and improved telephony have combined to revolutionise broadcasting (Ayitevie 1996, Sakyi-

5

Addo 1996, Kumado 1999). The direction of broadcast communication has been transformed from

one-way to two-way and audience participation is a major component of broadcasting. The 1992

Fourth Republican Constitution (Article 162[6]) actually prescribes the rejoinder as a right. Factors

propelling the new two-way interactive broadcasting include people's desire to be associated with the

novelty of the idea after years of one-way broadcasting, the opportunity to make one's voice heard (as

claimed by Radio UNIVERS), and improved telephony. Participation, as a conceptual framework for

this study, is examined next.

PARTICIPATION

In this study, participation was examined from the perspective of mechanisms for involvement such as

programme format (how participation is encouraged), language of broadcasting, time allocated to

phone-in programmes and actual phone-in time for each specific programme. Objectives of

participation, in this context, include the achievement of dialogue, audience feedback input into

programmes and two-way communication that recognises both vertical bottom-up and horizontal flows.

For the principles guiding participatory phone-in broadcasting, the message sender is also a receiver;

communication is both interactive and multidirectional; and the medium is means for sharing and not an

appropriation for dissemination.

Types of effective audience participation recognised in this study included the "talk-show" programme

with a "phone-in" segment. From the BBC and CNN examples cited above, participatory broadcasting

has the listener/viewer as discussant or contributor. And listener/viewer input could be by in-studio

6

presence or out-of-studio link through telephone or by other means such as the fax or e-mail.

Both Coleman (1998) and Stein (1998) posit participation enablement in their studies of audience

phone-in to radio and television programmes respectively. Ansu-Kyeremeh (1998), from Freireian and

other participatory communication perspectives, identified "interactivity," "input-access," "dialogue" and

"content relevance" as some of the key aspects of participation, which is interpreted here as active

involvement of the audience in the broadcasting activity.

As far back as the mid-1970s, Crothers (June, 1975) classified two types of current affairs talk-backs

radio shows: (a) general entertainment-oriented talk-backs run by the state-owned New Zealand

Broadcasting Corporation (NZBC); and (b) more focused, critical talk-backs broadcast by private

radio stations. Liddicoat et al (1992), though, using the discourse analysis method, found strategies in

talk-radio openings differed from regular telephone conversations. But Hutchby's (1992) findings

indicated an adversarial discourse between hosts and callers whereby both parties would resort to

seizing upon minor details to strenghthen each other's argument. This study adopted the approaches by

Coleman (1998) and Stein (1998) in seeking for instantaneity and spontaneity of audience input.

METHODOLOGY

One questionnaire elicited information on access as perceived by radio stations. Another asked about

access as experienced by "in-vehicle audiences."3 A five-page questionnaire was administered to a

representative from the programming department of each of six radio stations in Accra: CHOICE FM,

JOY FM, PEACE FM, Radio GAR, Radio GOLD and Radio UNIVERS. The questionnaires were

7

administered from March 20 to April 4, 2000.

Questions asked about the proportion of phone-in programming of overall programming, time allocated

to the phone-in segment of a programme, format and mode of administering phone-in programming and

language of broadcast. Television phone-in programming was observed for its characteristics.

For the in-vehicle audience survey, research assistants travelled on tro tro4 and taxis on Friday, March

24, 2000 to record listening and listener reaction in those vehicles between 8 a.m and 9 a.m. Friday was

chosen because one of the most popular (English-speaking) FM programmes, "Front Page" (JOY FM)

aired on that day. And morning was selected for being the daypart with the most popular phone-in

programmes.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

This study sought from broadcasters data that would serve as basis for an exploration of participatory

opportunities generated by their programmes. Information about the audience situation, on the other

hand, was to help assess the ability and capacity of the audience to access the output and exploit

avenues for input into programme presentation.

Input-Access

The characterisation of access as the first stage of participation (Ansu-Kyeremeh 1998) was sought

either as out-put access (means for broadcast information consumption) or input-access (content input

enablement opportunity for the audience).

