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e R E U 4 : E W d3F EVIDENCE

Repart s u b m i t t e d t o the Center for Metropof i tan P1 anning and Research ,

The Johns Hopkins University

by Lila Leontidou, Ph,D. (LSE),

Senior Fellow, The John5 Hapkins University ClSssirstant Professor, Department o+ Geography & Regianal Planning

National Technical University, FIthens

December 1986

Fi rs t provisional d r a f t ; not to be circulated, copied or quoted without the author *s permiss ion

PREFACE

c

This i5 a preliminary draft of my research conclusians during the period of m y Senior Fellowship at the John5 Hopkins University. The work was completed at the JHU Center for Metrapolitan Planning and Research in Baltimore and at the Library a+ Congress in Washington, A s I had also worked on "Southern Eurapean" p r o j e c t s of the UN, ECE and the CtECD, I b ~ a 5 lircky to have at my d i s p o s a l unpublished material on the four countries under review,

cls it seems, tbis is the last 5tudy to appear under the auspices and support of the JHU Metro Center- A s af 1987, this will. be succeeded by the Institute of P o l i c y Studies- I think a report on metropolitan cities, t h e i r structure and devefop- ment, is quite relevant in this conjuncture,

I a w e special thanks to Jack Fisher for his invitation and hospitality; to Stanislav Fritz for h i s friendly presence and struggles with "picky" Framework o-# Ashton-Tat@ to re - trieve m y los t computer fifes; to Bob Seidel for interesting information, arientation and trips in Baltimore and Mashing- tan: to Daniel Serra -For d i s c u s s i o n s on the Barcelona Metro- politan A r e a and the whereabouts in t h e JHU and the DOGEE Department: and ta Anne Shlay for her -Friendly p r e s e n c e , e x - change of articles, lists of bookstores, and biting conversa- tions.

FOP their help and occasional -friendly discussions on political, academic, sociological, geographical and recrea- tional issues, I a m also grateful to Florence Catrice, Chris Colombo, David Harvey, Robert Hearn, G a i l Jorg, Jean Keale- Biddiger, Patricia Fernandez Kelly, Alejandro Partes, Erica Schoenberger, Margaret Shamer and Alba Torrents; to members of t h e Coalition for Free South Africa, especially Patrick Bond, Michael Jones and Dan Schechter: and to the #:riendly people working at t h e Milton Eisenhower Library in Baltimore and the Library of Congress in Washington,

Li 1 a Leont i dou December I986

TABLE O F CDNTENTS

Pre-Cace

1. A F'ERSOMfiL INTRODUCTION: CONTRASTING URE3fiPJ LIFE STYLESmOmmp 3

40 MEDITERRANEAN CIHECSN EEOGRhPHIES o m m m , m m w = = m m m m m m m m o o w m m m - o m 21 4.1. Urban spatial patterns - . l . m . m m . m - m . . - l m m m . . m m m - m - m . . . 21 4.2, & "dual" h0~15ing maTket ~ l m m m m m m . m m . m . m m l ~ m m - ~ w w . m m m . . 23

4 , 2 , 1 m The apartment building 4.2,2. The self-built sector

4-3, Mediterranean illegal settlements ~ m . - m m l - m - = - . . - m w . . m

4.3.1. Spain

4.3.3. Partitgal 4-3.2m I t a l y

4m32?- Greek "arbitrary" settlements 4,3.5- F r a n c e

5. MEDITERRflNEAN URBAN PROCESSES 1 0 m m w w 1 1 1 m m m o m m ~ m m . w m m m - o 1 o o o 30 c A I , Diffuse industrialization and depolarization . . .. I 30 5.2. Counterurbanization in the Mediterranean? . w . m m m - l m m l m 32

5.4- Urban social movements vs papular integration (I . . . ) - 36 c 4.3. Urban deconcentratian . m . . . m m m . w l . ~ m l . m m . m m m - m m m - - m m m . 35

5 m 4 m 1 o Italy 5.4.2- Spain 5.4.3. Partugal

1 II PERSONAL INTRODUCTION: CONTRASTING URBQN LIFE STYLES

R e s i d e n t s of M e d i t e r r a n e a n Europe and t h e USA are .familiar w i t h each o t h e r ' s u r b a n c u l t u r e s and l i+e styles through t h e media and t o u r i s m - There is a f o r m o-f unequal exchange here. Movies, TV, rock music , and o t h e r forms of c u l t u r e t r a n s m i t t e d t h r o u g h t h e m a s 5 media and c o n t r o l l e d by Nor the rn Europe and t h e USA, h a v e not o n l y f a m i l i a r i z e d t h e rest of t h e wor ld w i t h l i fe s t y 1 e5 i n advanced c a p i t a l i s m , but have all 50 e x e r t e d c a n s i derab l e influence i n our d a i l y l i v e s , The so-called "American way of 1 i - k " carr ies w i t h it a n a p p e a l i n g urban imagery, By c o n t r a s t , M e d i t e r r a n e a n c a u n t r i e s are r e m e m b e r e d by t h e n o r t h e r n e r s i n t h e summer as t o u r i s t resorts and r e c r e a t i o n p l a c e s w i t h f r i e n d l y people, s u n s h i n e , s m a l l towns and i d a n d s , and some a n t i q u e t r e a s u r e s . O t h e r than t h i s , t h e y e x e r t no i n f l u e n c e an everyday l i fe , and o-f caur5e t h e y are + o r g o t t e n i n t h e w i n t e r .

T h i s c o n t r a s t i n g imagery of t h e two c u l t u r e s i5 q u i t e d i s - torted and r o m a n t i c , s t e r e o t y p i c a l and c d o u r f u l , My o w n eve ryday e x p e r i e n c e o-F urban A m e r i c a p rov ided t h e f i r s t i m p e t u s f o r t h e m a r e d e t a i l e d p r e s e n t a t i o n of urban structures and p r o c e s s e s in Medi t e r r anean Europe. The f o l l o w i n g i n t r o d u c t i o n p r e s e n t s the main c o n t r a s t s found between t h e t w o r e g i o n s . The report which f a l l o w s t h e n c a n s t i t u t e s a r e v i e w of e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t i n g the main aspects of metrupol i t a n development i n S c u t h e r n Ecrrape.

I t h a s been p o i n t e d aut t h a t t w a t r a d i t i o n s around t h e c i t y and hous ing have emerged i n Europe, t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n and t h e Northern one (Rapaport IP&W .I S o u t h e r n e r s see t h e whole c i t y as the c o n t e x t for urban l i fe and t h e h o u s i n g u n i t s as small p r i v a t e enclaves; N o r t h e r n e r s see h o u s e s as t h e e s s e n t i a l s e t t i n g . In t h e USA f t h i n k I e n c o u n t e r e d t h e d i s t i l l a t i o n of t h e N o r t h e r n Eura- pean t r a d i t i o n . People do n o t u s u a l l y s t r # l f , except perhaps i n t h e s i d e w a l k s uf work ing-c l a s s or e t h n i c ne ighbourhoods ; t h e y v i s i t s p e c i f i c : spots, and move around i n cars. The M e d i t e r r a n e a n t r a d i t i o n i n v o l v e s p e o p l e i n t h e c a s u a l and i n t i m a t e o u t d o o r urban l i f e in piazzas , open-a i r r e s t a u r a n t s , b u t a lso sidewalks and daor-s teps , I would a t t r i b u t e t h i s t r a d i t i o n t o t h e w a r m c l i - m a t e , which e n c o u r a g e s outdoor l i f e , and t o to p o v e r t y , and hence restricted hous ing space,

T h e c o n t r a s t is v e r y i m p o r t a n t , s i n c e it i m p l i c a t e s t h e u5e of residences, of c i t y streets, and of t h e au tomobi l e , L e t u s s t a r t f r o m t h e latter.

I t h a s been said t h a t i n t h e USfi " t h e s i m p l e n e e d s of the automobile are more e a s i l y u n d e r s t o o d and s a t i s f i e d t h a n the complex need5 m f ci t ies" ( J . J a c o b s ) , A l o t of c i t y l i f e revolves around and t a k e s f o r g r a n t e d t h e ownersh ip of a p r i v a t e car - l a r g e , p r e f e r a b l y , so t h a t i t s u r v i v e s l o n g d i s t a n c e s . C i t i e s seem t o be p lanned to accomadate the au tomobi l e , suburban deve lopmen t s t a k e i t for g r a n t e d , and even gas is cheap - a b o u t 4 t i m e s a5 cheap a5 i n G r e e c e , Everyone has to d r i v e b e c a u s e they should reach s p e c i a l l y zoned m a l l s , large p a r k s , r e c r e a t i o n c e n t e r s , as well as workp laces , of course. P u b l i c transport is s e l e c t i v e l y rauted, and even t h e a i r p o r t is p r a c t i c a l l y left o u t ,

4 Mediterranean Ecrrape

If driving is the American way, strolling is the Mediterra- nean w a y in a l l mani+estations of everyday life, from shopping and working to leisure and recreation, Small cars are used, and motorbikes .form part of the youth culture (and song lyrics) but are a150 used by a l l classes, This can be exaggerated, because actually car ownership i 5 mounting fast in Southern Europe - it dcubled within a decade in the case of G r e e c e , Still, however, city districts function and live regardless of the autamabile, and there are large districts where only pedestrian ways are possible. In aur traffic jams, pedestrians mingle with cars and motorbikes in shabby, narrow city streets - it's all a me55, as our inner cities are now increasingly immobilized by traffic,

L e t us attribute this contrast, provisionally, t o the difference between suburban sprawl and zaning in the USA and the popularity of the city center, as well as mixed land uses, in the Mediterranean cities; and let us see what conclusions this m a y lead u5 to,

In Southern Europe the popularity of the city c e n t e r is immense, It is considered as the heart af the city, overcrawded yet cheerful, a place f o r informal encounters (not just business or shopping), Dominant landmarks are usually non-economic, and have been mostly constructed in the past, They are not banks or skyscrapers, as in the USA, but churches and monuments. O f course the center also concentrates shaps, workshops, of+ices and ressi- dences.

The Sauthern middle classes prefer central location in smaller apartments rather than spacious single-family hau~ies with gardens in the suburbs, The apartment house ha5 been s a i d ta have originated in I t a l y and spread to Western Europe f r o m the 16th .

century onward^ v ia France and Austria, Throughout mainland Europe urban life is apartment life, By contrast, single-house- hold buildings predominate in Britain and the USA, with interesting exceptions, of course, such a5 the Gold Coast in Chicago and areas 0-f lofts i n New York, built in height, But in general , while the American city sprawls outward, the Mediterranean one I s still compact, with high densities- Open spaces and parks are relatively small , Peak populatian densities in metropolitan cities range between 400 and 1000 persons per hectare, The Athens centre reached this level by 1971, and more could be expected i-f the p l o t exploitation caefficients w e r e exhausted. Othenians even destroy their cultural heritage to create their multi-storey buildingr, Building regulations preclude the erection of skyscrapers, 50 that Mediterranean multi-storey buildings have little of the dominance and glamour of the American cityscape- I would 5ay they are ugly constructions, which contrast with the beautiful alder architecture in the area- It i5 fortunate that Rome or Barcelona are not a5 destructive a5 Athens- This is turning into an overcrowded city with high rates of plot explaitation, traffic jams and air pollution, which recently m a k e s its inhabitants reconsider their love for the city center - and s t a r t moving to the suburbs.

