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Of couscous and occupation: a case study of women’s motivationsto join and participate in Palestinian fair trade cooperatives
Jess Bonnan-White • Andrea Hightower •
Ameena Issa
Accepted: 21 July 2012 / Published online: 20 January 2013
� Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013
Abstract Economic opportunities and the status of
women are mediated by socio-political structural factors, as
well as cultural-specific norms and patterns of behavior. As
consumers (and, in many cases, regulators) of resources at
the household level, women are integral to the analysis of
economic and political development. This paper examines
the role of motivation and perception on women’s partici-
pation in Palestinian Fair Trade projects. In the occupied
Palestinian Territories, Fair Trade projects have been
recently introduced by both international agencies and local
Palestinian associations as means through which women
can earn income, participate in cooperative leadership, and
engage at economic and political levels. Current scholarship
largely focuses on measuring outcomes of Fair Trade ini-
tiatives or the experiences of members after the imple-
mentation of a project. However, there is less understanding
about factors influencing the recruitment and retention of
members into these initiatives. This ethnographic account
explores both the motivations of members to join several
couscous (maftoul) Fair Trade cooperatives and the mem-
bers’ understanding Fair Trade goals and the cooperative
structure. We examine four Palestinian women’s maftoul
cooperatives and their unique challenges and opportunities.
This project highlights the lack of detail most women have
about the global Fair Trade market, which has a potential to
result in decreased recruitment and retention rates. This
paper also examines the tensions between product quality
and market demands existing within couscous cooperatives
and the competing demands of child-care needs, household
pressures, and military restrictions on Palestinian move-
ment enforced by the Israeli military within the occupied
Palestinian Territories.
Keywords Fair Trade � Palestinian territories �Women’s empowerment � International development
Abbreviations
ASAZ Al Samaa’ Al Zarqaa’
ATAK Al Tal Al Kabeer
BAC Beit Al Couscous
BAM Beit Al Maftoul
oPt Occupied Palestinian territories
It did not look hard. A tub fit in the circle formed by
Amira’s legs, her bare feet almost touching in front of
the brightly colored plastic. In the center of her tub, a
little water, a handful of bulgur wheat, and a sprin-
kling of white flour. I sat down, placed my smaller
tub between my knees in the same fashion, and set to
my task. Starting in the center, I took the heels of
both hands and began to rub the ingredients together,
each hand working in an opposite circular motion
against the floor of the tub. Every third or fourth
rotation, I spread my hands wide, cupping the flour
and wheat that had been dispersed to the sides, and
brought it back to the center. Little pebbles began to
J. Bonnan-White (&)
School of Social and Behavioral Sciences, The Richard Stockton
College of New Jersey, 101 Vera Farris King Drive,
Pomona, NJ 08205, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
A. Hightower
Global Exchange, 2017 Mission Street, Second Floor,
San Francisco, CA 94110, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
A. Issa
Nablus, West Bank
e-mail: [email protected]
123
Agric Hum Values (2013) 30:337–350
DOI 10.1007/s10460-012-9405-7
appear, and I thought that maybe I could be good at
this. I was making maftoul (couscous). After a few
more minutes past, I felt that there was a distinct
possibility I would never be able to sit up again due to
the knotted muscles in my back. Turning towards
Amira and an older member of the Beit al Couscous
cooperative, Basmah, I smiled. Basmah smiled back,
looked down, rubbed my beautiful pebbles between
her hands, and then looked up at me.
‘‘Too big.’’
My maftoul would be discarded, and I would start
again.
(first author, Fair Trade couscous training session,
August 2010)
Introduction
Amira and Basmah are members of a Palestinian women’s
Fair Trade cooperative in the northern West Bank. Eth-
nographic analyses of Fair Trade cooperatives commonly
focus on the evaluation of program outcomes after a set
period of activity, usually to measure market access, track
participation of members in leadership positions, or to
report efficacy of programs and reactions of participants
(recent examples of this large body of literature include
Arce 2009; Arnould et al. 2009; Bacon et al. 2008; Bec-
chetti and Constantino 2006; Hutchens 2010; Lyon 2007a,
2008; Moberg 2005; Murray et al. 2006; Pirotte et al. 2006;
Raynolds 2002; Shreck 2005; Vasquez-Leon 2010). Rela-
tively little work highlights recruitment and retention of
participants and how their perceptions influence decisions
to join and remain members of development programs.
Focusing on Palestinian women such as Amira and Basmah
who work in Fair Trade cooperatives to produce ready-to-
prepare couscous (locally referred to as maftoul), we
examine how these women construct their definitions of
Fair Trade and their motivations to join cooperatives.
As a market-based initiative highlighting social justice
and labor rights, Fair Trade has become increasingly
incorporated into global development programs. In the
wake of an environmental disaster or political conflict,
development programs can provide access to critical life-
sustaining resources (e.g., water, food, shelter, and secu-
rity). In some cases, programs provide basic supplies or
infrastructural modifications (construction of water wells,
for example). Others offer routes to supplement household
income, social networks, or access to education or health-
care. The latter category are often characterized as
empowerment programs, framed by the assumption that
with new skills, additional access to resources, or expanded
public services people are more capable of confronting
political or cultural issues. Governmental bodies, donor
organizations, or humanitarian groups are often motivated
(and bound by mission statements) to encourage change in
response to a web of global, regional, and home-country
interests, cultural expectations, and historical experience.
Despite their intentions, they are held primarily account-
able to citizens and donors to continue operation, rather
than to local communities. In a similar way, Fair Trade
firms, as businesses, are also held accountable first to
investors, board directors, and consumers.
Whereas much attention is given to the outcome of
development projects framed and defined by donor’s
expectations, comparatively little is paid to participants
such as Amira and Basmah and their expectations.
Development agencies may assume these women simply
wish to increase income, learn a trade, or like the donor
organizations want to enact social or political change.