8

The receiving set is required to listen to or view the programme as broadcast output. Input, though,

demands both the creation of the opportunity by the station in its programme formatting and the

availability of extra-broadcasting communication facility (such as the telephone, fax or e-mail) to a

listener or viewer. The latter bring to the act of participation their own supplementary or associated

costs including telephony tariffs. Participation meant affordability of calls from the pay-phone or the

"communication centre."5 Callers from both fixed and mobile phones would complain about time spent

waiting to be put on air.

Thirdly, the nature and extent of audience participation, granting the satisfaction of the first two

conditions, depended on a station's level of tolerance of audience contributions. Thus, the ability to

participate was contingent upon both opportunity and affordability.

Table I: THE PHONE-IN

CHOICE

GAR

GOLD

JOY

PEACE

UNIVERS

Calls/Program

20

25

20

-

15-20

10

Wait Time

3min

3min

3min

-

3min

3-5min

Screened

Yes

Yes

No

Yes

No

No

Call Type

F/O,H

F/C,O

F/C,O

M,F/C

F/C

F

Who Calls

Gen.

Gen.

Gen.

Gen.

Gen.

Gen.

F- Fixed phone, O-Office, H- Home, C- Communication Centre, M- Mobile phone, Gen- General

In this study, no one aboard the surveyed vehicles carried a mobile phone, the only practical means for

reaching programmes from a moving vehicle. However, from stations' responses, out-of-vehicle (public

transport) as well as those riding in private vehicles do call them as shown in Table I.

9

Calls to programmes were placed directly from homes, work places and by mobile phones. However,

individuals without phones would use the pay-phone or place calls through communication centres.

Table II: CHARACTERISTICS OF PHONE-IN PROGRAMMES

CHOICE

GAR

GOLD

JOY

PEACE

UNIVERS

DAYPART

Afternoo

Morning

Morning

All-Day

Mor/Aft

All-Day

DAYS

Alldays

Mon-Fri

Mon-Fri

Alldays

ExcepTue

ExcepSun

LANGUAGE

Eng/Akan

Eng

Eng

Eng

Akan

Eng/Gha

PROGRMS

6

8

6

7

6

7

TLKHRS/W

16.5

13

7

7

8

6.5

TOTALHRS

142

168

168

168

168

133

TOTALHRS = Total broadcast hrs per week

Questions sought to construct phone-in programme profile and format. Phone-in programming showed

the characteristics summarised in Table II. The six stations together broadcast a total of 43 programmes.

These could be categorised (by objective and format) into: straight talk, discussion, problem solving,

and dedication. The four follow the classification by Ansu-Kyeremeh (1998).

Straight talk shows "encourage in-person audience participation in the studio or by phone from without

the studio" (Ansu-Kyeremeh 1998:7). The direction of the in-studio host-audience communication and

interactivity was mainly vertical. In-studio input examples found in this study were "Straight Talk"

(GTV), "Mmaa Nkommo" (GTV) and "Public Concern" (GTV) (all pre-recorded). Classified along

with these was the GTV programme "Talking Point," although it was occasionally live (despite being

10

pre-recorded), and also in the discussion format with interaction limited only to cross talk at the "top" or

"cross talk/questioning" (only the dicussants without in-studio audience).

Discussion programmes involved in-studio panels whose members talked among themselves as well as

to extra-studio audience who reached the panel through phone calls, faxes, or e-mail. Examples

included JOY FM's "Front Page" and Radio UNIVERS' "Media Review." Programmes such as "Area-

on-Line" (UNIVERS), "Feedback" (JOY), and "Talk-Back" (CHOICE) belonged to the problem-

solving type of programming during which live audience complaints lodged by phone in were

investigated and solutions sought by the stations.

Dedication programmes involved audience phone-in requests for music to be played for others. The

GTV "Music-for-You" was, however, recorded on-site with members of the audience making their

request on camera or by write-ins.