L-Leontidou 5 Mediterranean Europe

The popularity o+ the urban center has had a lasting ef+ect on urban geography- Social classes w h o have the choice, prefer central locatian, even if this means high densities. Consequent- ly, they are distributed according to the land-rent gradient, The richer occupy more central locations, In anglo-American cities, the high land prices in the centre resulted in popular overcrowding in small, subdivided dwellings, with middle classes spreading to 5uburb5 in expansive single--family houses w i t h large gardens. The mainland European, and especially Mediterranean, salution is t h e inverse: because of high land prices, only the richest can a-ffard large central apartments despite high rents, and the poor are exc luded to the urban periphery,

This is the famous "reverse-Burgess" spatial pattern, which has, created the peculiar (and erroneous) theory that cities like Athens and Rome are "preindustrial". In all Southern European cities, the bourgeois and middle-class districts radiate S r o m the centre to a sector a l o n g the b e s t areas or garden suburbs, initiated in the W2Qs in Hame and Athens. In Venice, the social status of central districts increases rapidly because of differential aut-migration of the working classes; in Barcelona, high status areas are just to the north of the crowded city centre; in Madrid, central areas and inner nineteenth-century suburbs have the highest housing values; in Lisbon t h e current tendency is for an increase in the proportion of the middle classes in the center,

The proletariat lives predominantly in slums and peripheral shanty towns and grands ensembles, which usually happen to be near industrial concentrations. But they are n o t segregated as in the USA,

I have to confess that I w a s shocked by the extent af segregation af black populations in Baltimore and Chicago, even though I knew about it through literature and films, There are whole urban blocks where nat a single white person lives, Besides the questions 09 social justice this raises, it provides yet another contrast between cities. In Southern Europe, not ethnic groups, nor the POOP, b u t the wealthiest social classes tend to be the most segregated. They cluster together and exclude other social graups, The workers, the self-employed and t h e middle classes live in mare mixed areas - or "integrated", according to American terminalogy - because of various alternatives to neighbourhaod segregation, which are not encountered in the USA, nor in North- ern E u ~ o ~ Q . lhe m o 5 t usual one i 5 vertical segregation, In many urban central areas, with t h e exception of slums and modern housing districts, the middle and working classes live together in vertically stratified apartment b l o c k s , the middle classes usually on upper f loors and penthouses.

In the urban periphery, squatter settlements and pirate subdivisions proliferate, They have c o m e to constitute a symbol, Shanties built un the Johns Hopkins campus for divestment from South africa carried important connotations f o r m e , as, I a m sure, far each student from Africa, but also f r o m Latin America and the Mediterranean. Shacks have come to symbolize protest (as

L-Leontidou 45 Mediterranean Eurape

well as poverty; Leontidou 1985a) , They represent urban social movements demanding a stake to land and housing, but also m o r e generally to urban life and the political system,

Squatting and illegal building are by no means unknown in Nctrthern Europe and Umerica, but they have been rare and usually short-lived, The s a m e holds fo r central slums in Southern Europe, an a .First level, the contrast with American cities is location- al: the majority of the pcmr live in central slums in America, in peripheral shantytowns in the Mediterranean, Every major city here is encircled by shantytowns - bairrof; clandestinos in Portu- gal viviendas marginales in Spain, borghetti in Italy, afthereta in Ereece, and a little further qececondus in Turkey,

Dn a deeper level, the contrast with the USA has to do with life prospects, Squatter communities are usually self-built and se3. f -devel oping urban neiqhbou~hoods and hubs of al ternati ve cultures of migrants, the poor, and the working class, Mhere they can only afford a minute shack, people live a cheer-fral outdoor life, al5;o keeping their small private gardens, But the shacks are not just temporary relief. Poverty is creative, houses are erected by mutual aid to improve as income permits, They open up future praspects, The contrast with t h e USA is strong on this level. O n e wonders what prospects there are for improvement in areas of public superblocks, where the blacks live,

Still, squatting areas are thought to have their negative aspects, since they demonstrate uncontrolled urban development. In fact,. it is a misery to be a planner in Lisbon ar Athens, Planning faded in t h e history of the Mediterranean, and today conditions range f r o m the municipal socialism of Bologna ta the free-market forces left unchallenged in the cities of Partugal and Greece, In Athens, plans have been drafted but never implemented, Peacemeal urban development is pretty obvious on maps: almost all urban areas were added to the city plan (or "legalized") after they had been settled, The first plan of the city in the 18305 w a 5 ~evised about 2000 times, Rationality in urban development as knawn in the USA is continually undermined by a multitude of interest groups and individuals, The "urban crisis" in t h e t w o cases is a completely different matter-

It is also very di-Fficult to draw a land u5e mapI because a s ign i f icant proportion of urban land serves multiple purposes, f rum residential and commercial to industrial , Single land-use zoning is uncommon. Many buildings have commercial, adrninistra- tive or industrial uses at ground level and residences at upper 5toreys. Even industrial activities are scattered, and tradi- tianal concentrations are not due to any zoning regulations, FSt-tisanr; and small traders, but also lawyers and doctars, often live in the same building a5 their workshops, offices and studios, Journeys to work are thus kept short, and people return home at noon for a three-hour lunch break and siesta and avoid prnlonged journeys during the 4 rush hours, worst in Athens and Madrid, Cities are kept alive day and night. The large informal


sectar 1s a l s c 3 immediately visible in the small shops, the stall5 of p e t t y traders, the workshops everywhere. In the USA, by con- t r a s t , i t is hidden,

The c i t ies of Southern Europe thus share certain common character is t ics which set them worlds apart from t h e i r Northern European counterparts- A t the same time, they will always asto- n i s h the researcher by their complexity, "What is cornman t o most of t t r e m , crucial though it is, l ies burried under t h e i r conspicu- airsly d iverse personalities" (Giner, 1986). The most striking similarities among these cities mostly s t e m from t h e image of a "developing world" evoked by t h e coexistence of tradition and modernity an many levels. But there are also other similarities which will he explored in this report. It is peculiar that postwar urban growth in t h e Mediterranean has not a t t rac ted any attention, The r e g i o n is also omitted in comparative s t u d i e s of Eurape i n general, f o r l a c k of data: maps in van den Berg et a1 (1982), omitting the Iberia1 penninsula and Greece, are a sad s i g h t ,

The gap can not be filled overnight. This paper should be c o n s i d e r e d a5 a step to t h i s direction, as a review of evidence, or- even an annotated bibliography on urban growth in Southern Europe, Four cauntries are examined (Greece, I t d l y , S p a i n and Portuga21, and their m a j a r cities only are considered. Table 1 presents these countries and t h e i r adjoining ones, for which frequent references will be made i n the following.

.

L, Leantidoc! 8 Mediterranean Europe

2 COMMON TRAITS OF THE "EUROPEAN SOUTH"

Despite their different historical background until t h e Bate 19th century, the countries af Southern Europe have shared certain geo-political and smcio-economic cha~acteristics and level of economic development after the wars, which render them cornpa- rable. Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece can be set against the rest of Europe a5 a group - Mediterranean Europe, The theories Cor even the concepts) devised .Far Northern Europe and the USA are inadequate f o r the study of Southern European socioeconomic, urban and regional development, The concept of the semiperiphery a5 used by W a f l e r s t e i n ~1?79:100) is relevant here. It refers to place in the world economy (intermediate world regions) , economic structure (contradiction5 o-f peripherizatian and late i nd~rstri al i z a t i on 1 , and soci 0-pol i tical development . 2-1 The legacy OS emigration

One of the m a s t basic a x e s of differentiation of Mediterra- nean Europe from advanced capitalism on the one hand and peripheries an t h e other, is the legacy of emigration- The Mediterra- nean people have been travellerri throughout centuries, a5 Braudel t3.966) details, responsible +or explorations, discoveries, for the foundation of city-states and the creation of colonies. In the 19th century Antonio Vieria observed that "Gad gave the F'crtugctes;e a small cauntry a5 a cradle and the whole world as their grave" (cited by Lewis et al, ,1984a) I

The nature of emigration changed radically as it became a massive phenomenon after the wars, The political economy of the Mediterranean region has been greatly shaped by the export of. it5 -

surplus labour to advanced countries, First the Italians, then the Spaniards and later the Greeks, t h e Portuguese, the Yugoslavs and t h e T u r k s (Gaspar 1904:209), left t h e poorer regions a3 their countries heading +or Northern Europe, where capitalist develop- m e n t in the postwar period led to labour shortages- I t a l y , Spain, Portugal and Greece thus became the "proletarian nations" of Europe.

The recruitment of emigrants w a s selective and organized by both sending and receiving countries- Greek authorities signed o-fficial agreements with France in 1955, Belgium i n 1959, and Germany, the great winner aut o+ Greek emigration, in 1969 (Miko- linakos, ed, 19741. Emigration rates in relation to the Greek population were lower than during the early 20th century: in 1900-1921 Greece w a 5 losing a yearly average of 5 - 6 emigrants in 1OOO inhabitants which fell to 1-7 in 1948-74, The net papulation 1055, hawever, rose to 440,000 in 1961-71, and there w e r e 2-1 emigrants per 1000 inhabitants yearly in 1960-64 and 3-2 in 1965- 69, These numbers are a c t u a l l y underestimates- In the case of Portugal almost as many people emigrated in 1961-70 as over the previaurs 70 years, especially toward Northern Europe (Lewis et al. ,1984aL Outflow from Spain, Italy, Yugoslavia and Turkey w a s no less impressive ( C a s t l e s et al., 1973; Nikolinakos, ed, ? 1974).

L. Leont i dou 9 Mediterranean Europe

found to be working in other countries on a short-term basis, with l o w wages and poor working conditions, withaut recourse to unionizaticm (Lewis et al- ,1984) ,

Tbe m i g r a t i o n s t r e a m changed through history, W h i l e in 1896 Relg ian5 , Germans and S w i s s ; together constituted 52% of the total fareign population of Paris (Ogden 1977), by 1975, 82% of foreigners came from the Mediterranean basin, especially Portugal, Algeria, and Spain, By the later 1960s Turks and Yugoslavs began to replace Italians as the chief migrant groups in the cities of Central Europe- In Stuttgart, e - g , , Italians w e r e the dominant group until 1970 when t h e y w e r e overtaken by the Yugoslavs;, but also Greeks, whose number by 1975 pushed Italians into the third position N%rr-is et al- ,1977:109 in White:lllL In the mid-l970s, 70% of Mediterranean migrants to Stctttgart have been barn in villages, especially those from Yugoslavia, Greece, and Italy, while Tur1ci. appear t o arrive via towns (Borris et a1.,1977:65-7L

Mediterranean migrants work in the least desirable occupations, and sub-contracting systems make them especially vulnerable to evasion a+ registration and control. The &uildinq and consteuctian industries are particularly dependent on migrant laboitr (bcsrde and Earrere, 1978:34), In Lyon in 1977, 77% of: the first j a b s af illegal Portuguese migrants were on building sites (Poinard, 1972:39-42) Many are also absorbed in manufacturing industry a5 tinskilled and semiskilled worker^. In Stcrttgart in 1975, 67% of: warking foreigners w e r e employed in the secondary sector, 40% in manufacturing industry, and a total of 92% of the Mediterranean foreigners w e r e categorized a5 manual workers against only 37% of the German population of the city (Borris et

Migrants are segregated in the cities of Northern Europe (White, 1984:115-31 for a review), The first places of residence in LJest Germany and Switzerland w e r e provided by employers (0 ' Loughlin, 1980:256); in France +oyers-hotels have been used as accomadatian +or single w m r k e r s , in which ernplayers have played a r o l e (El Gharbaoui, lW?:46) .) Usually, however, migrants are haused in the private market: as lodgers (Belgium and the Nether- lands, Cortie cited in White 1984:117); in central s l u m 5 : and, in the case af France until the early 19705, in bidonvilles,

Emigration has been usually considered as a "mixed blessing" for the places of origin, It has been maintained that it eases or exparts unemployment and social tensions, In the case of Greece, emigrants and seamen would provide the valuable +.oreign currency ta finance the chronic trade deficit and the lagging public debt; &ut the i r remi ttances, i ncreasi ngl y cruci a1 for the subsi stence of their damilies, would cease to flow during periods of economic crisis- The selectivity of the migration process, moreover, meant that the younger, m a r e literate and more industrially skilled left the rural and provincial areas. Emigration would deprive the Mediterranean of the flower of it5 productive labour, which would gradually exhaust its ability to nark in foreign lands,

Massive emigratian has stopped by the mid-197Qs, after relevant l e g i s l a t i o n in receiving countries, Later on;, return migration to Southern Europe began, The contribution of returnees to economic development has not been studied adequately, They

al I 1977: 206-251.