Whatever the motivations, women navigate a web of
concerns, including household obligations, community
expectations, personal interests, and historical realities. In
the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), economic devel-
opment occurs beneath the shadow of an Israeli military
occupation in place since 1967. Tradesmen and women,
villagers, and farmers are not just seeking a livelihood in a
depressed area. In many cases, their economic situation is a
direct result of the limitations placed upon them by the
military occupation and successive waves of political
treaties. Ironically, the American and Israeli governments
often place a condition on peace processes that require
independent economic development (Halabi 1997). This
paper examines factors influencing economic development
under occupation at the level of the individual cooperative
and their participants. To accomplish this task, we first
address conditions affecting mobility and economic growth
in the oPt, followed by a review of Fair Trade as an eco-
nomic movement and its implementation in a Palestinian
context. Next, we present ethnographic data derived from
observations and interviews with members working in four
Palestinian Fair Trade cooperatives. We end with a dis-
cussion of challenges Palestinian cooperative members
reveal they face, their understanding of Fair Trade, and
how individual narratives can inform our understanding of
economic development under military occupation.
Barriers to economic development in Palestine
Economic development is hampered by pressure resulting
from the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict in at least three
significant ways. The potential for violence from Israeli
settlers or military and difficulties arising from long
detentions at checkpoints and road blocks are experienced
as limitations for cooperative members like Amira and
Basmah to attend trainings, work sessions, or meetings
338 J. Bonnan-White et al.
123
with distributors, advocacy groups, coordinators, or con-
sumers. Arguably most problematic is the limited mobility
and travel opportunities for Amira, Basmah, and other
Palestinians. First, movement is restricted by a Separation
Wall built largely within the territory of the West Bank,
isolating some Palestinian communities to the west of the
wall. Isolated Palestinian communities are also encircled as
the wall diverts around separate Israeli West Bank settle-
ments and those in large urban areas (in Bethlehem, for
example). Second, permanent and temporary checkpoints
within the West Bank impede travel between villages and
between parts of urban areas (in Hebron, for example). In
2011, the United Nations (UN 2011) reported a 2010
monthly average of 71 permanent, 21 partially staffed, and
414 temporary (or ‘‘flying’’) checkpoints, along with 519
unstaffed, physical obstacles.
Finally, Palestinians face violence and property
destruction by both the Israeli military and Israeli settlers in
the West Bank. The UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs reported between 19–25 May 2010,
100 dunums (1 dunum equals 1,000 m2) of land was
burned by settlers resulting in 250 damaged trees (UN
2010). During approximately the same reporting period
1 year later (18–24 May 2011), 100 olive trees were
destroyed by settlers in four incidents. The destruction of
olive trees is a particularly devastating event as not only do
farmers lose profits to be gained from the products derived
from the harvest (olive oil and wood cuttings, for example),
but replanted olive trees may take as much as 10–15 years
to produce new fruit. Property destruction, along with
random detentions and attacks against civilian Palestinians
by armed settlers increases the risk faced by Palestinians
working and moving within the West Bank.
In addition to the barriers faced by the entirety of the
Palestinian community, women face additional culturally
based limitations. Social restrictions placed on women’s
employment include traditional household obligations,
gendered and age-based family labor expectations (single
vs. married women and daughters vs. daughters-in-law, for
instance), and limited access to farmland and physical
space in community markets (Abu Nahleh 2002; Barghouti
2002). While all groups utilize cultural constructions of
gender and economic roles, the question remains of how
those in Palestine are exacerbated by the Israeli occupation.
To answer this, there is a growing body of literature that
addresses the impact of the occupation on Palestinian
gender roles and social behavior (Abdulhadi 1998; Allen
2008; Fronk et al. 1999; Nasser et al. 2010; Olmstead 2008;
Peteet 1997). For example, Kuttab (2007) notes that in the
face of endemic conflict and violence, the mental and
physical health of women is threatened by expectations to
maintain emotional support for household members deal-
ing with job loss, death, and displacement from homes. In
many cases, women have neither the training (formal or
informal) nor the support to meet these expectations,
increasing the probability of stress-related psychosomatic
illness.
Development agencies focus empowerment programs
towards Palestinian women like Amira and Basmah
because of these unique challenges. Results of program
outcome assessments often determine whether funding is
renewed or used in attracting new donors and international
partners. There exists, however, debate regarding the def-
inition of ‘‘empowerment’’ and how to meaningfully assess
it (examples of this extensive body of literature include
Desai 2010; Dogra 2011; Eyben et al. 2008; Hill 2003;
Kabeer 1999, 2008a, b). These debates center on whether
these programs empower participants and focus on counter-
or unanticipated effects. They ask to what extent partici-
pants report positive change in a number of indicators,
including (but not limited to) economic and political par-
ticipation, household income, or heath care access (Doepke
and Tertilt 2011; Hutchens 2010; Malhotra and Mather
1997; Mehra 1997). Largely lacking in the discourse is the
exploration of women’s understanding of development
processes, including, as one model, Fair Trade initiatives.
Next, we briefly discuss the history of the Fair Trade
movement to provide context for our investigation of how a
sample of women relate their experience and understanding
of Fair Trade in the oPt.
Fair Trade and the Palestinian context
The concept of Fair Trade began in the decades following
World War II, as a program designed to connect consumers
in Western European and North American markets to
producers in war-torn and under-developed regions in a
more direct manner. Its history and mission to strengthen
social justice concerns through encouraging consumer-
producer linkages is discussed elegantly and comprehen-
sively by several authors, including Low and Davenport
(2005), Lyon (2011), Moberg (2005), Raynolds (2000,
2002), and Raynolds and Long (2007). Fair Trade has
grown in popularity in North America, particularly with the
availability of Fair Trade coffee and expansion of labeling
programs, most notably Fair Trade USA (formerly Trans-
Fair USA) (Fair Trade USA, n.d.). The current Fair Trade
movement is generally defined by several key principles:
(1) a commodity price that covers cost of production and
offers a stabilizing buffer to market shifts; (2) a social
premium paid to cooperatives to fund additional coopera-
tive-chosen projects; (3) the availability of advance pay-
ments to avoid debt; (4) contracts that facilitate long-term
trading relationships and the development of the Fair Trade
market share; (5) trade and marketing relationships that
Of couscous and occupation 339
123
promote sustainable production practices and fair working
conditions; (6) interactive group relationships and demo-
cratic leadership; and (7) commitment to sustainable
environmental practices (Hira and Ferrie 2006; Paul 2005;
Raynolds 2000).