Table III: FEATURES OF MOST POPULAR PHONE-IN PROGRAMME FEATUR

STATION

CHOICE

GAR

GOLD

JOY

PEACE

UNIVERS

Name

BueWanKasa

GoodMo Accra

Kana Wu

Ghana Speaks

AsomdwNkomo

Media Review

Days

Th

M-F

MWF

M-F

MWF

M-F

DPart

Aft

Mor

Mor

Mor

Aft

Mor

PerWk

1

5

3

5

3

7.5

Lang

Akan

Eng

Eng+

Eng

Akan

E+

Durat

120m

180m

60

15m

120m

90m

PhTim

30m

60m

30m

15m

60m

30m

11

AudSz 1m - 1.2m - 1m 1.5m Durat- programme duration in minutes, PhTim- phone-in segment time in minutes Stations named their most popular phone-in programmes as follows: UNIVERS - "Media Review"

(discussion), JOY - "Ghana Speaks" (problem-solving) PEACE - "Asomdwee Nkommo (Peace Talk)"

(straight talk), GOLD - "Ka na Wu (Speak up and die)" (problem-solving), GAR - "Good Morning

Accra" (straight talk), and CHOICE -"Bue W'ano na Kasa (Open your mouth and talk)" (problem-

solving) (see Table III).

Table III also summarises features of station-declared most popular phone-in programme. It shows that

phone-in programmes were being broadcast every day of the week by two stations, CHOICE and

JOY. GAR and GOLD broadcast no phone-in programmes on Saturday and Sunday while UNIVERS

had none on Sunday. PEACE also had no phone-in programmes on Tuesday. On the whole, though,

there was an opportunity for listeners to partake in some phone-in radio programme on each day of the

week.

Also evident from Table III were opportunities for audience phone-in irrespective of broadcast daypart.

Each daypart featured at least one programme. In the case of JOY FM, its phone-in programmes

straddled morning, afternoon, evening and late night. With UNIVERS, virtually all non-Sunday

programmes attracted some phone-in.

Interactive programmes that discussed the media and their content were also popular. In fact, moving

around Accra on week-day mornings, one got the impression that Radio UNIVERS' English "Media

12

Review" programme was, probably, the most popular for that time slot. No wonder it also broadcast

Akan (Afisem), Ga (Me Ni Akee?) and Ewe (Tomenyao) versions. Actually, the programme most

drivers had tuned in to, Kokrokoo on PEACE FM, incorporated a media review segment.

The Phone-in Format

Radio phone-in formats were question-answer, listen for delayed answer or conversational. An

adoption of a specific format depended upon whether a programme was problem-solving, educational

or provided information/relaxation.

Observed interactive television programmes were far and few and included "Straight Talk" (Mondays),

"Public Concern" (Tuesdays), "Mmaa Nkommo" (Tuesdays), "Sports" (Saturdays), "Meet the Press"6

(occasional) and "News Conference" (occasional) all by GTV. Only "Sports" had a phone-in segment.

TV3 broadcast a similar programme "Sports Station," also with a phone-in segment. Metro TV showed

a television version of CHOICE FM's phone-in programme "Odo ne Asomdwee" twice-a-week and it

was the only interactive non-sports phone-in talk-show on television. The other television talk-shows

were sports programmes which were broadcast on GTV and TV3 as already noted.

Even output access was found to be restricted. Limits to output-access were, however, sometimes

minimised through community or group listening/viewing achieved by locating a receiving set at crowd-

gathering spots such as the lorry park or post office. FM radio listening in moving-vehicles is further

examined next.

13

Testing Access Mutiplier Factor in the Moving-Vehicle

Access in its output mode did not necessarily mean access in its input mode. Listening or viewing a

programme passively was entirely different from listening or viewing a programme that included an

opportunity and capacity for active audience feedback input (which could be instantaneous or delayed).