LAeontidou 1 0 Mediterranean Europe

appear to change jabs before and after emigration f r o m agriculture and industry to commerce, construction, and not working, and s h i - F t their position .from employees to owners and self-employed. The returnees' investments were found to be directed mare to b o l s t e r i n g consumption than ta production, b u t in many case5, such as Partugal, t h i s w a s consumptian in provincial rather than metropolitan areas (Steinle, 1985)

2.2 On ectrntrtmic development and social classes

Another crucial axi5 for differentiation between Northern and Sauthern Europe is the pace of industrialization- During the 18th and 19th centuries, the years of t h e industrial revolution, precapitalist social strticturers still prevailed in the Mediterra- nean, The church was a m a j a r force in urban landownership and society, and the clerical papulation S o r m e d a substantial part of: the crrban inhabitants (White 1984: 11): t h e 'religiaus' amounted to hetween 117 and 1!5 of Madrid's total population in the 18th century (Saubeyroux, 197%); in Bologna at the time, 6% of the urban population w e r e priests, monks, nuns and If& of the intra-mural land was used for religious buildings (Ricci 1980: 117) ,

Large-scale industrial growth was generally a post-watt phe- nomenun which did not af+ect all cr f t h e countries simultaneously. Only a limited number of cities, such as Barcelona, Bilbao and Milan, w e r e a-ffected by industry before the end of the 19th century White 1984:16, €32)- The years of the Italian "miracle", though based on earlier foundations, were those of t h e WSOs;, and a di-f i"erence develaped s i n c e then between the economy uf I t a l y (central Fordism) and the rest of: the Southern countries (peripheral Fardism: L i p i e t z , 1985) .) Still, however, even in Italy industrialiratian arrived late and involved a process of economic polarization and regional inequality,

During the postwar period the countries of the Mediterranean have constituted the poorest area5 of capitalist Europe - to va- riaus degrees, ranging from Portugal to Italy (table 2)- Except slow or arrested industrialization, they o f f e r services as tau- rist resorts and are 'I;inanced to a large e x t e n t by emigrants' remittances, Rapid urbanization preceded industrialization, The 19505 s a w the acceleration of urban growth in Spain, Italy, Greece, and throughout t h e postwar period Mediterranean cities have been flooded by migrants who influenced ur-ban patterns and class structures, In Spain since the 1910s and through to the civil war, the Barcelona-born have been a minority in the city, and nan-Catalans a ma jar-i ty ( E a 1 0 5 y Capdevi la 195% 214-7) - By 1970, 35% of the city's papulation had been born in non-Catalan- speak ing areas and 4 1 X o-f t h e population habitually used Castil- lian instead of Catalan (White 1984:85). Migrants, mostly of rural backqraund with no skills, formed the new industrial proletariat (Ferras 1?77b, 1978:179), and filled the least desirable jobs (White: 91 1 I

L, Leonti dou I 1- Mediterranean Europe

The wave of southern migration to Italian cities, such as Turin, created a new marginal class singled out by its l o w 1 e V d 5 03 educational attainment and skill, its upenness to e x p l a i t a - -tian, its hausing di#+icuZties, its cultural distinctiveness and its spatial clustering (White 1984:85)

In the ta5e of Greece, a survey in 1960 found that 56% of the Greater FIthens population were migrants w h o arrived during t h e postwar period, During the 1960s females exceeded males in the domestic migration stream (Carter, 1968: 103-5) and worked as servants. Social mobility w a s considerable, especially during the 1 9 5 0 ~ ~

A s Southern European cities modernize and industrialize, their migrant characteristics change. Female riervants are replaced by male labour migrants, In a recent: study of Madrid, rural migrants w e r e found to decline by the mid-1970s and migrants drawn f r o m larger urban settlements and f r o m developed areas increased. B y 1973, technical and managerial workers constituted 25% nf Madrid ' 5 in-migrants (Ballesteros et a1 - 1977) =

r? d - 3 The informal sector-

It cairld be said that the informal sector is just being dis- covered by researchers in advanced capitalist countries, w h i l e it i 5 a well-entrenched fact in popular- cansciousness in a i l p e r i - pherie5. The Mediterranean variant of palarization has presented many faces and variations through history, and is different + r e m that of other peripheries because af the legacy o-f emigration to Northern Eurape in the past, and of a recent process of depolarization, anyway, the self-employed artisan or the shopkeeper, the family entrepreneur and the peddlar, are the m o s t familiar fi- giwe5 in Mediterranean cities, and marginal populatians have been gathering t h e r e during the years af fas t urbanization, The i n f o r - m a l circuit, often con+used with the so-called "black economy", a long w i t h the wide distribution of small property, counterbalan- ces the defective system of social insurance and sustains; a 1 arge number c? the pcpul ati on in subsistence act1 vi ties and income sharing processes among members of extended families,

If the in?ormal sector and the "black economy" has sinister connatations in cities of advanced capitalism, it is an apenly admitted wi dnspread , and tradi ti onal 1 y f ami 1 i ar aspect of urban li-fe in the Mediterranean, Sub-contracting, putting-out systems, m u l t i p l e employment, part-time emplayment and self-employment are ai5 widespread a5 wage labour, EI larger percentage of the population is thus vulnerable to the economic ups and downs (like b l a c k s and hispanic populations in American cities) , but also creates a substratum helping these economies to survive crises, and to figure as full-employment regions in international cornparisans.

The contrast can be carried further, Workshops of repair of everything - f r o m clothes to cars - and recycling of various used r a w materials proliferate in Mediterranean cities, For example, cars may have a 1 i - k span of 20 years in the South, and are circulated as used cars among consumers f o r that long, whereas huge

L .) Leont i d m u 12 Mediterranean Europe

car cemeteries are o u t s i d e large US cities. I d o n o t evaluate the Mediterranean w a y in a positive manner - far f r o m it. It creates environmental pollution and other types of w a s t e . B u t , after all it is dictated by poverty.

L, Leont i dau 13 Medi t e r r anean Europe

3 CONTRADICVXONS OF METRCIPOLITAN DEVELOPMENT

T . L I The r-eqinnal problem I

During the pos twar p e r i o d , Nor the rn Europe h a s been o n l y one of the d e s t i n a t i o n s of S o u t h e r n European r u r a l p a p u l a t i m n s - The o t h e r pole o-f a t t r a c t i o n have been , o+ course, t h e large Medi te r - r a n e a n m e t r o p o l i t a n r e g i o n s , For many p e o p l e u r b a n i z a t i o n w a s l i n k e d with e m i g r a t i o n , The case of Greece is i n d i c a t i v e : t h e working class o u t s i d e t h e n a t i o n a l + r a n t i e r s h a s been a lways s u b s t a n t i a l , Even e x c l u d i n g sailors, by 1969 the G r e e k l a b o u r force i n manu-factur ing w a s almost e q u a l i y divided among t h r e e locations: Athens, rest of: Greece, and Germany (Leon t idou Emma- nuel 1981: Chap te r 5))- The number of w a r k e r s a b r a a d is i n d i c a - t i v e of t h e I.oss;es t o t h e Greek l a b o u r m a r k e t , as w e l l as t h e impuir tante af Athens f o r r e t a i n i n g a l a rge s e c t i o n oC t h e s e popu- l a t i a n 5 w i t h i n G r e e k t e r r i t o r y . I t is a150 i n d i c a t i v e of t h e o u t l e t s for t h e r e d u c t i o n of m a r g i n a l i t y and the e x p o r t of social t e n s i o n s ,

Urban growth i n S o u t h e r n Europe ha5 been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h surplus p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e c a u n t r y s i d e r a t h e r t h a n i n d u s t r i a l i z a - tion- The hypothesis t h a t u r b a n i z a t i o n c a u s e d i n d u s t r i a l development w i l l be explored +or t h e case of G r e e c e in the +allowing C h a p t e r s - I n d u s t r i a l and t o u r i s t development have been s p a t i a l l y s e l e c t i v e , They a f f e c t e d o n l y c e r t a i n sectors and r e g i o n s i , espe- c i a l l y t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n and coastal ones, T h i s resulted in spatial p o l a y i z a t i a n , t a k i n g v a r i o u s f a r m s i n the d i f - f e r e n t caun t - ries: the 5out.h/ n o r t h i n e q u a l i t y i n I t a l y , the mainland/ ' coastal d i s p a r i t i e s irr Portugal, the r u r a l / u rban p o l a r i z a t i o n i n Greece,

In t h e case of: Italy, the reg iona l . problem e v i d e n t in tbe a c u t e i n e q u a l i t y between t h e Sou th and Nor th , was a l r e a d y ubserved by El-arnsci-

I n Portugal r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n d e c r e a s e d a t t i m e s more t h a n 50% between 1?5U and 1970, w h i l e u rban areas g r e w and smaller tuwns e x p e r i e n c e d lesser i n c r e a s e s . The m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t t r e n d w a s the imbalance between t h e w e s t e r n coastal s t r i p ( f r o m Braga t a S e t u b a l ) arid the r ema inde r of t h e c a u n t r y , However, d u r i n g t h e 1970s all urban c e n t r e s i n c r e a s e d i n p o p u l a t i o n , even i n t h e m o s t remote areas, T h i s was a t t r i b u t e d t o the a r r i v a l of r e t o r n a d o s from the A-frican c o l o n i e s (Gaspar 1984: 215; L e w i s and Williams 1981) -

I n Greece i n e q u a l i t y p e r s i s t s between u rban and rural areas, nr between t h e two l a r g e s t ci t ies and t h e res t of the n a t i o n a l area. T h i s palarizatian h a s i n t e n s i f i e d af ter the w a r s , but espe- c i a l l y i n 1961-71. The p o p u l a t i o n of Greece o u t s i d e f i t hens decreased then by 307,444 p e o p l e and t h e e c o n o m i c a l l y a c t i v e population declined by 565,587 people, T h e r e w a s a r e l a t i v e l y dynamic urban S-shaped c o r r i d o r between Athens and S a l o n i c a , while t h e rest o+ t h e c o u n t r y w a s l o s i n g p o p u l a t i o n and p r o d u c t i v e activity. In ?act , Greece displays the greatest r e g i o n a l imba lance among fledi t e r r a n e a n European c o u n t r i e s ,

LmLeontidoU i4 Mediterranean Eur-ope

T h i s trend w a 5 reversed in the 1 9 7 0 ~ ~ as w e shall sbow in p a r t 5 m 2 - Some provincial towns based 5n industry and transporta- tian ( V o l o . ~ , Fatra, Kavalaf , tourism (Heracleio) ar agriculture CLarissa) have experienced significant growth (Drewett et a1 .I lC385; Papayannis 1981 1

7 a.2 Metrapolitan bipcfarity

In addition to regional disparity, contemporary Mediterrane- an countries have developed bipolar urban networks where t w o metropolitan area5 dominate the urban hierarchy, while the third largest cities canstitute practically insignificant provincial centres. The exceptions in this ca5e are Greece, where primate distribution is pronounced (see part 3 .3 ) and the second city, Salanica, is quite small; and Italy, where Naples and Turin, the third and fourth cities, are significant metrapalitan areas,

Hetropolitan dualism can be Qound in other warld regions, In Mediterranean Europe, however1 it has permeated cultures around ttte c i t y and the country f o r a lung period going back in history, Material and cultural tensions have developed between the two m a j a r cities in each country: Lisbon and Qporto, Rome and Milan, Athens and Salonica, and much more acutely between Madrid and Barcelona, Ankara and I s t a n b u l , Belgrade and Zagreb (Giner, 1986) ,

"Milan and Barcelona, Rame and Madrid, epitomized industry and b u ~ ~ r g e g i s society an the one hand, political and administrative power on the other" (Giner, W86L

In same cases this can be attributed ta the "constructed" c)r "artificial" character of capital cities, Mhens, i.'aunded in 1834, Rome (18641, and Ankara (1923) were nominated in different ways a5 new political capitals, centres of the state and bureau- cracy, despite the historical or industrial dominance of some other urban centres or regionall national capitals. In o t h e r cases, tensions are due to ethnic differences, In Spain and Yugoslavia di.fferent ethnic group5 identify with "their" c i t y and metropolitan bipolarity even takes the form cf skirmishes in S p a i n

Moral t e r m s are most o-ften used t o stigmatize Mediterranean capitals a5 "parasitic", which have taken perhaps their more acute form in the cases of Madrid and Athen5, The distance of Madrid f r o m t h e productive metropolis of Barcelona is stressed in Spain !Salceda 1977a), while in Greece moral indiqnaton against the "pararitic city" peaked in the late 19705, exactly when it w a s most unjustified (Leontidou Emmanuel 1981b) .)