Through highlighting the social and environmental
conditions of production and the experiences of the
laborers, Fair Trade aims to close the gulf between global
consumers and producers (Lyon 2006, 2007a; Wilkinson
2007). As stated by Paul (2005, p. 134), ‘‘Fair Trade is at
once a social movement, an alternative form of trade, and a
development intervention’’ [authors’ emphasis]. Recent
debates within the Fair Trade movement revolve around
several general issues: (1) the increase in voluntary certi-
fication programs and increasing reliance on industry-based
standards; (2) the association between producer-consumer
spatial relationships and the social inequalities within and
between each; (3) power relationships within producer-
consumer networks as well as with certification bodies; (4)
the degree to which producers report ‘‘positive’’ results; (5)
tension between factions viewing Fair Trade primarily as a
social justice movement, as opposed to one aimed at
improving existing market processes; and (6) the move-
ment towards mainstreaming Fair Trade and the increase in
the participation of large-scale producers in a traditionally
small-scale framework (Arnould et al. 2009; Becchetti and
Constantino 2006; Fisher 2009; Hira and Ferrie 2006; Low
and Davenport 2005; Lyon 2011; Raynolds 2002).
In the oPt, Fair Trade initiatives take advantage of
limited (often political solidarity-based) tourism to the
region and international consumers interested in Palestine.
Most Palestinian Fair Trade initiatives focus on the
region’s traditional agricultural products (olives, olive oil,
couscous, honey, spices, and almonds). These are sold
largely through online or physical storefronts specializing
in Palestinian goods (Canaan Fair Trade, for example), and
by advocacy groups and vendors that highlight political
and economic oppression in Palestine (Canada’s Zatoun,
for example).
Working from a call to focus research on women
working in the Middle East (Kuttab 2010; Metcalfe 2007)
we explore the motivations for Palestinian women joining
Fair Trade cooperatives and how they choose to commu-
nicate the Fair Trade mission. Given gender expectations as
well as restrictions on mobility and potential exposure to
violence, participation in development programs, including
Fair Trade initiatives, is not simply a question of will or
interest. Thus, in the case of women in Palestinian Fair
Trade cooperatives, the analyses of motivating factors and
understanding may provide insights that influence the long-
term sustainability and outcomes of programs. The goal of
this paper is not to assess outcomes of Fair Trade activity,
but rather, to explore perceptions that impact recruitment
and retention. Using Fair Trade as one model of market-
based international development with clear aims to utilize
as a comparative model with our interviewees, we ask:
How do Palestinian women define Fair Trade, and why do
they join cooperatives?
Methods and procedures
Study design
During a trip to the oPt in 2007, one of us (first author) first
noted products labeled as ‘‘Fair Trade,’’ ‘‘fairly traded,’’ or
‘‘ethically produced’’ available in rural communities, ref-
ugee camps, urban neighborhoods, and at the headquarters
of non-governmental organizations. These were often
presented by business and community leaders as repre-
senting Palestinian resistance, combating economic effects
caused by the military occupation by Israel. After the first
and second author participated in a subsequent trip in 2009
focused on the growing Palestinian Fair Trade movement,
the present study was designed to explore the Fair Trade
phenomenon in Palestine and how participant narratives
provide insight into its implementation as part of economic
development initiatives.
Analysis and commentary provided here are based on
initial meetings and introductions (October–November
2009) and qualitative data gathered during individual
interviews (N = 9) and group observations (July–August
2010) of cooperatives coordinated by one Fair Trade
association in the oPt (referred to only as the ‘‘Associa-
tion’’ to protect anonymity). Cooperative products were
available at several outlets for sale, including one dedicated
storefront (referred to as Fair Trade ‘‘Business’’ to further
maintain a degree of anonymity). One of us (third author)
served as the coordinator for women’s cooperatives in the
Association during the second observation period. Inter-
views were conducted in both Arabic and English. Obser-
vations focused on members of four village cooperatives in
the northern West Bank, referred to here by the following
pseudonyms (again, to safeguard anonymity): Beit Al
Maftoul (BAM) (‘‘house of maftoul’’ roughly translated
into Arabic), Beit Al Couscous (BAC) (‘‘house of cous-
cous’’), Al Tal Al Kabeer (ATAK) (‘‘large hill’’), and Al
Samaa’ Al Zarqaa’ (ASAZ) (‘‘blue sky’’). In-depth inter-
views were also conducted with members of the BAC and
ATAK cooperatives (Table 1).
Data and commentary presented here reflect the
interactions observed within the individual cooperatives.
340 J. Bonnan-White et al.
123
We maintain this is a critical location for analysis as
cooperative activity is ultimately based, in large part, on
interactions between members sharing experiences and
knowledge. Paul (2005) suggested that a Rapid Rural
Appraisal (RRA) methodology to investigate roles and
attitudes of participants within the Fair Trade context.
Thus, borrowing from RRA principles stressing flexi-
bility and interdisciplinary insight while conducting field
studies (Grandstaff and Grandstaff 1985; Chambers
1994), we built a team representing academic and
advocacy interests. Our energy was focused on learning
about Fair Trade and the production of Palestinian
products from the workers, themselves, and to gain their
insight onto local conditions and activities. We recog-
nize the limitations of the short-term duration of projects
such as these, as well as critiques leveled toward RRA
methods in the choice and management of informants,
particularly in group settings (Campbell 2002), and in
maintaining a process that delivers quality results (Leurs
1997). Critics also warn against ‘‘essentializing’’ popu-
lations from localized data as well as building universal
assumptions using case-study examples (Mohan and
Stokke 2000). We heed these warnings and certainly do
not propose that information detailed here represents the
experiences of all Palestinian women or all Fair Trade
cooperative members.1
The Fair Trade ‘‘Association’’
The aforementioned Association coordinates cooperatives
of organic olive farmers, as well as women’s cooperatives
producing couscous or maftoul (rolled wheat), za’atar
(a spice mix), sun-dried tomatoes, and olive oil soap. The
bulk of the observations and interviews described here
occurred during couscous (maftoul) production sessions (in
addition to handicraft and sun-dried tomato production).
Couscous (maftoul) generally describes a pasta product
made by rolling grains (usually wheat) with a combination
of flour, liquid, and salt to produce aggregate particles.
Couscous in the Eastern Mediterranean region is a cereal
product produced in concert with other foods (such as olive
oil) in an agricultural system highly influenced by the dry
climate and geography of the Levant region (Grigg 1999).