To test output-access multiplying effect, the in-vehicle survey of listening described in the methodology

was conducted. In all, 89 vehicles were surveyed out of which were 65 (73.0%) tro tros and 19

(21.3%) taxis. Passenger capacity per vehicle varied from 61.8% of the vehicles with between 11 and

20 passengers per vehicle to 20.2% with up to five passengers. Around a tenth (12.4%) of the

combined taxi and tro tro carried between six and ten passengers.

Table IV: STATIONS TUNED IN TO INSIDE PASSENGER VEHICLES

PROGRAMME

STATION

LANGUAGE

VEHI

%

Kokrokoo

PEACE

Akan

46

51.7

Front Page

JOY

English

10

11.2

Media Review

UNIVERS

English

6

6.7

Good Morn' Accra

GAR

English

6

6.7

All other

Dif. stns

Various

21

23.7

TOTAL

89

100

In Table IV the programme available in the largest number of vehicles (51.7%) was "Kokrokoo"

(literally cock-crow-at-dawn). It was followed by "Front Page" (11.2%), with "Media Review" and

"Good Morning Accra" tying for third place at 6.7% each.

14

The language of broadcast seemed to have determined the programme that drivers had tuned in to. For

example, the language that was being used to broadcast the largest number of programmes was Akan

(38.2%). "Kokrokoo" (51.7%) was principally an Akan language programme. Surprisingly, the next

largest group was English only programmes (33.7%).7 Both "Front Page" on JOY FM (11.2% of the

vehicles) and "Good Morning Accra" on Radio GAR (6.7% of the vehicles) were English language

programmes. "Media Review" on Radio UNIVERS (also 6.7%), however, combined English and local

languages. A combination of Akan and English actually formed 21.3% of programming. Indeed, well

over half (59.5%) of the drivers had their radio dials on Akan or Akan/English programmes.

IMPLICATIONS

The implications of the apparent power of participation derived from two-way broadcasting include

concerns expressed by officialdom, the public and the stations themselves as well as the problematics

arising out of the concerns. The implications also reveal positive and the not-so-positive contributions of

phone-in broadcast programmes to the construction of democracy.

Table V: PHONE-IN - USEFULNESS AND PROBLEMS BY STATION

STATION

USEFULNESS

PROBLEM

CHOICE

Gives room for other views to be heard

Unfairly used to attack people

GAR

Feedback, democracy; everyone speaks his/her mind

-

GOLD

Effective listening participation

-

JOY

Indicates thought patterns of sections of society

Could stir up conflict

PEACE

Checks the imposition of

People use it as avenue to

15

views of the few on the many

insult and settle scores

UNIVERS

Voice for the voiceless

Where wild rumour passes unchecked and uncorrected

The Positive and the Not-so-Positive

Views expressed about the pros and cons of phone-in by the stations are summarised in Table V.

Respondents from all six FM stations unanimously believed that phone-in programmes promoted

information flow within their host communities. The programmes were also seen as facilitating community

problem-sharing/solving. Stations justified the need for phone-in programmes with reasons such as

"Other people's opinion would have to be heard; at least it is just, fair and lawful" (CHOICE). GAR

observed that, "Feedback is good for democracy because everyone speaks his/her mind." GOLD

believed it provided "effective listening participation;" while JOY felt it "indicated thought patterns of

sections of society." To PEACE, the phone-in was "a healthy national development and was checking

the imposition of the views of the few on the many." UNIVERS saw it as providing voice for the

voiceless, and that "We cannot continue to have monologue formats in radio if we want our people to

participate in our development effort as a nation."

The stations actually provided examples of how phone-in programmes were helpful to communities.

They were proud of successes achieved with their problem-solving phone-in programmes. While

GOLD felt phone-ins "create avenue for problem sharing and solving," CHOICE believed "issues and

problems could be brought to the attention of those in authority." UNIVERS noted, "Non-performing

institutions are exposed." PEACE stated, "Help identify the best of ideas among the variety provided by

the public."