Like urban dualism, regional polarization is mani+ested in culture with criticisms against cities and the idealization of the "productive countryside", In this case, however, it 15 note- worthy that criticisms against metropolitan cities usually became lauder during periods af authoritarian regimes, In Spain an anti- urban idealogy w a s preached by state-controlled institutions f r o m the m o m e n t the civil w a r ended: the city was the centre of vice and evil - c o m m u n i s m , divorce, prcstitution, crime (Wynn, 1984). During the Italian fascist era emphasis w a s placed on rural deve-

15 Mediterranean Europe

lopment, and "peasant Italy" w a s idealized a5 an alternative to the i l l 5 of urban living (Calabi 19134) Autharitarian regimes have also tri.ed to control. urbanization. Mussalini imposed re- strictions on internal migrat ion in I t a l y (Gabe l - t , 1958) .) The fasc is t l a w 5 of I931 and 1939 attempted to control rural-urban migration: workers had to have a permit before they could legally o b t a i n a j o b , but they a h a had to have a job before a residence perrni t caul d be i ssued , These regcri ati on5 w e r e ci rcumvented thraugh an i 11 eqal system of recruitment , I 1 legal migrants SOOR appeared in T w i n and other- Northern cities receiving l o w wages (Gabert 1958; bdhite 1984:82-3), Clccasianal threats of the Greek military government to cantr-ol domestic migration to fithens (Car - ter, 19&W were not realized, but there was a consistent p a l i c y 40 curb urbanization through the control QJ popular housebuilding and palicies fbr industrial decentralization <Leant ido i t Ernmanuel 1981: Chapter 7). Dictatorial governments seem ta have been apprehensive 0.f the social threat presented by the urban papuf at i CIRS,

3.3 Urbanization and D r i m a r s v

Mediterranean metropolitan cities have always kept a tight but ambiguous relatianship with the countryside, receiving flocks of migrants, The di+ferent countries have evidenced striking similarities in their urbanization model af te r the wars, r a n g i n g +ram papufaticrn levels o-f the capital cities to m o r e tstrtictural assectsm By 2971 Rome, Madrid and Athens had 2 m 6 - ' A.S million inhabitants- Although nationwide rates of growth were hamogene- a u s l y maderat&!, at the 1 X level, the three capital cities grew w i t h t h e same rapid pace in 1951-71: average annual rates rase to 2.8%, 3.3% +md 3% respectively, The secand or third largest cities w e r e less dynamic: during the same period the rate f o r Milan w a s I . & % , #or Barcelona I.?%, and only Salonica reached 3.1% in 1951-71, but cn a smaller initial basis than the rest of the cities.

Urban primacy at the national level has characterized Greece and P a r t u g a i , while Italy and Spain exhibited primacy at the sub- national level (Gaspar 1984:209: Evanqelinides 1979: Purqel 1981; Ceccar-elli 1 9 8 1 ; Lewis and Williams 1981: P a p a y a n n i s 1981; Pon- setti-Bosch 1981) m National-level pi-imacy, a5 measured by the ratio of t h e s e c o n d city compared t o the first one by Jones (1966:f32) was highest in France and the U.K, in 1962 (13% and 29% respectively), as shown on table, amang southern European countries only Greece approached these levels at t h e time. On the ccntrary, Ist.anbul w a s twice as l a rge as Ankara, Milan larger than Rome, Barcelona larger than Madrid, In F'ortugal and Yugosla- v i a the second cities w e r e well near the s i z e of the capital cities, although different metropolitan boundaries indicate urban primacy in Portugal as well (Gaspar 19841,

It i 5 interesting that, despite views to t h e contrary, distances between the major two cities increased everywhere ( the primacy ratio decreased) in 19hI-81, except in the case of Greece, where primacy w a s slightly reduced, and the cases of

L I leont i dou I 6 Mediterranean Europe

Turkey and Yugoslavia, where the ratio oscillated, It i 5 there- fare wi-ang ta speak of an "accentuation of urban primacy" i n Greece (Gaspar 1984:211). It is true, however, that in the cases of Greece and Portugal w e can s p e a k of b i p o l a r urban development around t w o metf-apol i tan area5,

A f inal . observation an t h e basis af table 3 is that in almost a l l of t h e countr ies examined except I t a l y , the third largest cities have been q u i t e small. This ha5 supparted metropolitan bipolarity,

Comparisons of the employment structure of the cities af puostwar Mediterranean Europe are shown on table 4, In general, about 23-33X of. the economically active papulation of Mediterra- nean capital cities is employed i n i n d u s t r y , except the cases of Rome and Ankara, the least "industrialized" capital cities (and m o s t ' lparas i t ic i ' j according to widespread terminology) in 1971. T h e i r employment s tructure diverges s h a r p l y f r o m that a+ t h e second cities of the respective countries - Istanbul and Milan - which allso happen to be larger in size than t h e capital cities. Th35 is an especially interesting conclusion, since it disconnects urban economic structure + r a m the level a# economic develcpment in Southern Europe, In other w ( 3 r u 5 , the capitals of the most underdeveloped and most developed Mediterranean coun- triers r e s p e c t i v e l y are the least " p r o d u c t i v e " cities, Then lis- ban, Madrid and Belgrade are also rladministrative" capitals, but Athens, t h e anLy "primate" c i t y , is t h e m o s t industrialized capi- t a l , w i t h a very short d i s t a n c e f r o m Salanica in t h i s ~ e s p e ~ t m Thi5 provides an ef fec t ive counterargument against views of t h e "parasitism" of ilthens within the Mediterranean context.

1 7

Table 1: Basic data for OECD countries

[Heawres: 2

Hedi terranean Eurooe: GREECE 1979

1981 1983 1984

i9a3 I TCILY 198 1-84

1964

SPAIN 1978 1981/2 1984 1985

PORTUGAL 1975

t 984

kd joi ni ng countries: FRPlNCE 1975

19YZ 1983 1984

198U !983 1975-60

1971-83 1991 1982 1983

TURKEY

VtlGDfLAVI A

Advanced cauntr i es U.K. 197v-84

1983 1984 1985

iwo

i 985

U.S.4. 1976-81

1784

.ooo ks2

132.0

301 . 3 504 I 8

92.1

549.0

781 . 0

256.0

Zitf.0

9,,363.0

per cent

29.5

37.7

54.6

n.a.

57.5

35.9

. 55.9

75.9

9,90b

56,983

37,746

10,129

54,740

47,471

22,800

1 .o

. 3

8 9

.?

.5

2.2

.a

,000 aver. per cent ,75-85

and popui at i ans, . 000 1. 2. 3.

Athens Salanica 3,027 704

Raw nilan Maples 2,827 1,536 1,207

Madrid Earcelona Valencia 3,188 1,755 752

Lisbon Oporto 830 336

Pari 5 ttar sei 1 1 e tyon 2,188.9 878.7 418.5

Ista~bul Ankara !:air 4,871 3,195 1,969

Belgrade Zagreb Skopl j e 1 470 856 595

.O 6r.London Birminqhai~ 61a5qon 6,!00 1,000 BOO

56,4138

1.0 New York L.A.-L.B. Chicago 9,120 7,478 7,101

235,600

18

Table 2: Economic data for QECD countries

[Measures: I

Wedi terrawan Europe: GREECE 1979

1981 19E3 i3a4

55.0 I TALY 1?8 1 -84

1383 1984

54.9

SPAIN 1978 1981 12 1 984

58.0 t 985

PORTUGAL 1775

1994 50.6

CIdjoining countries: FRANCE 1??5

1962 1983 1984

53.1 TURKEY

1980 1983

1975-80

1971-83 1981 1352

1983

47.9

YUGOSLAVIA

38.5

Advanced countries U.E. i979-m

1983 1984 1995

1 C80 1994

1985

U s S . 4 . 1975-81

69.2

. 000

23,218

4 1573

23,330

17,773

113,544

3,503

20,816

10,411

4,095

15,577

30.0

11.6

16.7

23.6

60.7

per cent

28.6

33.4

32.2

33.9

16.0

$ curr.prices at factor per cent & exch~ates cost

41.4 i 6WPI 3,380

6,154 rr JJ. 1

18.5 20.2 6.4

5.4 32.1 7.6

4,192

51.1

42,5 1,905

(6NP 1 23.3 1,102

2,698

5,223 40.3 47.8 11.9

23,359 2.1 33.6 63.7 7,495

23,918 2.6 32,3 05.1

7.0 28.0 ?.O

9.2 40.2

4.8 35.2 6.9

19.5 28.5 4.1

15.0 37.1 9.4

n.a .

(Uneapi 1 {ENPI (6NP: 2.9 7.5 15,481 2.6 22.3 5.9

!#?,I59 3.1 28.0 bB.8

ENDTESl

19

Table 3 Urban population and primacy* i n Mediterranean Europe, 1961-1981

All c i t i e s over 1 million inhabitants as well as the three largest c i t i e s of each country are included below. Population, .OOO

City 1960/1 1970/1 1978/81

Athens 1.852,7 2.540,2 3 .027 ,3 Sa 1 on i ca 380,6 557,4 706,2

154,6 Pa t ra 126,O 143,O G R E E C E , primacy % 2 0 , 5 21 ,9 23 ,3

Rome 2 . 3 6 3 3 3.033,5 3.228,O Milan 2.531,8 3.200,6 3.344,O Nap1 es I . 905 ,O 2.140,O 2.284,9 Turin 1.351,4 1.775,6 1 .854 ,7 ITALY, primacy % 107 , l 105 ,5 103,6

Lisbon 1 .373 ,9 1 .674 ,5 2.300,O Oporto 835,7 928 ,3 1.200,o Coirnbra 106,4 110 ,2 140 ,O PORTUGAL, primacy % 6 0 , 8 55,4 52,2

Madrid 2.393,7 3.564,4 Barcelona 2.451,6 3 . 4 0 1 3 Valencia 769,7 1.056,7 SPAIN, primacy % 102,4 95 ,4

Ankara 713 , l 1.400,4 Istanbul 1.581,7 2.772,9 Izmir 568, l 904 , l T U R K E Y , primacy % 221,8 198,O

Bel grade 585,2 764 , l Zagreb 431 ,O 566,2 Skopje 1 9 7 , 3 313,O Y U G O S L A V I A , primacy % 73,6 74 , l

2 .242 ,9 4 . 6 5 6 3 1.276,4

207,6

-~ ~~~ ~~

Sources: adaDted by the a u t h o r f rom various tabulations o f the O E C D (1983) and the ?is.tional S ta t i s t ica l Service o f Greece.

* Primacy measured as % o f second c i ty population in relation t o the caDjtal c j ty.

20

Table 4 Employment s t ructure i n large Mediterranean c i t i e s , 1970/71

A 1 1 c i t i e s over 1 million inhabitants as well as the three largest c i t i e s of each country are included in the fo l lowing table. Columns 1-5 indicate composition % of the economically active population* by sector: 1 , primary sector; 2 , construction; 3 , industry; 4 , administra- t i o n , public and social services; 5 , res t of economic ac t iv i t i e s .

Econ. active Composition % of the econ. active population* popul , .ooo 1 2 3 4 5

City

Athens 868,3 0,88 11,23 32,98 15,15 39,76 Salonica, 185,8 2,71 10,78 34,31 11,84 40,36 Pa t ra 72,O 4,17 29,17 30,56 3 6 , l l

Rome 1.01 1,8 2,14 9,71 18,47 19,67 50,Ol Mi 1 an 1.296,3 0,71 5,89 51,22 3,83 38,35 Nap1 es 552,8 7,18 10,78 30,30 8,98 42,76 Turin 692,5 1,67 6,lO 56,19 4,04 33,50

Lisbon 693,6 3,39 8 ,93 25,48 27,17 35,03 Oporto 363,l 5,92 9,lO 40,36 18,58 26,04 Coinbra , 39,6 11,87 9 ,oo 25,31 28,29 25 ,54

Madrid 1.240,l 0,85 11,29 29,64 58,22 Barcelona 1 .286,4 1,54 10,66 48,92 38,88 Valencia 366,6 7,25 10,58 36,03 46 , I 4

Ankara 299,5 3 ,944 6,94 13,03 45,08. 31,Ol Istanbul 950 ,O 4,82 7,12 31,23 23,22 33,61 Izmir 188,7 4,65 8,54 27,97 24,14 34,69

Bel grade 350 ,O 0,72 46,73 21,76 30,79 Zagreb 266,8 0,99 55,96 17,80 25,25 Skopje 197,3 2,74 55,14 19,68 22,44

Sources: adapted by the a u t h o r from various tabulations of the O E C D (1983) and the National S t a t i s t i ca l Service of Greece; since errors were found (and corrected) for the case of Greece, t h i s table should be considered provisional fo r the r e s t of the countries.