Unlike olive farmer cooperatives, the women’s groups are
largely considered ‘‘labor’’ cooperatives as they do not
produce the initial raw ingredients, as do farmers. Com-
pared to the almost 800 farmers participating in the Asso-
ciation’s olive farming activities at the time, the total
number of women participating in the women’s coopera-
tives was approximately 60 (although new cooperatives and
members are added on a continual basis). This specific
project focuses on four of the nine then-current cooperatives
(representing approximately 25–60 women, based on offi-
cial Association information and numbers noted during
interviews). The cooperatives were chosen based on con-
gruence between the Association’s schedule of cooperative
activities, the travel schedule of the first and second authors,
and daily assessment of travel feasibility (limited by threat
of military closure, checkpoint activity, and availability of
transportation for researchers and participants).
The women involved with the sampled cooperatives
represent a wide range of experience and knowledge.
A number had been involved in other cooperative (both
Fair Trade and non-Fair Trade) or political activities prior
to joining their present cooperatives. In some cases, they
had been introduced to representatives of the Fair Trade
Business or Association through previous work. Partici-
pation in cooperative activities was not limited to any one
religious affiliation, nor political identification (in fact, the
Table 1 Description of observation activities and interview context
for the four sampled Palestinian women’s cooperatives
Location Setting No of
interviewed
participants
Al Tal Al Kabeer
(ATAK)
Group training session at
private residence;
individual interviews
during group session
3
Al Samaa’ Al Zarqaa’
(ASAZ)
Group training session at
local building acquired
for cooperative
activities; individual
interviews during group
session
3
Beit Al Couscous (BAC) Group training session at
private residence;
individual interview
during group session
1
Beit Al Maftoul (BAM) Several group training
sessions; group
production sessions;
cooperative meetings
None
Fair Trade ‘‘Association’’
Office/Fair Trade
‘‘Business’’ Facility
Association office/indoor-
outdoor production
facility; interview of
paired individuals (from
BAC)
2
Cooperative names are pseudonyms of the actual village locations (to
ensure anonymity)
1 This time-delimited project was designed as a first stage framework
to inform future long-term fieldwork. Due to unforeseen circum-
stances, however, the project could not continue as originally
designed. These data, however, represent a point of departure from
traditional outcome-driven analyses of development programs.
Instead, they reflect factors influencing recruitment and cooperative
activity and illustrate the potential for future, multi-disciplinary long-
term analyses.
Of couscous and occupation 341
123
Association encouraged participation from all religious and
political groups). All of the women interviewed were res-
idents of rural villages where the cooperatives were loca-
ted—none were residents of refugee camps administered
by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. The
sampled women also represent a variety of social roles,
including older women with adult or teen-aged children as
well as young mothers with infant or elementary school
aged children. Finally, the educational background of the
participants varied, with some holding baccalaureate
degrees from Palestinian universities. During the majority
of cooperative observation periods, children and other adult
family members or acquaintances were present. They often
provided support to the cooperatives members (for exam-
ple, in preparing meals or providing beverages [and, in
many cases, welcome entertainment!]).
In order to collect data reflecting cooperative partici-
pants’ understanding of the Fair Trade mission, their own
history and experience with the cooperative, and what
factors influence the success of cooperative activity, the
same four questions were posed during individual meetings
and group training: (1) What challenges do Palestinian
women face? (2) How do you define Fair Trade? (3) What
makes a cooperative successful? And (4) How did you
become involved in the cooperative? Respondents were
asked individually for their answers, but occasionally other
group members added to, or supplemented the intervie-
wee’s response. No management of the group was
attempted during responses.
Results
Motivations to join Palestinian cooperatives
The sampled women largely tied their social struggles and
limited family wage labor opportunities to the current
political situation in the oPt and Israel’s military occupa-
tion of the West Bank. Throughout the course of the initial
observation period and interviews, members of the four
cooperatives cited economic limitations as one of the
challenges facing Palestinian women which, in turn, served
as a motivation to join the cooperative so that they could
supplement family income. One member of the Al Tal Al
Kabeer (ATAK) cooperative, Latifah, associated the stress
on household economics and labor roles with the lack of
employment opportunities for men. With fathers not in the
home (either looking for work in another area, or in Israel
without the ability to return regularly to their homes),
women must take responsibility for household adminis-
tration; in particular, Latifah mentioned the responsibility
that women now have to feed the children and act as the
disciplinarian while the father is absent. She observed that
there are ‘‘lots of jobs while the father is gone.’’ At another
point, a member of the ASAZ cooperative mentioned that it
is not easy to find a job, but that she could not ask her son
for money.
The stress on income appeared to be driven, in part, by
the women’s desire to offer a university education to their
children—an education that income from the cooperative
activities could provide. Not only did women report a
desire to send children to school, but a second member
from ATAK, Manar, stated that she felt pressure from her
children to provide an opportunity for study. She explained
further that she felt this pressure from children because
they wanted access to ‘‘life’’ in the face of the current
political and economic challenges.
During the same group meeting with the ASAZ coop-
erative, participants combined their explanations for join-
ing cooperatives with perceptions of being limited not only
by the Israeli occupation and cultural standards, but also, at
times, by aid organizations themselves. The women were
aware of the complex relationships between the variety of
Palestinian associations and cooperatives and the multitude
of international development organizations active in Pal-
estine. Members repeated that they ‘‘want to live,’’ indi-
cating that they felt that a full life was not possible under
occupation. This reflected their recognition that occupation
limited their ability to meet the basic needs for their fam-
ilies. Further, they were limited in travelling (even within
the oPt), pursuing education, locating work prospects for
family members, following personal interests and in pro-
viding their families with what they considered a secure
environment. Simply put, Palestinians are not permitted to
live as other humans do. They also felt they had lost the
ability to stand on their own and be confident in their
ability to speak for themselves and represent their needs
and interests to family and community members. Joining
projects and forming cooperatives provided an opportunity
to earn income for the household, but also in gaining
occupational skills and experience in working outside the
home.
Thus, while joining a cooperative was seen as a chance
to gain skills, expand income opportunities, and challenge
social and political limitations, women tempered com-
ments with the knowledge that other actors in the devel-
opment network could impact their own ability to realize
their goals. Participants were very aware that funding
opportunities were limited even by how they identified
themselves (as an agricultural cooperative versus a
women’s cooperative) and that their own ideas for projects
could be curtailed by the will of local governments, other
cooperatives, and international organizations. For example,
the ASAZ cooperative had recently proposed a community
project to be supported by an international organization;
they had not, however, gotten a response from the
342 J. Bonnan-White et al.
123
organization and were unsure if their ideas had been
deferred instead to local government for further action.