16

Despite its many perceived positive contributions to the construction of a vibrant civil society and the

implicit strengthening of democracy, listener participation in FM radio programme presentation attracted

a litany of concerns. Many thought that live talk-back broadcasting lacked professionalism or presenters

"knowing when to cut off a contributor" although this would be censorship to some people.

Minister of Communications, John Mahama (1999:2) who observed "another trend in our broadcasting

[is] the strong negativism and cynicism that it is engendering in our people," interpreted professionalism

in terms of "presenters who are not on top of their programmes, or who carry out very little research

before coming on air." However, that the Minister's concerns seemed more about the quality of output

than the elements of output since he assumed the importance of input-access.

The stations added other thoughts about the problematics of phone-in radio. These included "When it is

unfairly used to attack other people" (CHOICE); "People use it as an avenue to insult and settle scores"

(PEACE); "Could stir up conflict" (JOY); and "Where wild rumour passes unchecked and uncorrected"

(UNIVERS).

This unsatisfactory situation was compounded by the lack of government action to create the enabling

environment for monitoring broadcasting. An attempt to introduce regulations stalled after the Bonso-

Bruce (1995) report. The National Media Commission (NMC) (2000) recently introduced regulations it

has no teeth to enforce since it does not issue frequencies. The National Communications Authority

(NCA) which could enforce regulations because it issues frequencies had none.8

17

Consequences of Stations' Concerns

To solve some of their phone-in programming problems, stations exercised controls which largely limited

audience participation. These controls included language of broadcast, call-screening, and truncation of

contributions. In the broadcast format where time is of extreme importance, callers who played upon the

trivia of seizing upon minor details to strengthen each other's argument, as was found by Hutchby

(1992), risked being cut off.

Indeed, each of the six stations involved in this study indicated cutting off certain callers in the course of

their contributions. Reasons for these cut-offs included the caller "trying to settle personal scores outside

topic for discussion" (CHOICE), "indecent/abusive language" (GAR), "foul language" (GOLD), "abusive

language" (JOY), "personality attacks, insults, profanity" (PEACE) and "unsubstantiated allegations"

(UNIVERS).

Dimensions of the implications of management concerns have come to include employees losing their

jobs or discontinnuation of programmes. JOY FM (after apologising "to the Presidency and its listeners

in general") dismissed the producer of its programme "Newsfile," Mawuko Zormelo, for "the broadcast

of an audio tape which contains bizarre allegations against the presidency."9

The Crusading Guide (April 6, 2000, p. 12) cited two instances of interactive radio programmes,

Radio GOLD's "Ephson's File" and "Hotline," hosted by Kweku Baako on GROOVE FM being taken

off air. The paper proceeded to speculate that:

Keen media and political analysts believe many listeners will miss the quality handling

18

and critical outputs of the two programmes particularly in this crucial election year.

Strategies such as call-screening (by three out of six stations) and outright call cut-offs (all stations) were

used by stations to solve the problem of "abusive language" or "insult and settle scores" or "stirring up

conflict."

However, less disruptive indigenous alternatives to these strategies could be explored. For example,

both broadcasters/broadcast journalists and the audience could be educated to recognize the

significance of terms such as "sebe" and other local expressions to incorporate into broadcast

language.10 These are "offensive language" managing mechanisms that would keep the programme in

progress while moderating the unwanted aspects of content.

Other implications of phone-in programming appeared to be access and class related. Indeed, an

overarching implication of phone-in broadcasting could be the development of elitist communication

which would exclude the technology-have-nots although possibilities for "open elitism" existed in

communication centres and the pay-phone/card systems for those who did not own fixed or mobile

phones.11 Connected to this was the appropriation of public space (frequency and airtime) by powerful

interests, in particular, the governing party and its agents of the incumbency.

Access was restricted by language, telephony and other gadgets that linked audience to station. The

multiplier effect (including "back-pass"12) might not necessarily enhance access because the evidence

from this study (in the case of the moving vehicle) portrays a captive/passive audience which cannot

facilitate two-way broadcasting.