* Only those who declared sector of employment are included here.

L-Leontidou 21

4 MEDXTEHRQNEAN UFcBfiN GEOGRAPHIES

Mediterranean Europe

. 4-1 Urban spatial patterns

The city centre in the Mediterranean concentrates symbolic a5 well as eccsnomic function5 and is inhabited by social classes w h c have the choice and rent-paying ability, A s a result, social. classes are distributed according to the Land-rent gradient, The bourgeoisie i .5 represented in the city-centre and the working class in the periphery, T h i s is the f amaus "inverse-Burgess" spatial pattern, A s it is also evident in third world cities, and seems to have persisted s i n c e preindustrial times, it has created evdutianary theories far the "preindustrial I' city, 5~1th as those by Sjoberg 419601 and Schnore (19651, which have been persisting and creating misinterpretations a d Athens or Rome, e . g , , a5 "preindustrial" cities (White 1984: 161) , The pattern has been attributed ta the legacy od the city walls, In many Mediterranean cities the fortifications separated the inner city from the suburbs and, along with them, the social classes in a very clear way, unlike in Britain and the new world (White 1984:27), For e x a m p l e , during the construction of fortifications in the ca5e 0.F

Barcelona in the 18th century, the inhabitants of the 1,350 hmt5e5 demolished to build a citadel became the nucleus of the f i r s t extramural settlement (Wynn 1979: 1€35-6), A s the city wall5 were gradually removed (dates i n White 1?84a:23: Barcelona 1854, Madrid iSb8, Bologna 1902, Paris 1926-321, the same social class distributions remained, T h i s , hawever, daes not apply to a l l cities, e,+ Athens, The popularity o-f t h e city centre is due to m a r e general c:ultural traditions.

In a l l Suuthern European cities, the middle-class districts radiate Brom the centre to a sector along the best areas or garden ~ u b i ~ r b ~ , initiated in 1920 in Rome (Regni s( Sennato, 1973: 922) and a little later in fithens (Leontidau Emmanuel 1985b1.. T h i s pattern is clear in Greek metropolitan cities. Similarly in Italy, social rank has been found to be highest in the old city centre of Home, slightly declining in the early 20th-century scrbtrrbs and becoming the lowerst in the most recent peripheral areas CMcElrath, 1?62:389-90, 5oCid area analysis) I In Turin, except the high-status central c i t y which has somewhat shrunken in size since Agnelli's (1975) desc~iptian in the interwar period (White: 1611, a peripheral hiqh-status district exists on the hills (Cribite 1984:161-5), In Venice, the social status of central districts increases rapidly because of. differential out-migration of the working classes CCa5ta et a1 , 1980:4041 I The same pattern e x i s t s in Spanish cities, In Barcelona, high status areas are just to the north of the crowded city centre, in the areas of the earliest 19th-century suburban expansion of the ensanche (White 1984:161,24; Serra 1986). In Madrid, central area5 and inner nineteenth-century suburbs have the highest housing values (Clbra- hamson eZ Johnson 1974:526-7; Gago Llorente 1979) I In Lisbon , various social classes live in the centre in close proximity but different subdistricts, but the current tendency i5 for an increase in t.he proportion of the middle classes (Gaspar 1976: 131-5) I

Mediterranean Europe

The proletariat fives in a l l sorts af areas, but with m o r e marked tancentrations in the urban periphery, The city-centre area i f 3 exemplified by the area around the Via Roma in Naples, Tras-tevere in Rome, or Sant Cugat d e l Rec in Barcelona (White 19€34:167), where artisans mostly cancentrate since the 19th century, They are increasingly rehoused through urban renewal programmes and creeping gentrification CFerras 1977b:193-4)- Peripheral shanty towns and grands ensembles, by contrast, which usually happen to be near industrial concentrations, are still grawing, as w e 5halL see in the followingm

In urban studies, decisively influenced by the American tradition, segregation is usually discussed with reference to ethnicity or migrant status rather than social c h 5 5 White 1984:12OL This is also true in Southern Europe, wbere the segreqatian of rural. m i g r a n t s is usually pointed out- Some ~esearchers lament the l a c k a+ ethnicity data in cities like Rome iWcElrath, 1962) and Madrid (Abrahamson et al , 1974:522) without questioning whether they would be relevant (White 1984:171), However, actually much migrant segregatian can be interpreted a5 ssocial class segregation (White s?84:91).

The bourgeoisie is the most strong1 y segregated social class. Unlike the case of the North and the USG, where working- class areas are the m o s t socially homogeneous, in Southern Europe it is the highest social classes who tend to cluster together and exclude other 5ocial grt)~p5~ Professianals coexist w i t h the self- employed in the city centre. In Naples the small traders and workshcnps form the econrzlmia del vicalo (the alley economy; Basta- no, 1976) , since suburban commercial centres are nan-existent. The self-employed mingle with other social. classes in a l l city centres (Costa et a1 - 1980; White 1984: 192) Otherwise, however, the bourgeaisie is the only highly segregated social clas5.

T h i s mixture of classes peculiar to Southern European sacial geographies, is due to alternatives to neiqhbourhood segregation, which are not m e t in Northern Europe and the USA White 1984: 156L The mo5t widespread one is vertical seqreqation, For example, in central Naples, with the exception of slum areas and modern hausing districts, the middle and working classes live tagether in vertical1 y segregated apartment bfocks, the middle classes on the first and second fluors (Dopp 1968:238). The 5 a m e is true in Athens, but here it is the working class and service labourersj, 5uch as the concierqes of apartment blocks, who occupy lower +lcc)rs, while the wealthier live an top floors and pent- hauses (Leontidsu Emmanuel 1981a>, This caresidence, however, becomes less frequent a5 older apartment b l o c k areas decay or n e w housing ceases to create the variety of dwelling-sizes necessary for vertical segregation, A more ra re alternative to neighbour- hood segregation, is segregation between the front and the back of residential buildings, This is encountered in areas where apartment b l o c k s have interior courts, such as Paris (Deneux 1981:55 in White:l56), and originates in nineteenth-century . architecture where large, light, airy and desirable dwellings overlooked the street and small, dark, airless H a t s overlooked back interior courts (Bob& Lichtenberger, 1966: 72-89 in ibid, 1

L. L e a n t i dau 23 Medi t e r r anean Europe

The m i x t u r e of social classes among t h e m s e l v e s and with economic a c t i v i t y , a5 w e l l as t h e r eve r se -Burgess s p a t i a l p a t t e r n , can be e x p l a i n e d also by t h e s t r a n g empfayrnent l i n k a g e i n t h e Med i t e r r anean . I n T u r i n , e , g . , i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n e x p l a i n s b o t h wark ing -c l a s s and b o u r g e o i s r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s (White: 164-5; a150 CrJarnes 1973)- The average j o u r n e y to w o r k i n f i thens i n I963 w a 5 +ound t o be o n l y 3.7 krn (Pappas & V i r i r a k i s 1972; Lean t idou Ernmanuel 198la: Chapter 6) J o u r n e y s to w o r k are k e p t &art f o r all social clafises, and often middle classes live i n t h e same building a5 t h e i r o f f i c e s and s t u d i o s . The three-hour l unch break t :hroughout Med i t e r r anean Europe a5 w e l l as F r a n c e compels p e o p l e t o l i v e near, so a5 to avoid prolonged journeys during the 4 r u s h h o u r s ,

4.2 A "dual" housina market

42,l The apartment b u i l d i n g

A g r a v e hous ing s h o r t a g e appea red i n S o u t h e r n Europe as a r e s u l t of t h e economic r e c e s s i o n of t h e 1930s and w a r t i m e d e s t r u - c t i o n - A f t e r t h e second wor ld w a r t h i 5 r e s u l t e d in o v e r b u i l d i n g and t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n of the m o n o l i t h i s apa r tmen t b lock . I n 50me case5 t h i s wals b u i l t i n the p e r i p h e r y a t l o w cost as a grand ensemble (Efarcelana) , I n m o 5 t cases, however, t h e p r i v a t e sectar was a r t c f i c i a l l y b o o s t e d t o p roduce i t in c e n t r a l areas, The p u p u l a r i t y of t h e c i t y c e n t r e e x a c e r b a t e d t h i s trend. Today, while s i n g l e - h ~ o u s e h o l d b u i l d i n g s p redomina te i n B r i t a i n , throughout Mestern Europe u rban l i f e is; a p a r t m e n t l i+e W h i t e 1984:48) - According to L i c h t e n b e r g e r (1970: 53-4; 197&:88-902 the a p a r t m e n t hause o r i g i n a t e d i n I t a l y and s p r e a d t o Western Europe f r o m t h e 16th century onwards v i a France and A u s t r i a , Medieval h o u s e s in Naples had h e n two-s to rey , but p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e s l e d t o tenement b l o c k s already in the 18th c e n t u r y (Dopp, 1968:139-43; L i c t e n b e r q e r , 1970:54), Throughout Med i t e r r anean Europe t a d a y t h e city is campact , w i t h h i g h d e n s i t i e s , Occupancy d e n s i t i e s are a lso higher t h a n in n o r t h e r n ci t ies, e x c e e d i n g 3 persons p e r r a o m (White 1984:53). I n t h e case c3-f I t a l y , peak p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s i n 1951 w e r e E125 p e r s o n s p e r h e c t a r e i n Naples , 348 i n T u r i n , 442 i n Venice , 6,981 i n R o m e , 607 in Palerrno, 791 i n Genoa (Dopp, 1968: 242)- I n Spain t h e a v e r a g e number of d w e l l i n g s i n a p a r t m e n t blocks of 5 d w e l l i n g s or more for large cit ies i n 1970 v a r i e d f r o m l L 6 X in1 S e v i l l e t o 15,7% i n Madrid (White 1984:48L F r e e - m a r k e t hous ing !starts amounted t o 74% in Madrid i n 1977, w i t h t h e pub1 icl y-supported sector much reduced fGago Llarente 1979: 11 1 1 Peak p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s i n Barce lona i n 1945 w e r e 1,361 perwns p e r h e c t a r e (Cl l ives Pu ig 1969:53-&

Apartment blocks are b u i l t i n t h e c o n t e x t of a f r agmen ted , u f t e n s p e c u l a t i v e , u rban market , During t h e pos twar p e r i o d t h e p r o d u c t i o n of housing is much m o r e piecemeal t h a n in Northen Eurape. Free-market c o n s t r u c t i o n of p r i v a t e l y r e n t e d p r o p e r t y is customary i n P o r t u g a l , S p a i n and Greece, The m a s t u s u a l c o n s t r u - ct ions are l o w - q u a l i t y m u l t i - s t o r e y apa r tmen t b u i l d i n g s . The d e c l i n e of b u i l d i n g s t a n d a r d s means t h a t large proportions of

LLeontidou 24 Mediterranean Europe

recently-built housing are already in need of repair and, in many cases, replacement, Increasing obsolescence a k a s t e m s from t h e sy5tem of rent control, amounting sometimes (for e x a m p l e , in Portugal) to a total freeze, which obviausly discourages owners - +ram financing improvements {Gaspar 1984:226), Government policy in Spain recently eased the possibilities of financial institu- t i a n 5 lending +or hause pur-hase (King 19711, but a recent study - af n e w building for sa le found t h a t a large deposit and mortgage period w a 5 required (Gago Llorente 197% 125). In Barcelona new housing provision is lopsided, and de luxe housing stands empty while the poor inhabit shanty-towns and marginalized properties +or lack of access to the nurmal market (Ginaternpa et a l l 19771,

4 . 2 2 The self-built sector

In f a c t , the ho~tsing market is dual - and not because a+ any large-scale public sector, On the contrary, public participation in hausebuilding has declined in all four countriesm In Portugal, the public sector used to build 10X a+ the n e w stack during the 19705, but the percentage dropped during the 1980s. In Italy during the fascist period, government palicy supported the construction of middle-income housinq through the allocation of grants to the public housing authorities (as in Greece during the dictatorship, see Leontidou Ernmanuel 1981a)- The s h a r e of housing directly built by the public sector in Italy fell from an annual average of 1BX in the early 1950s to less than 3% in the 1970s (Ceccarelli 19811. Spain experienced a marked decrease in the - hausing shortage since 1961 fram 1 million t o 300-600,UOO dwellings {Gaspar 1984:226). This h a s been mainly due to extensive building activity in the 1961-67 p e r i o d (Santillana 1980) I) Public -

sectw participation decreased sharply from 8-1 to 4 3 % in 1973-6 (Gaspar 1904: 127) In Barcelona the supply of n e w public-sector housing h a s not kept pace with the need to absorb population from the cleared squatter settlements (Ferras 1977aS70-7) ,