Women in the cooperatives also detailed challenges they
face from what they identified as modern Palestinian cul-
ture. For example, Sanaa, one member of the Beit Al
Couscous (BAC) cooperative noted that traditions and
customs can be a challenge if they did not ‘‘match with
your desire.’’ Amira (BAC) mentioned difficulties for
women faced in trying to work outside of the home. She
elaborated that cultural practices actually ‘‘stop’’ women
from working outside of the house. Women from the BAC
cooperative also mentioned that cooperative work could be
based inside the home—thus providing a culturally
acceptable mode for women to participate in the economic
sphere. During a group discussion about what women
generally want from a cooperative experience, women in
the Al Samaa’ Al Zarqaa’ (ASAZ) cooperative referenced
both having the opportunity to work as well as obtaining
‘‘deserving’’ payment for their work. In addition, the ASAZ
members spoke of wanting employment, rather than being
given money as charity.
Cooperative members’ understanding of Fair Trade
One goal of the observation period was to gain an insight
into how Palestinian women participating in cooperative
activities understood the aims of the Fair Trade marketing
initiative, and whether they related to the larger Fair Trade
market. All together, the following recurrent themes were
found within the definitions of Fair Trade detailed by the
cooperative members (cooperatives are identified after
each detailed point): (1) Fair Trade provided a vehicle by
which the women would be paid what they deserve for their
labor (ATAK, BAC); (2) Fair Trade represented a balance
and satisfaction in the relationship between those who
produce the commodity, and those who sell the product
(ATAK, BAC); (3) Fair Trade organizations provided fair
work opportunities and balance for both men and women
(BAC); and (4) Fair Trade provided women a chance to
work—more specifically, a chance to work from within the
household (BAC). Unexpectedly, discussions revealed
differing perspectives on how income and resources should
be distributed among members. In one case, income was
planned, in theory, to be distributed among members
equally, regardless of yield produced or number of hours
worked. Members relied on each other to work when
possible, and provided for schedule alterations or modifi-
cations without penalizing members. In another case,
income was to be distributed according to amount of time
worked or couscous delivered on a periodic basis.
Most notably, several specific aspects of the Fair Trade
goals were absent in the initial interviews of cooperative
members or in observed discussion. For example,
discussion regarding the receipt of a social premium was
lacking, as well as any specific discussion of what the
individual cooperatives might accomplish with the income
generated from the Fair Trade social premium. Responses
of the women did not seem to indicate a connection with
the larger global consumer market or Fair Trade labeling
bodies in setting Fair Trade prices for particular com-
modities. This is not to suggest that the women did not
understand or were not aware of the setting of prices or the
payment of a social premium. Nor does it necessarily
indicate that the women were not made aware of these
features of the Fair Trade movement (see Hutchens 2010,
for another discussion of knowledge of market conditions
by cooperatives). Instead, what this suggests is that these
are not prioritized features of Fair Trade and are not
foremost in the contextualization of the individual women
and their relationship with the Fair Trade movement and its
goals. Lyon (2007b) reports a similar pattern in coffee
cooperative members—whereas several cooperative par-
ticipants could contextualize themselves in the inequity of
global agricultural markets, only 3 of the 53 members
surveyed were familiar with ‘‘Fair Trade’’ as a term.
Women generally admitted that they did not know
much, if anything, about the lives or desires of the con-
sumers of their products, or about their role as components
of a global Fair Trade network. During observations, the
‘‘customer’’ (as a presence) was felt in the concern the
women had for meeting standards of couscous production
for North American and European markets. Although
hand-rolling is the traditional method of production, par-
ticularly for home use, competing large businesses produce
couscous (maftoul) through mechanical rolling for the
customer market (Debbouz et al. 1994). Whereas hand-
rolling generally produces variably-shaped, larger-sized
grains, mechanical rolling results in smaller, uniform
grains. Value is also given to commercial couscous if it
absorbs a proportionally high amount of liquid during its
preparation. The comparison of hand-rolled couscous to
that of mechanically processed couscous is a salient one for
Fair Trade cooperatives as some consumers demonstrate
preference for characteristics produced by the latter process
(Debbouz et al. 1994). Characteristics of couscous that may
also be evaluated by the individual consumer include
appearance, flavor, and ‘‘mouth feel’’; in these categories
individual preference or cultural tradition heavily influ-
ence the evaluation of the couscous (Debbouz et al.
1994). For example, while a smaller grain is preferred
throughout much of North Africa (and Diaspora), in the
West Bank, a larger grain is common. However, since
Palestinian cooperative members were producing maftoul
for export out of the West Bank, the preferences of the
commercial market stood in contrast to that of the local
population.
Of couscous and occupation 343
123
Difference in character preference has a direct effect on
the morale and attitude of the women making maftoul who
were under pressure to meet standards based largely on
consumers based outside of the oPt. Many mornings began
with cooperatives members comparing small bags of
maftoul produced by individual workers at home or in
smaller groups—each sample was inspected by other
cooperative members, rolled through fingers and picked
through for signs of uneven grain size or inconsistent
rolling. In a number of cases, the women judging the
quality of the couscous (usually older women or leaders of
the cooperatives) found sample grains too large, rendering
a batch unsuitable for sale. Frustration at this result was
evident; evenness in hand- rolling proved to be an espe-
cially hard task to learn for both the first and second
authors. However, as couscous production is viewed as one
of a number of traditions shared by women as members of
the Palestinian community, introducing new external
standards of production or assigning individuals to training
roles could potentially be a cause for conflict either within
a cooperative, or between groups.
Perceptions of cooperative success
In addition to probing their understanding of the goals of
Fair Trade, members of the cooperatives were also asked to
comment on what they thought made a cooperative ‘‘suc-
cessful.’’ Once again, several commonalities within
responses emerged (cooperative names again follow the
response points). Firstly, successful cooperatives were ones
that expanded beyond one product or one opportunity (not
being dependent on maftoul, for example) (ATAK) and
whose representatives demanded additional educational
opportunities through training and workshops (ASAZ).