19

The proposal for the introduction of call-screening devices has implications for technology deepening in

an environment of little support (with their extremely heavy costs) for utilisation. An input-access mode

that is so technology dependent can only flourish and be sustained by technology-deepening such as the

expansion of telephony.

In-vehicle FM radio listening indicate access in the output mode is not access in the input mode. In this

particular case of driver-only control of station selection, the passengers constituted a captive audience

for whichever station a driver tuned in to. Such an arrangement rendered the audience passive.

Phone-in propelled "interactive journalism" through programmes which discuss media content and the

practice of journalism is emerging. The journalist's work was under constant scrutiny by the public.

Three programme types were observed: review and discussion of content ("Media Review" -

UNIVERS, "Newsfile" - JOY, "Breafast Show" - GTV); assessment of professionalism ("Media Watch"

- UNIVERS); and showing the most prominent headline of the next day's dailies during the late newscast

- TV3.

PROGNOSIS

Problems of phone-in broadcasting in Ghana, real or perceived, notwithstanding, all the radio stations

forecast a brighter future for it in Ghana. Responses to the question "How do you see the future of

phone-in programmes?" were all positive. CHOICE FM "A bright spot;" JOY FM "It has come to

stay;" PEACE FM "Has great potential;" RADIO GAR "Bright;" Radio GOLD "If not effectively and

maturely handled, could inflame passions with nasty legal and other results;" and Radio UNIVERS

20

"Brighter should we introduce conferencing and free or reduced call charges."

SUMMARY

This study, though small and descriptive, has attempted to provide some insights into phone-in

broadcasting as technology-based interactive communication in Ghana. The study gives glimpses of

narrowing the space between message source and destination. The findings indicate the transformation

of unidirectional broadcasting into two-way presentation formats which encourage audience input; that

phone-in has become an enabling tool in public communication. Audience contribution is achieved by

sheer numbers of phone-in programmes and the magnitude of air time taken up by that programme

genre. And the implications of the findings include the possibility of class emerging in access to

broadcasting, especially input-enabling access.

All the above issues could positively inform future directions for their comprehensive analysis including

possible hypothesis testing. Future studies may, however, need to recognise the limitations of this study.

Among them are that it is not a listenership survey but FM radio patronage inside taxi and tro tro

vehicles. It excludes private transportation where car owners are more likely to speak English and

therefore would more likely listen to "Front Page" or "Media Review" (note Peace FM's local language

version is submerged within "Kokrokoo").

The audience programme input aspect of the study was also limited in the sense that listeners/passengers

were captive (held hostage) to the drivers' choice of station. They were also not in possession of the

(mobile phone) means to call the stations. Listeners' ability to access any opportunities for phone-in

21

participation could, thus, not be fully explored.

Difficulties and the descriptive nature of this study apart, issues have been raised attention to which

could stem early erosion of public confidence and credibility in that broadcast format. The findings that

phone-in broadcasting inherently empowers constructively, obstructively or even destructively shows

whichever prevails in Ghana would depend upon the phenomenon's management.