A large self-built sector exists between the commercial and the public one and farms the second part of a dual housing market (Emmanuel 19811- This makes home awnership quite widespread in Mediterranean cities, In a study of t w o districts in Barcelona, no meaningful relationship w a s found between home ownership and occupation (Lowder, 1980:29-301. In Venice high status w a s not related w i t h type of tenure nor with housing age, but with housing s i z e and amenities (Lando, 1978: Costa et a1.,1980: 400-1)- In Mestre, the industrial satellite of Venice, by c a n t r a s t , 5oCidl status related with tenure: middle classes tended to rent in the centre rather than a w n in the periphery ( Z a n e t t o & Lande, lC380:246). In Greece urban hameownership is widespread among all social classes (Leontidou Emmanuel 1901a)-

sett 1 ements, A large part of the self-built sector consists of illegal I

L,Leontidou 25 Medi t e r r anean Europe

4 - 3 Medi t e r r anean i l l e q a l s e t t l e m e n t s

S q u a t t i n g and illegal b u i l d i n g are by no means unknown i n Nor the rn Europe and America, b u t t h e y have been s h o r t - l i v e d - S h a n t y towns appea red i n t h e p e r i p h e r y of: b o t h German and Swedish towns in the l a t e 19th c e n t u r y d u r i n g p e r i o d s of r a p i d u r b a n i r a - t im (Nietharnmer e t a1 1978: 125-7) I I n Landon, Amsterdam and West B e r l i n , . squa t t ing has o c c u r r e d i n t h e inner city i n t h e f o r m ai: i l l e g s l o c c u p a t i o n of p r o p e r t y a w a i t i n g redevelopment .

I n S a u t h e r n Eurape , by c o n t r a s t , i l legal b u i l d i n g is widesp read arid p e r i p h e r a l shantytowns are almost a s y s t e m a t i c o c c u r r e n c e , t iousing problems are m o s t severe i n P o r t u g a l , f o l - lowed by Greece, t ~ ~ h i l e S p a i n and I t a l y are i n r e l a t i v e l y s t r o n g e r p a s i t i a n s CGaspar 1984:225, S a n t i l l a n a 1980, Ceccarelli 1981, Papayann i s 1981) , Slums a n l y e x i s t i n P o r t u g a l w h i l e c o n t r o l o v e r i l l e g a l development is most e f + i c i e n t i n S p a i n and I t a l y G a s p a r 1984:231). The w o r k e r s have l i v e d i n c e n t r a l 5 l U m 5 as in their n o r t h e r n c o u n t e r p a r t s , but the predominant p l a c e s o-f resi- d e n c e w e r e p e r i p h e r a l , C e n t r a l slums are p r e s e n t t h r o u g h o u t t h e world, b u t 1.ess i m p o r t a n t i n t h e Med i t e r r anean , as evidence s u g g e s t s m P e r i p h e r a l s e t t l e m e n t s w e r e still growing in the 1970~~

I l l e g a l s e t t l e m e n t s i n Med i t e r r anean citie5 have been often a t t r i b u t e d t o lack of p l a n n i n g . In f a c t , p l a n n i n g f a d e d as the history 09 the Medi t e r r anean proceeded , B u i f d i n q c o n t r o l r e g u l a - tims w e r e e x t r e m e l y common d u r i n g t h e medieval p e r i o d . Expro- p r i a t o r y powers were irsed f o r a v a r i e t y a$ purposes , Duping the 2 0 t h c e n t u r y p l a n n i n g c o n d i t i o n s range f rom t h e mun ic ipa l rsocial- i s m af Bofmgna t o t h e f r ee -marke t farces left u n c h a l l e n g e d i n t h e cities of Portugal and Greece !Wynn ed 1984aL I t is these cit ies which shaw t h e h i g h e s t i n c i d e n c e of i l l e g a l b u i l d i n g .

The scarcity of s u p p l y of urban l a n d is s a i d t o f u r t h e r s p e c u l a t i o n and t o be o n e of the causes of growth of i l l e g a l m a r k e t s i n land and housing (Romanas 1970; B e r l i n g u e r Sr D e l l a Seta 1976; W i l l i a m s 1981)- Each c o u n t r y p r e s e n t s some p a r t i c u l a - r i t ies , as d i ~ i c u s s e d i n the f a l l o w i n g ,

4.3-1 Spain

V i s i endas marqi nabs appear i n every 1 arge Spani s h ci ty =

Shan ty town hniisseholds are e s t i m a t e d at 1 . 1 X in Madrid ( u n o f f i - c i a l l y e s t ima t -ed at 3 , 9 % ) , 1,4% i n Malaga, Z,6% i n S e v i l l e (Fer - ras 1977a; Montes Mieza et al 1976). I n 1973 i n Madrid an estima- t e d 128,000 l i v e d i n a v a r i e t y of t y p e s of: i l l e g a l hous ing (Mon- tes Mieza et a1 1976:161), H a l f of t h e h o u s e h o l d s w e r e t e n a n t s , I n a u t e r suburban areas of s q u a t t i n g and i l l ega l hous ing i n Madrid r e c e n t m i g r a n t s and g y p s i e s are over-represented (survey i n Montes M i e z a et al, 1976: M Z - Z d , w h i l e s o u t h e r n m i g r a n t s t e n d to cancentrat.e on the s o u t h e r n p a r t of Madrid (Salcedo 1977b: 532) ,

I n Barce lona p r o l e t a r i a n hous ing is l a r g e l y p e r i p b e r a l , either i n shantytowns or i n the g r a n d 5 ensembles t h a t have r e p l a c e d them, Only f o r s i n g l e m i g r a n t s have i n n e r - c i t y l o c a t i o n s been of major i m p o r t a n c e ( F e r r a s 1978: 182-3) , C e n t r a l s l u m s have

26 Medi t e r r anean Europe

been b a s i c a l l y open o n l y to s i n g l e m a l e i n -mig ran t s , i n areas where a process of “ i n v a s i o n and s u c c e s s i o n ” might be operative ( O l i v e s Puiq 19692, though u p p e r - c l a s s groups seem t o have been r e p l a c e d r a t h e r t h a n d i s p l a c e d , S q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s or s h a n t y town5, by c o n t r a s t , have been m # r e a t t r a c t i v e t o m i g r a n t s accompanied by t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and t o t h e working class m o r e gene-

P e r i p h e r a l i l l e g a l hous ing i n B a r c e l o n a d a t e s back t o t h e 1 9 2 0 ~ ~ and by 1927 t he re , w e r e some 6,500 b a r r a c a s i n t h e c i t y (Lcwder W 8 0 : 6 ) . In t h e pos twar p e r i o d mass ive immigra t ion led to t h e r a p i d e x p a n s i o n of t h e c i t y (Naylon 1’381L P l a n n i n g a t t e m p t s w e r e t h w a r t e d by fears af t h e c e n t r a l government of encourag ing C a t a l a n n a t i o n a l i s m , New s e t t l e m e n t s mushraomed i n t h e p e r i p h e r y of barcrelana, p o o r l y serviced and b a d l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the larger urban sys tem, I n t h e 1950s 15,000 s h a n t i e s e x i s t e d , hausing n e a r l y 78,Q00 p e o p l e CFerras 1?77a:26&), The m o s t e n d u r i n g illegal h o u s i n g areas have l a i n on t h e Mont ju i c h i l l j u s t t o t h e south of t h e c i t y - c e n t r e fFerras 1977a:255-6) , a l o n g t h e coast narth af the c i t y , and i n i n l a n d areas t o t h e n o r t h where v a c a n t l a n d close t o i n d u s t r i e s has been a v a i l a b l e (Martinez-Mari 1966: 545-&). O f t h e s e s h a n t y zone5 , t h a t of Montjuic is t h e o l d e s t and h a s h~usecf a s t a b l e p o p u l a t i o n o r i g i n a l l y of Murcian migrants . b u t mare recently c o n s i s t i n g of the Barcelona-barn d e s c e n d a n t s of the o r i g i n a l movers. The o t h e r areas, still of a c t i v e shanty growth i n the 1?6Us, prov ided s h e l t e r +or the first l a r g e waves of A n d a l u s i a n s (White W84:87) .I

The papit lat ian 0.F s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s w a s i n c r e a s i n g in t h e 19605, and t h e i r s u r r o u n d i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s w e r e unde rgo ing p r a l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n (Martinez-Mari I%&:Ei43) , S t i l l in the 1970s, m u n i c i p a f i t i e s n e a r t h e n u r t h e r n coast of B a r c e l o n a have s e e n r a p i d i n - m i g r a t i o n , and p e r i p h e r a l s h a n t y towns and worker hau5ing blocks t h e r e h a v e r ep roduced c o n d i t i o n s i n Barce lona (Naylcm 1981:245; Sola-Morales Rubio 1970: 178). P e r i p h e r a l s h a n t y t o w n s do n o t appear t o be t r a n s i t o r y p l a c e s of r e s i d e n c e for m i g r a n t f a m i l i e s , b u t d i s p l a y a goad d e a l of c o m p o s i t i o n a l s t a b i l i t y , Ferras C1977a:251-2, 263-4) r e p o r t s an s h a n t i e s i n Barce lona where 1 9 X oQ: t h e r e s i d e n t s had been p r e s e n t +or o v e r 20 y e a r s - Many bad a r r i v e d a5 u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s and had improved the i r o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s , In the case o-f Madrid, 50% of t h e househa ld heads i n the i f l e g a l s e t t l e m e n t areas i n 1971 had been t h e r e 901- 12 or more years (Montes Mieza et a l , 1976: 17s“) ,

I n r e c e n t years p u b l i c 1 y-f i n a n c e d work ing-c l a s s hous ing has replaced s e v e ~ a l shantytowns , but t h e r e are a lways some remain- i n g s q u a t t e r areas f o r recent m i q r a n t s (Ferras 1977b: 194) , A f t e r 5uch rehousing, the p e r c e n t a g e o# s h a n t y d w e l l e r s i n Barce lona dropped t o 1% to ta l hour;eholds by 1970 (White 1984:46), In t h e case uf Madrid, the a u t h o r i t i e s t r i e d to assimilate shan ty towns by p r o v i d i n g b a s i c amen i t . i e s , but t h e r e have also been p e r i o d i c d r i v e s for t h e i r d e m o l i t i o n , though r e p l a c e m e n t is costly, I n Barcelona, by contrast, s h a n t y t o w n s w e r e s u c c e s ~ f u l l y e l i m i n a t e d , b u t actually s u b s t a n d a r d d w e l l i n g s r e p l a c e d them w i t h ba r raqu i smo v e r t i c a l , huge a p a r t m e n t blocks w i t h minimal s e r v i c e s (Naylon 1981: 245) ,

r a l l y .

L-Leontidou 27 i'ltedi terranean Europe

4-3-2 Italy

A case study of Turin showed the residential patterns of migrants to be the inverse from tho5e of Barcelona, A s in the latter, migrants from the South in the 1950s settled in two types af al-eas: the city c e n t r e , and t h e periphery. In the farmer, they displaced morzp upper class populations (Adamo 1969:41) altbough even in the late 1950s the real bourgeois core a t the sauthwest had been scarcely a9f ected (Gabert 1958: 42) .I The peripheral ex-villages O ~ F the outer fringe, however, where housing rent w a 5 cheaper, housed transient migrants aspiring t u move into the c i ty itself (Adam5 19c39; Garbagnati 196ZI.