Secondly, the success of the cooperative depended on the
quality of the product (BAC, ATAK). Finally, cooperatives
were most successful when members worked ‘‘as one
hand’’ (this phrase, in fact, was used by both Rana [BAC]
and Latifah [ATAK]). Discussion of training and work-
shops was further elaborated by members of the ASAZ
cooperative who characterized themselves as generally not
educated, and felt that workshops had provided them with
strategies for ‘‘confronting’’ their husbands and families
and for advocating for their own rights. What was striking
about this exchange, however, was that the women
expressed that workshop facilitators (generally either rep-
resentatives of non-governmental organizations or non-
local women) were ‘‘educated’’ and knew things about
culture that the women, themselves, did not. In addition,
although women generally felt that workshops, particularly
those on women’s issues were helpful, they were also
repetitive, even among different hosting agencies. Other
women were more reserved when speaking of the benefits
of trainings (here, used to denote labor instruction), stating
that although trainings offered new skills, they did not
seem to result in an increase of income or new consumers,
as they anticipated (also repeated by ATAK members). The
women clearly indicated that they understood the connec-
tion between training and income potential, although they
had not necessarily yet identified how, or whether, prior
training was producing this result. Discussion of training
and educational opportunities did not seem to be connected
with the Fair Trade experience (see Paul 2005), but rather
with being a part of a cooperative, regardless of Fair Trade
or non-Fair Trade status.
Discussion
Women in Palestinian Fair Trade cooperative
production: challenges and opportunities
Women around the world, in both the Global North and
South, share many similar concerns as family and com-
munity members. Even so, it is critical to recognize how
local conditions and the inherent diversity among women
affect implementation of development projects. We do not
suggest that Palestinian women are unique among other
women participating in cooperative movements—rather,
we stress that like other women highlighted in the Fair
Trade and development literature, they are also women to
be understood and appreciated for individual and cultural
characteristics. We argue that in any analysis of develop-
ment, the recognition of this ‘‘dual’’ nature of the individual
as both a member of local and global communities is vital to
avoid either overly romanticizing view of the local (and
thus ignoring local power differentials and conditions), or
separating the local from a part of a larger global whole
(through social, political, and economic interaction)
(Mohan and Stokke 2000). Arguably, Palestinians face a
unique combination of social and cultural conditions, and
enter the workforce or become involved in development
projects for a variety of reasons (Haj 1992; Shalhoub-Ke-
vorkian 2004, 2005). While they are not defined solely by
the Israeli occupation, it has limited the ability of Pales-
tinians to move within and out of the oPt. Palestinians live
under the ever-present threat of violence by members of the
Israeli military and West Bank settlers, and they live in
communities confronting consequences of large-scale
trauma, with many having survived military incursions,
household demolitions, or direct violence (bombings or fire-
fights, for example). We echo the sentiments of many
authors (see Rought-Brooks et al. 2010 for one example)
that propose Palestinian women will only be able to enact a
movement toward sustainable social and economic change
once the Israeli occupation has ended and a viable
344 J. Bonnan-White et al.
123
Palestinian state is permitted to engage in global political
and economic processes. Nonetheless, just as women rep-
resent a variety of life experiences, they may not necessarily
experience liberation through wage labor and market
activities, as anticipated by development theorists equating
labor opportunities with economic development and pro-
gress (see Cornwall and Brock 2005; Haj 1992; Kuttab
2006; Kabeer 2008a, b). In fact, participation in market
economies may serve to reproduce ‘‘deep-seated inequali-
ties’’ if processes of marginalization and underlying power
relationships are not reflected upon (Eyben et al. 2008,
p. 10). In an analysis of Guatemalan coffee cooperatives,
Lyon (2008) warns if cultural-specific patriarchal under-
pinnings of social inequality are not actively addressed,
particularly in roles of leadership, gains in social equity may
be lost. Along a similar vein, Sholkamy (2010, p. 257)
contrasts the potential transformative vision of empower-
ment programs with the ‘‘add women and stir’’ direction
that development programs have come to exemplify. We
argue that as development programs engage market-based
approaches like Fair Trade, analyses of producer networks
and practices root our understanding their social impact.
A concern for how participation will impact their fami-
lies and household obligations are not particular to Pales-
tinian cooperative members. For example, in her research in
Nepal, Hutchens (2010) observed the stresses that women
face balancing two ‘‘jobs’’ while also navigating a patriar-
chal society. Unlike Hutchens’ example, however, where
workshops on basic budgeting, household responsibilities,
and labor division were new ideas to Fair Trade advocates
and organizers, these were generally not new to the par-
ticipants of the cooperatives sampled here. In fact, subjects
of additional trainings were suggested by the women.
As the nature of cooperative work is shared, women must
not only negotiate relationships with their household mem-
bers, but also with members of their community. A shift in
economic power and social standing could potentially
impact a man or woman’s view of labor and gender roles,
social responsibilities, and acceptable behavior towards
spouses, children, and community members (Haj 1992; Haj-
Yahia 1998; Holt 2003; Lev-Wiesel et al. 2007; Sa’ar 2006).
The Palestinian household and family are flexible units
appropriate for the study of adaptation to a range of social,
economic, and political factors. For example, Huntington
et al. (2001) call into question the basic definition of the
‘‘traditional’’ Palestinian family, documenting an increase in
participation of Palestinian males in family decision-making
(particularly in the realm of child care). Given the primacy
of childcare and family needs in the members sampled here,
it is key to analyze women’s support network relationships
using appropriate and time-sensitive cultural frameworks.
An emphasis on education and providing educational
opportunities for children as discussed among the sampled
cooperative members is not a surprising trend given what
has been identified among young Palestinians as an asso-
ciation between education and active ‘‘resistance’’ to Israeli
military occupation (Rabaia et al. 2010). Here, however,
we suggest that there is also cultural support for these
activities in the metaphorical connection between educa-
tion and political resistance specific to the economic and
social reality in a Palestine under military occupation and
restriction. In the case of Palestinian empowerment initia-
tives, then, the success of a particular program in the eyes
of participants may not be tied to an outcome measured by
the number of students who were provided education using
proceeds and income from Fair Trade sales, but whether
there was a perceived impact on the larger socio-political
context of Palestinian life.
As participation in Palestinian Fair Trade increases, or as
projects alter goals or missions, we suggest several general
challenges may become significant factors in cooperative
survivability, resilience to change, and overall sustainability
as economic organizations. One challenge is the question to
base production at home sites or at specialized production
facilities. At the time of these observations, women pro-
duced couscous both within working groups as well as at
home individually. Construction of specific production
facilities involved, in some cases, partnerships with foreign
non-governmental organizations, or loans directly from the
Fair Trade Association. Discussions regarding off-site
production often involved debate between individual young
women desiring off-site production with other (usually
relatively older) women largely preferring home-based
production. This pattern seemed to correlate with the desire
on the part of younger women to have the opportunity,
while working, to engage in social networking, while the
older women felt more comfortable working in a familiar
environment where older children and young adults could
help with other household labor needs.