22

NOTES 1. Input-access is defined here as audience ability and opportunity to contribute to live programme content. Open input-access is mass oriented while closed-input is elitist. The former is bottom-up communication achieved by the audience irrespective of one's socio-economic status through the use of the telephone, facsimile and e-mail to contribute to live programmes in two-way communication. It may be distinguished from closed-input or top-top communication which excludes the audience from active input. 2. A BBC news report (Thursday, March 3, 2000) attributed the cleanness of elections in Senegal to the role played by FM stations which announced results instantaneously as they were released polling station by polling station thus underscoring the power of radio to facilitate democracy. Such positive perception of FM broadcasting in the West African region is contradicted by the recent closure of two Liberian FM stations for broadcasting "inflammatory statements and programmes which threatened security," (see 'Re-open radio stations,' Daily Graphic, Saturday, March 18, 2000, p. 5.) 3. A politician (District Chief Executive) recently stated that "engaging in political party debates and discussions in moving vehicles" is bad if one wishes "to avoid distracting the attention of drivers and promote safe driving and smooth travelling" (Thomas Asante Mensah, "Don't discuss politics in moving vehicles," Daily Graphic, May 26, 2000, p. 13.) 4. Tro tro (meaning threepence threepence) is commuter minibus vehicle with passenger capacity of 15-33. 5. Communication Centres are small shops from where phone calls can be made and paid for. Services may include fax, photocopying and sometimes e-mail. 6. "Journalists of the private media have decided to boycott the ongoing "meet the Press" series organised by the Ministry of Communications" [for] "failure by the Ghana Television to play back the entire programme to the general public smacks of a hidden agenda by the powers that be to deny Ghanaians of whatever questions they, the journalists ask during the programme" (Free Press, Vol 20, No. 22, Friday, May 19 to Thurs, May 25, 2000, p. 12). 7. Surprising because of the small proportion of the population that understands English (Kropp Dakubu and Ablekuma study). 8. Although the NCA recently procured an American consultant to produce a draft document "General Regulations Under the National Communications Authority Act of 1996: Excerpts of Draft Received from Ministry of Communications Consultants on 22 February 2000." 9. A quote from a statement broadcast on JOY FM on Monday, November 1, 2000. 10. As suggested by K. Ansu-Kyeremeh in his lecture: Meeting the Challenges of Professional Journalism Training in Ghana for the 21st Century (Accra: Ghana Institute of Journalism, 2000).

23

11. Discussants on a BBC (Sun., June 4, 2000) programme on elitism in British society attempted to distinguish "open elitism" from "closed elitism." 12. Listener contributor strategy to maximise call opportunity (limited by line-feed capacity which make getting through to stations difficult) and costs. "Back-pass" is phone-in language indicating someone would like to share an original caller's opportunity to also contribute to the programme.

24

REFERENCES Ansu-Kyeremeh, K. (July 26-30, 1998) Participation as Access: An Audience Agenda for Research. Paper Prepared for the "Participatory Communication Research Section" of the 21st General Assembly and Scientific Conference of the International Association of Media and Communication Research (IAMCR), Glasgow, Scotland. Ayitevie, Adiki O. (April-June, 1996) Revisiting Radio EYE: Breaking into Controlled Territories, Media Monitor, 3:9-10. Bonso-Bruce, T.N.L. (Chairman) (1995) Report of the Preparatory Committee on Independent Broadcasting. Accra: Ministry of Information. Coleman, Stephen (1998) BBC Radio Ulster's Talkback Phone-in: Public Feedback in a Divided Public Space, The Public, V(2):7-19. Crothers, Charles (June, 1975) Community radio: general and focused current affairs talk-backs, Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 11(2):54-59. Hutchby, Ian (Nov., 1992) The pursuit of controversy: routine skepticism in talk on "talk radio," Sociology, 26(4):673-694. Kumado, Kofi (1999) Ghana. In Robert Martin (ed.) Speaking Freely: Expression and the Law in the Commonwealth. Toronto: Irwin Law. Pp. 175-208. Liddicoat, Anthony et al. [Annie Brown, Susanne Dopke, Kristina Love] (1992) The Effect of the Institution: Openings in talkback radio, Text, 12(4):541-562. Mahama, John D. (August 14, 1999) Keynote Address Delivered by Hon. Minister of Communications at Formal Outdooring of RADIO ADA. Ada. Mahama, John D. (November 19, 1999) Speech delivered at the opening of a "Three-Day Conference on Independent Broadcasting in Ghana," Ada. Mensah, Thomas Asante (May 26, 2000) "Don't discuss politics in moving vehicles," Daily Graphic, p. 13. National Media Commission (NMC) (2000) Broadcasting Standards. Accra. Sakyi-Addo, Kwaku (April-June, 1996) Broadcast Pluralism in Perspective, Media Monitor, 3:6-8). Stein, Laura (1998) Democratic "Talk," Access Television and Participatory Political Communication, The Public, v(2):21-34.

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