06ficial and unofficial estimates vary for the rest of t h e Italian cities, but barghetti are usual in Rame, and squatting in disused buildings i 5 almost institutionalized in Naples (Dopp 1968:157-9), Messina, Sicily was rebuilt after the 1908 earth- quake and the 1945 bombing with baurgeais dwellings in the centre and barrache (shantytowns) in the periphery, perpetuated for many years (Ginatempa et a1 19??:166; Ioli Gigante 1 9 B O : l S t i L PZany of the minimal-standard dwellings w e r e built by the authorities (as in refugee Greece), and in t h e early 1970s 14X of the city's residents lived there (Ginatempa et a1 1977: 1151 I Workers' hausing was also provided l a t e r , but shanty towns p e r s i s t e d . f4 1973 survey in Messina showed that only 5 out of 100 shanty-town families bad arrived within the last 5 years (Ginatempo et ale 1977: 1191 .)

Internal migration brought about the rapid expansion of Lisbon and Clpcrto, creating a "ho~t~iing crisis" - overcrowding in the inner cit.y and shanty towns on the periphery (Gaspar 1984: 222; Lewis & Williams W 8 4 b 1 The present housing shortage in Portugal is estimated at about half a million dwellings, of which 40,000 correl-ipond to the need to replace shanties which have increased recently, particularly around Li~ibon. Illegal building in the last decade represents nearly 20% of the total housing stork (Gaspar 1984: 226,) I

The bairr'os clandestinos, shanty towns around Lisbon, are constructed by perishable materials such as cardboard and carru- gated iron, However, there is also a number of substantial mason- r y properties built without permits (Lewis et a1 1984b1, However, the majority of dwellers (about 6000 households) inhabit shanties. Official estimates indicate that in 1970 they involved SI?% 0-f total households or 6,4% of: the urban population in Lisbon, but only -2% and - 1 X respectively in Oporto (Ferras 1977a; Montes Mieza et al 1976),

Their existence is most o-ften attributed to the exclusi- veness of private building and the small amount (5% of comple- tions each year) of public housing (Salgueiro, 1977). A s in all Mediterranean cities, there is a dual housing market in Lisbon,

t, Leon t i dou 28 M e d i t e r r a n e a n Europe

4-3-4 Greek " a r b i t r a r y " s e t t l e m e n t s

This i 5 t h e l i teral t r a n s l a t i a n of t h e G r e e k word f o r s q u a t t i n g and p i r a t e s u b d i v i s i o n s : a f t h e r e t a . They h a v e a v e r y l o n g h i s t o r y , g o i n g back to t h e 1 9 t h c e n t u r y when A t h e n s w a s d e c l a r e d t h e c a p i t a l of Greece, nuring the p a s t w a r p e r i a d the number of i 11 egal hou5i ng w a 5 i m p r e s s 1 v e , C a l cul ati on5 i n v a r i o u s a l t e r n a t i v e ways lead t o the conclusion t h a t p e o p l e w h o housed t h e m s e l v e s i l l e g a l l y i n the f i r s t place w e r e about 450-500,QQO or between 32% and 35 X of t h e p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e OS Greater Athens between 1940-71 (1,416,000 people; see L e o n t i d o u Emmanuef 19Bf .a: 217) I Cansequen t " l e g a l i z a t i o n s " r e d u c e d t h e i r number t o 40,000 people ar 3,63% of the urban p o p u l a t i o n by 1971 ( i b i d . 1

4.3.5 France

I t i 5 w o r t h w h i l e t o r e f e r to s q u a t t i n g a r o u n d P a r i s , since i t is comparable w i t h t h a t i n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n , t h o u g h e t h n i c segregation is much m o r e acute here, Foreign i m m i g r a n t s have b u i l t b i d o n v i l l e s aruund Paris s i n c e the per iod of the rag- pick;ers i n t h e 19th c e n t u r y (Fsure 1978 i n White:451, and the r e s i d e n t s 04 the P a r i s i a n f o r t i e f i c a t i o n belt i n t h e early 20th c e n t u r y CkJhite:25-6, 455 More r e c e n t l y , however , t h e b i d o n v i l l e s are p o p u l a t e d by Nor th A f r i c a n s . T h e i r g rowth a r o u n d the major French c i t i e s w a s a f e a t u r e of the 1?50s and e s p e c i a l l y af t h e m a s s i v e i n f l u x of North A f r i c a n labour i n t h e 1960s (White: 1161 There is a tendency f a r s i n g l e male m i g r a n t s to move t o c e n t r a l s l u m s and f a r f a m i l i e s on t h e p e r i p h e r a l s h a n t y towns and public h a u s i n g , a5 i n Barcelona and A t h e n s (Mhite: 130). B i d o n v i l l e s w e r e t h e r e f a r e p l a c e s of residence of f a m i l i e s , CSccarding t o a de- t a i l e d s t u d y i n t h e s u b u r b s of P a r i s ( E l Gharbaoui 19711, t h e commune o-f Nanterre had 1 3 b i d o n v i l l e s h a u s i n g 8,180 p e o p l e i n 1970 (32% a4 t h e total i m m i g r a n t s and 9% of t h e popula t ion) , af whom 59% i n + a m i l y g r o u p s .

By the later 1970s t h e b i d a n v i l l e s had been r e d u c e d , slowly resarped i n t o "normal" h o u s i n g a-fter a 1954 l a w , Foyers and cites de t r a n s i t w e r e designed f o r t h e t e m p o r a r y r e h a u s i n g o+ t h e s e p o p u l a t i o n s , b u t a s t u d y i n t h e western s u b u r b s of Paris i n t h e mid-1970s showed t h a t f a m i l i e s had l i v e d there since I761 (Gokalp & Lamy 1977:63). The p e r i p h e r a l qrands e n s e m b l e s are n o t p a p u l a r w i t h t h e m i g r a n t s , S t i l l , r e h o u s i n g p r o c e e d e d , E i d a n v i l l e s i n Lyan were e l i m i n a t e d ( P o i n a r d 1972), a5 well as those i n Bor- deaux , e x c e p t ane h a u s i n g 3,600 g y p s i e s (Barde et a l . , 1978: 48) - I n Marseille, by c o n t r a s t , t h e b i d o n v i l l e p o p u l a t i o n r ema ined a t 15,QCrO i n 1973 (Dulhac et a l , c i t e d by White 1 9 8 4 : 1 1 8 ) ,

Paris approaches M e d i t e r r a n e a n u r b a n p a t t e r n s in a n o t h e r respect as well, The l o w e s t m i d d l e class w i t h some e l e m e n t s of t h e upper working class c r e a t e d a s u b u r b a n slum (Evenson 197% 226-31) a5 -Follows, Suburban land w a s bought up by speculators who d i v i d e d i t up i n t o small p l o t s and sald it. P u r c h a s e r s c o u l d n a t a f f a r d t a employ a b u i l d e r , w i t h s e l f - h e l p c o n s t r u c t i o n c i r - cumven t ing b u i l d i n g and p l a n n i n g c o n t r o l s as a r e s u l t . No p u b l i c

L. Leont i dau 29 Mediterranean Europe

services w e r E laid in these areas? and suburban s l u m s similar with bidanvilles emerged.

.

L, Leontidou 30 Medi tcrranean Eurape

5 MEDITERRANEAN URbGN PROCESSES

The investigation af stages of: urban growth (as outlined in van den Berg et a1,,1?82, and summarized by UN, 1983, 331-3) has recently much -focused cm the process of disurbanization or roun- terurbanization. The praces5 w a s first ob5erved in American cities (Ber ry ( e d ) 1976; Bradbury et al. 1982? , Hall et al, (19801 have expressed scepticism about the similarity with Western Europe, Still, patterns change toward this model, as camparative studies have 5hawn, European cities are undergoing population decline, By the late 19705, among t h e larger cities only those of Southern Europe w e r e experiencing population increase: Lisbon, Madrid, Barcelona, Eilbao, Athens, Salanica, Marseille, Taulcuse, Rome, Palerrno (White 1984:57). A claser examination, however, indicates a radical change a+ patterns since the 1970s.

c LJ- 1 Diffuse industrialization and depolarization

There are signs af overall industrial decline in France, Spain, Ita1;J and Portugal (Hudson & Lewis,l?85: 12). To a degree, this cclincides with a trend toward a "tertiarization of society" (Lipietz, lPBO), T h i s averall process seems to have affected the cities and the provinces; in inverse Wi3rYSm The large cities have su-Efered industrial decline, while the provinces w e r e revital- ized, There w a s a twofold pracess, On t h e one hand, private and p u b l i c investments have shifted to rural areas and small. towns, producing the t h e pattern of diffuse industrialization, On the other hand, 5 ~ m e basic industries located in metropolitan areas declined: t h e autctrnobile indust ry i n Torino, shipbuilding and repair in Lisbon (Gaspar 19€34:224), and building industries in Athens-

T h i s canstitutes a n e w trend in Mediterranean Europe. Until the f96Q5, industrialization wa5 related with fast urban growth, increased the development/ underdevelopment dichotomy, and created a shift of labaur f r o m backward to advanced regions and sectat-s. In the case of Greece during the t w a first postwar decades, industry w a 5 attracted to the most urbanized regions because it was demand-led and market-oriented, characterized by cansumption goods sectors CLeontidou 1983) I ) Simi lar ly in Italy d u r i n g the 19505 and 19605, industrial structure w a s based on the use of ever-increasing amaunts of labour force and t h e large- scale economies embodied in large plants: it w a s therefore concentrated in space and increased regional disequilibria (Garo- +a3i 1984). Throughout the Mediterranean world the 1950s; and 19bOs have been the p e r i o d of concentration: emigration, urbani- z a t i o n , and industrial structure led to virtual rural depopula- tion and rapid urban growth - in other words, to regional polarization, This pattern, which by the late 1960s received alarming dimensions, is more or less .familiar. Recently, however, a pro- ce55 f a r its reversal seems to be under w a y .

In the case of Greece, since the mid-1970s a 5et of economic and political -factors w e r e found ta operate toward industrial and urban decentralization and deconcentration in Athens and Salanica

L, Leant i dau 31 Mediterranean Eurape

.

(Leontidou 1986~)- Industrial employment stabilized and a trend toward "quarteTnaTiZation" began (Leontidou 190&a) ., The decline of manu-Facturing employment hit especially the traditional industrial a x i s between Athens and Piraeus (Leantidou, IP83) -

Industrial ~itagnatian and deconcentratian is a novel fact in t b e urban history of Athens and Salonica, but s e e m s to belonq in a more general pattern in the Mediterranean. The clearest case of deindu5trialization and the transition toward a new regional structure i 5 Italy, the most developed of the countries considered- Here the old development pattern broke down a5 a con- sequence of warkinq-class struggle at the end of the 19605, and an alternative pattern ha5 been emerging, where regional d i s - equilibria no longer increase (Garofali 1978) .) During the recent years ob: the E ! c o n i J m i t cris is , deindustrialization did not affect the whole tutdrttry, but only the m o 5 t developed areas, especially the metrapolit.an o n e s , Consequently it w a 5 followed by a process a+ disurbanization, especially in the North, and the expansion of tert i at-y act i v i ti e5 .I

The "ecariomic miracle" in both I t a l y and Greece w a s , then, accompanied by urbanization and the territorial concentration of praduction: this pattern is now replaced by a process of decen- tralizatian. In France, the n e w regional pattern ha5 been usually attributed to powerful actors, such as the State and large capital I The sigrrif icance of industrial restructuring is stressed by Lipietz CIS851 w h i l e State intervention appears in studies o? t h e impact of regional policy. In the case of Greece policies f o r industrial decentralization have been adopted in accordance with t h e needs of industrial capital restructuring and the relevant caordination o+ the regional supply of Labour ra ther than any sacial qaals. Their r o l e in reversing the regicrrnal pattern was praSound and e-ffective. Greece is a case where the State and large capital cooperated in initiating the new decentralization trend (Leanticlou, 1983) ,

However, the "sjuccess" of State policy in producing a new regional pattern can be overestimated. The Italian example is the clearest, Since the period of the establishment of the Cassa per i f Mezzogiarnu, government activity w a s considerable in Italy., Qespite i t s major #++arts +or the provision of public service in-frastructure, land reclarnatian and reform schemes i n the 1950s and its industrial incentives in t h e 19605, however, the Cassa did not much influence the direction of urbanization. Other rigorcur3 economic processes of industrial restructuring would later reverse the pattern. Capital restructuring in Italy occurred after the "hot autumn" of 1969, T h e decentralized regional pattern wa5 sought by large firms (including Fiat and Benetton) i n t e r e s t e d in a non-unionized and flexible labour force with a lo,wer cost of repraduction, and smaller factories, easier to govern (Garofoli, ed,, 1978). The n e w strategies w e r e also dictated by the crisis in the metropolitan areas, A s diseconomies accumulated, b e t t e r exploitation of social fixed cap i ta l w a s sought in small and medium-sired towns, while metropolitan dis- eco~ornies in areas of excessive urban rents, cungestian and con- +lict w e r e avoided by firms (Garofoli, 1984), Provincial towns were pr-eSerred for t h e i r flexible, law-paid labour force and land

I.--Leuntidou 32 Mediterranean Europe

w i t h low prices +or industrial establishments, In the case of Italy the new regional pattern can be t h u s attributed to industrial restructuring.