Child-care and family concerns also influence travel
opportunities and labor transparency challenges. A coop-
erative member, for example, may not be able to predict
accurately time of arrival to a facility, or her arrival home,
as delays at temporary checkpoints, permanent military
posts, or road obstacles can be extensive and recurrent. If
continued participation necessitated specific time periods at
production facilities, or depended upon limited childcare
opportunities, members may not be able to participate fully
according to cooperative or personal standards. Addition-
ally, whereas some participants could leave home duties to
older children (primarily young-adult daughters) if neces-
sary, others had smaller children at home. Children brought
to training and working sessions, however, were in need of
supervision, and wanted in some instances to ‘‘help’’ in the
cooperative activities. Although generally (and usually
happily) tolerated by cooperative members at the time, this
Of couscous and occupation 345
123
situation does, once again, draw upon the requirements
concerning transparent labor conditions demanded by
external agencies and could prove problematic. Finally,
young adults within families also facilitated production of
couscous and other commodities (namely handicraft items)
during the observation period. It was unclear, however, if
these young women were considered (or considered
themselves) to be official members of the cooperatives, or
as extensions of the members within their families. Child-
care and family participation issues are key given the close-
knit nature of Palestinian families and communities, and
the general attitude supporting inclusion of family mem-
bers in any activity.
Finally, as in reports by authors including Lyon (2011),
Moberg (2005), and Caceres et al. (2007), quality control
and certification requirements are challenges connected to
group decision-making, conflict resolution strategies, and
methods of dealing with frustration either with training or
monitoring and evaluating production. As mentioned,
maftoul is not a traditional Palestinian export item and
traditional preferences for the size and consistency varies
regionally and in Europe and North America; size was thus
a topic of concern, particularly if lack of consistency
resulted in fewer customers or orders from exporting
agencies. The pressure to meet consumer standards leaves
cooperatives vulnerable to shifts in consumer preferences
and external production requirements. As in other exam-
ples (Caceres et al. 2007; Moberg 2005), quality control
and certification requirements do bring into focus concerns
regarding the influence of foreign markets on the repre-
sentation of Palestinian culture.
Intersections of local community, global processes,
and the place of the individual
Fair Trade cooperatives are not uniform over geography or
time; rather, they are dynamic structures composed of
individual actors who respond to changes in local and
global social, economic, and political factors. The experi-
ences described herein are not intended to homogenize the
Palestinian Fair Trade or cooperative experience—rather
we hope we have highlighted processes supporting a rela-
tively new economic initiative in the region. The history of
Palestinian economic and political development suggests
that Fair Trade cooperatives can be one of many devel-
opment initiatives to challenge interconnected notions of
gender and socioeconomic roles (Abdulhadi 1998).
If motivation to join is strongly related to localized
conditions, advocacy groups, governmental organizations,
and Fair Trade marketing bodies must be prepared alter-
ation of these same motivations if conditions change.
Vargas-Cetina (2005) suggests that cooperatives may
demonstrate an ephemeral quality, operating under a
context of continuous change in size and operational goals,
rather than reflecting a classical ideal of stability and per-
manence. In fact, this flexibility can be an adaptation
where, as Vergas-Cetina argues, an underlying sense of
community was feeble or unstable, where this sense never
existed, or where it had existed but was subsequently lost.
Thus, as localized conditions change, even at a small-scale,
research focusing on motivational attitudes may become
invaluable.
Arnould et al. (2009) investigated whether members of
three Fair Trade cooperatives in Peru, Guatemala, and
Nicaragua report higher effects on income level, educa-
tional attainment, and health care than they would have
working with non-Fair Trade cooperatives. Their results
demonstrated that, in fact, Fair Trade cooperative activity
was associated with higher income levels, additional edu-
cation opportunities, and improved health care. The
authors, however, note a significant limitation to their
analysis—differences in enthusiasm, innovation, and will-
ingness to learn could not be accounted for within the
sample (Arnould et al. 2009). Enthusiasm, innovation, and
willingness to learn are influenced by gendered expecta-
tions for women, particularly as women-focused economic
initiatives may not have similar infrastructural and struc-
tural support as male-focused activities (Mehra 1997;
Rought-Brooks et al. 2010). More specifically, women’s
programs tend to stress informal activities, such as handi-
craft production, which are viewed as ‘‘traditional’’ (Mehra
1997; Hutchens 2010). However, at least demonstrated by
different Palestinian products, the localized or community-
specific ‘‘traditional’’ preferences of products are not val-
ued at the global level (see Meneley 2011 for a similar
discussion of Palestinian olive oil quality). Attitudes
women hold regarding participation in cooperative activi-
ties, the quality of the products they produce, and oppor-
tunities to expand an influence over their own endeavors
are therefore integral in exploring how social and indi-
vidual factors (such as enthusiasm, innovation, and will-
ingness to learn) affect the cooperative sustainability. As
revealed above (and by Lyon 2007b), lack of awareness
about the Fair Trade movement may reflect a larger dis-
connect between individual cooperative members and
knowledge of international trade structures. If this trend
continues, we suggest the potential for alienation and dis-
couragement will intensify, leading to loss of enthusiasm
towards current and future projects.
Conclusion
All morning I had been slicing tomatoes—for all my
experience preparing salads at home and at part-time
food service jobs, it seemed I could not get it right.
346 J. Bonnan-White et al.
123
To my left, Noor, a young member of the Beit al
Maftoul cooperative, chided me continually—too
thick, too thin. Eventually, I was assigned to only
coring the tomatoes before passing them to be sliced
correctly. After a few hours of standing at the metal
table, my legs and back ached and I had the feeling
everyone around me felt just as weary. At one point,
someone mentioned that the two Americans should
be given chairs to sit on while we worked.
‘‘No,’’ we said, ‘‘we are OK.’’
‘‘Please,’’ the group replied.
‘‘No,’’ we said again. ‘‘Really.’’
Back and forth this continued, Noor insisting, and
myself and the second author deferring. During our
last round I turned to Noor, exasperated, ‘‘I am not
going to sit… until you sit.’’
Noor slowly smiled and said, ‘‘Now you are
Palestinian.’’
(first author, Fair trade sun-dried tomato production
session, August 2010)
Noor’s response to the first author illustrated that even in
the solidarity of the simple act of slicing tomatoes, actors
have different expectations of themselves and of others.
This includes the academic, the advocate, the consumer,
and the cooperative member. We start with ideas of how
what we think motivates the other, and, with experience,
these ideas may or may not be confirmed. The goal of this
paper was to report women’s motivations for joining and
maintaining membership in Fair Trade cooperatives and
how these reference their knowledge of Fair Trade goals.
To evaluate the ‘‘success’’ or ‘‘failure’’ of development
projects, we feel it necessary to start first with the question
of what motivates people in their choice to join a devel-
opment project. This paper addresses the latter. First, the
Palestinian women sampled here do not communicate a
deep connection with global Fair Trade networks, nor
demonstrate a complete awareness of the multiple facets of
the Fair Trade movement. In defining Fair Trade, the most
common trend was noting fair wages paid for labor and
fairness in labor opportunities for women. Second, Pales-
tinian women often cited the limited labor prospects
available to family members imposed by Israeli occupation
policies as a primary reason for joining cooperatives.
Several women had knowledge of training opportunities
prior to joining the Fair Trade cooperatives, and expected
these to continue. Finally, women expressed challenges
they face as cooperative members, including gender norm
expectations, child-care limitations, debate concerning in-
home and off-site production activities, the relevance of
training programs, and the interests of international
development organizations.
Given the geo-political situation in the West Bank, we
predict that it will become increasingly relevant to explore
differences between cooperatives even within this very
small area (particularly as the Israeli occupation contin-
ues). Currently, residents of the West Bank not only
operate within cultural expectations, but are living under
unique circumstances of military occupation by a foreign
power. As such, theirs is an experience that highlights an
individual’s sense of agency and power in circumstances of
inequality and compromised control. While inequality and
compromised control are not social issues unique to the
Palestinian territories, we should pay attention to how these
are experienced as influenced by local culture, history, and
personal understanding. Any new political or social state
resulting from an alteration in the military occupation will
inevitably be characterized by different needs, and
addressing these would most likely require alterations in
current strategies. Thus, having an understanding of the
framework under which Palestinian women currently work
and make choices will facilitate options for action if and
when political, social, and economic conditions shift. For
example, in many cases, Palestinians cite their participation
in ‘‘everyday’’ activities (including income-generating
activities) as a route of non-violence resistance to the
current political situation and military occupation (Allen
2008). Thus, under a different political or economic con-
text in the oPt, motivations for joining and participating
cooperatives may change. Actors in the development world
should be prepared to travel through the course of social
and economic transition with community members.
Our case example illustrates the need for ongoing
independent monitoring of participant attitudes and nar-
ratives. Participants in development projects should be
seen as actors in these initiatives, and measurement and
evaluation procedures should continue to be built with a
variety of participant experience and agency in mind. In
our estimation, ethnographic methods encourage a ‘‘pro-
active’’ approach, and can be used to not only document
what are complications within a system, but also have the
potential to track trends that indicate beneficial change or
strategies. We see great potential in the application of
qualitative and quantitative approaches to investigate pro-
cesses of recruitment and retention. For example, we sug-
gest combining entry surveys and interviews with Social
Network Analysis to illustrate patterns of cooperative
interaction. Results of these can be examined in tandem
with outcome assessments to gain a broad perspective of
participants’ experiences. Communication between aca-
demics, advocates, and cooperative members working in
Palestinian Fair Trade network serves to highlight how
each relate to the goals and function of Fair Trade initia-
tives differently. As a corollary to our primary aims for the
paper, we hoped to illustrate the potential represented by
Of couscous and occupation 347
123
research in providing opportunities to learn from and react
to participants in development initiatives. We stress that
women engaging in development activities will continue to
be direct participants in any future Palestinian economy
and social system. Therefore, they provide vital informa-
tion and understanding as to how individuals cope with and
adapt to changes to their lives and ability to survive in the
context of a rapidly changing social, political, economic,
and physical environment.
Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank staff and
coordinators of Fair Trade cooperatives and associations who were
gracious enough to engage in conversations and provide insight at
various stages in this project. We greatly appreciate Drs. Laurian
Bowles, Melanie Hetzel-Riggin, Bridget Welch, and three anonymous
reviewers whose comments strengthened this manuscript. Mention of
colleagues, institutions, and organizations do not imply endorsement;
opinions and statements made herein represent those of the authors
only. This study was supported by a University Research Council
Grant from Western Illinois University awarded to J. Bonnan-White.
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Author Biographies
Jess Bonnan-White PhD, is currently a Visiting Assistant Professor
of Anthropology in the School of Social and Behavioral Sciences at
The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey. Previously, she held the
position of Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology and
Anthropology at Western Illinois University. She teaches and
conducts research in the fields of physical and cultural anthropology.
Her research in cultural anthropology focuses on the impact of
economic development programs on communities—particularly
women’s cooperatives in the Palestinian Territories. She finished a
post-graduate certificate in Conflict and Peace Studies from the
University of North Carolina-Greensboro in 2011 and is interested in
understanding how members of economic cooperatives individually
perceive international aid programs in conflict areas (often introduced
Of couscous and occupation 349
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as part of ‘‘empowerment’’ or ‘‘peace-building’’ initiatives), how
women negotiate their roles in the home and in the labor force, and
what makes development programs maintain successful activity.
Andrea ‘‘Drea’’ Hightower is a native of Tempe, Arizona who
joined the San Francisco-based Global Exchange organization in
2007. She is the Director of the Middle East Program as well as Co-
Director of the Cuba Program of Reality Tours, and has guest-lectured
at San Francisco and Chicago Green Festivals, The University of San
Francisco, and San Francisco State University in the areas of
Globalization and Human Rights in El Salvador, as well as the
Borderlands of US and Mexico. She also speaks regularly on
challenges to the US Travel Ban to Cuba.
Ameena Issa is a Sponsorship Assistant employed with an interna-
tional non-governmental organization based out of Jerusalem, the
West Bank, and Gaza. In 2007, she received her BA in English
Methodology from An-Najah Univeristy in Nablus. Issa has worked
with number of organizations in the oPt, including as a Coordinator of
Women’s Programs, a Capacity Building Specialist, and as a
translator.
350 J. Bonnan-White et al.
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