The existence CIS an informal sector exacerbated t h e trend far decentralized local development, especially during the recent year5 a+ the economic crisis. The informal economy assumed a new role in provincial Italy (Garofoli , 1984) and Greece (Leontidcu, 198Aa,b). Small-scale production has been developing a5 a prime farce o-F regional revitalization, The alternative decentralized pattern emerges bene9itting + r a m the existence of small firms and 5aciaI strata w h o combine seasonal work in agriculture, tourismT and indurstry in provincial area5-

Polarization and marginalization - attributes af the Latin A m e r i c a n pattern as well - have been succeeded by informalization and gc-awth even during the economic crisis. Tbis led to a process of dif+use development and the depolarizatian of 5ociety. It has been even claimed that t h e treble, rather than dual, structure of economy and saciety should be stressed, L e , the rising role a+ intermediate or peripheral sector5 and r~ ig ions, a5 opposed to centra l vsj marginal ones.

i ncl ude flexibility of labaur markets typical of small tawn5, new techndagies rsitited +or small plants, and the collapse of the mass-production and standard goods markets and of megastructures because of the i r excessive rigidity (Garofoli 1984). The most important factor conducive to depolarization is spantanemis in+ormalization, a specifically Mediterranean phenamenon, r e l a t e d with economic as well a5 cultural particularities. I R most a+ - these countries the informal economy and return migration exacerbated the trend toward regional revital izatim, Such "endogenou5" proce~3~1cc, a+ lacal development become increasingly important and - "ex0genou5" conditions of peripheral fardisrn, which have been stressed in a n a l y s i s until today, behave only as catalysts in promoting autunomous decentralized develapment (Garofol i 1904) .I

Deindustrializaticn af+ects the largest cities throughout Eurape Ce-q. Ma5550y, 19841, but the process of informalization is qualitatively different in the Mediterranean, Studies o-f diffuse industrialization are too recent to permit generalizations: t h e y are just beginning in Greece, are recent in Spain (Vasquez Bar- quera 19833, and more developed in I t a l y (Pini 1976: Bagnasca 1977, 1981; Garofali 1978, 1984; Fua 19801. The fragility of the economic ba5e of metropolitan cities is due partly to their specialization in economic sectors depending an demand f r o m the wealthier countries, and partly to the strong competition by newly industrializing countries (Gaspar 1984:225),

Factors f aci 1 i tat i ng terri tor i al "val or i z at i on"

c a.2 Counterurbanizatian in the Mediterranean?

The metropolitan areas of Mediterranean cities have shown more vitality than those of the rest of Europe- In Northern Eurape population decline in larger cities started earlier, and - is currently the n o r m (Ogden 1985L By contrast, the largest Southern European cities still experienced notable growth in the

TT

L . ieont i d o u 3 3 Mediterranean Europe

19705. Despite this aggregate observation, however, there are indications of a reversal OQ urbanization trends in Mediterranean Europe- The rate5 of qrawth of all metropolitan areas were recently l o w e r than those of the 1960s (Gaspar 1984:213), The exceptim here is Partugal, The duminance of Lisbon and Oporto can still n o t be c h a l l e n g e d by any city, and in 1981 this dominance aver thE? urban hierarchy has been strengthened <Williams, 19841, The population of the rest o+ the Mediterranean metropoli- tzn regions, however, stabilizes more or less, The trend toward regional imbal.ance tends to slow down after the mid-13705, e s p e - cially in I t a l y and Spain, The power of attraction o f larger citie5 h a s decreased,

Rt the s a m e time, an unexpected revitalization of t h e old decaying towns; seems to be under way, fin o l d , all-european pattern, the "stage" city between t w o important capitals , the middle-sized regional or provincial capital, revives (Giner, 1986) I Qlthough the growth of smaller towns has not yet surpassed tha t of larger- cities, it seems that metropolitan dualism and regional p o l a r i z a t i o n - a pattern prevalent throughout the 2 0 t h century - is undermined during the last decade,

In the ca5e OS I t a l y intense migration to the North in the 1950s and 19605 gave way to stability in the 1970s (Gaspar 1984: 213) 5 even the Mezzogiorno w a s transformed from a rural ta an urban, w even industrial society CGarofoli, ed, ,1970) .)

Similar ~~rocessses can be observed in Portugal (Gaspar 1981) . In Spain during the 297Qs, while traditional migration flows

continued, art impartant change occurred: growth in t h e m a j o r cities s t a r t e d to slow down whereas the populations of medium sired c i t i e s began t:a stabilize or even grow ( k a n a 1979; F'onsetti- Eosch 1981)- Diffuse urbanization can be found i n Valencia, Murci a and A 1 i cante amung others (Gaspar 1964: 231 1 ,

In the case of Greece, regional inequalities were gradually reduced a+ter the mid-1960s (Leantidau Emmanuel 1981a: Chapter 5: Drewett et a1 19952, Differences amonq various estimates af regional income are mostly due to the area taken as "Athens;", and the nature of income considered, On the basis of the per capita income od the poorest Greek region (Epi1-05 = 1001, the relative income of: Athens rase from 245 in 1954 to 291 in 1958 and t h e n fell to 148 in 19&0 and 139 in 1972, In relatian to the national average (Greece = IUO), the athens relative income fell + r a m 163 in 1961 tu I53 in 1971, and f r o m 143.3 in 1970 to 12L55 in 1974, Monthly expenditures and earnings in kind per capita in Greece outside Otheris amounted to 2 7 - U af the corresponding expenditures in Greater Athens in 1964, but rose to 6 3 2 % by 1974- If comparisons with later periods were possible, regional equaliza- tion would appear even more dramatic [Leontidou Emmanuel 1981bL

These recent trends in Southern Europe have p a r a l l e l s i n more advanced ecanemies. Their causes, however, are didferent. Financial pressures on the metropolitan areas and the redirection OS: public investment to the provinces have been quite important . Deindustrialization h a s been a prime f o rce in the process of dif.fuse urbanization, The in-formal sector, tourism, and international labour migrations have also played a major role, Gaspar (1984: 212) stresses the convergence of two interrelated pheno-

L, Lecrnti dou 34 Mediterranean Europe

mena in the explanation of the new pioiess: the reduction of internal and external migratory f l o w s , and the pattern of a spatially diffuse industrialization based on small and medium sized enterp~ises -Frequently located in rural areasm Other factors include the rate of: financial transfers to less develaped r e g i ~ n s ( p e n s i o n s , unemployment pay, emigrant remittances> the spread of tourism, and the development a# negative externalities in large cities.

PtPtrhough the behaviour of the returnees has nat been inve- stigated adequately, it is evident that the growth oC cities h a 5 been already affected by international conditions which curbed emigration after 1973 (Hud5;on & Lewis 1985:22), In Portugal the dominant pattern has been label led "rural ization" {Gaspar 1984: 209): the returrrees settle in their rural areas o+ origin Cwith 5 0 m e exceptians preferring urban centres (Boura et al, 1984)- By cantr-a~t, they seem t o prefer towns or cities rather than their viHagEs 08 origin in a l l ather cases - especially Greece, but also Spain and Italy- Unger (1983) reported a surprisingly high p e r c e n t a g e of returnees established in Athens rather than their birthplace, unlike the case of Portugal (Hudson Lewis 1985:25L Immiqratian toward Southern Europe, an the other hand, is also relatively neglected by researchers, North CIfrican migrants increase in Italy'5 major urban areas, and Greece, Spain and Fartu- gal are al5a importers (as well a5 exporters) of: labour Sop-cit,: 23)- In view a+ s~rch tendencies, the universality of the trend toward difSuse urbanization remains an open question, The evalua- tion af the in+luence a-f diffuse industrializatian processes on the urban sys tem ha5 not been undertaken yet in a systematic manner, 'True, w e are dealing with a sort of counterurbanization, but it would be wrong to adopt a "convergence" theory expecting a repetition af Western European experience in this respect-

Large-scale urban development in the Mediterranean now b e l o n g s to history. The idea of new towns and growth p a l e 5 w a s abandoned- The newest venture, the Sines project in Portugal, w a s apparent1 y a failure (Gaspar 1984) The deepening economic and financial crisis in the country ha5 contributed to the return of shanty development, especially in Lisbon, and an increase of the "black" economy. Metropolitan cities will stagnate or decline, especially in Spain and Italy, while the important regional role of Athens in the eastern Mediterranean may jeapardize attempts tu control its growth. At the same time, same small centres will continue to attract small and medium-sized industrial units, pronating caunterurbanization or dif+u53e urbanization (Gaspar 1984: 232)

Through such pracesses, the city/ country dichotomy in Mediterranean cultures if; modified, and the process of inforrnal- izaticm is accompanied by cultural changes, In Italy a sort of "neclocalism" emerges an the political as well a5 economic Level, "Territorial social +armationd' appear, centred in intermediate towns (Garo-fali , 1984) I &s Giner (1986) points out, perh hap^ I t a l y is becoming again what it w a s in the past, to the wonder and fascinatian of a l l , i l paese delle cento citta",

L - Leant i dou 35 Mediterranean Europe

5, 3 Urban deconcentrati on

r

cls the larger cities cearse to be m a j o r p o l e s of attraction, their surrounding regions have been growing, Except di++use urbanization and aut-migration, middle-class suburbanization is transforming the character af Mediterranean urban geographies and soci et i e5 ,

Population decline in inner urban areas initially affected only older hi5jtoric urban centres, Population in the histaric core of Milan fell f r o m 113,000 in 1901 to 35,000 in 1971, a decline af t#?% (Dalrnasso, 1970:172L In 1951-71 the historic centre of Venice witnessed a net loss of 59,006 migrants (Piasen- tin et al. 1970:582L In 1967-76, o n l y '56% of the lower middle class leaving the city centre w a s replaced, 73% of the working clas5, but 1.11% of managerial and administrative occupations (Casta et al. q, 1980).

Later on,, the process of deconcentration spread t o a l l major cities. This h a s been attributed to: a) gentrification, s l u m clearance, arid reduction o-F papulation densities, b) the conver- sion af residential land use5 to other activities, and c ) demo- graphic changes (hausehold sizes, age structure, etc: White 1984: 2 W L However,, these processes are universal in capitalist cities and sometimes irrelevant Cor the Mediterranean. For example, Ca5tefls' IlWEd renavation-deportation t h e s i s for the analysis of gentrification is only relevant in cities of monopolistic market structiire- 13n insight into the particularities of Southern Europe can be gained if the countries are studied individually,

In the case of Greece, Athens experienced a reversal of the process a+ papulation and emplayment cancentration, which has characterized its development pattern +or over a century (Leontidoia Emnianirel 1981a,b, 1983, 1985~).

In Italy,, deconcentration seems to be under way in Rome. Population decline in the city-centre ha5 been occurring since 193i, after a major housing clearance and public works according to Haussmann *ci model CHossi 195?:27-?) I) The technique of nodal flaw analysis Cbell 1980) f o r the investigation of an intra-urban migration m a t r i x , used by W i t @ EW€34:147-8) for 1964, indicated that m o s t riani (central districts of the city) 5end their lar- ge5t migrant f l o w away from the city centre. This out-migration has been relat-ively simple in structure, while movements within the suburbs w e r e m o r e complex: "this is far f r o m being a straightforward continuaus wave of sectorally outward-bound migration like the ripples from a stone dropped into a pond" (White i934:148-9), A sectoral pattern of intra-urban migration wa5 discernible, with net migrant losses occurring even in the suburbs t o the east and south-east of the city-centre in areas cf relatively o l d pre-war suburbanization, The most recent suburban growth in 1964 had been in the south-west and extreme north- In Naples, dpconrentration reduced the average inner-city density o# 467 persons per hectare in 1951 to 295 in 1971, after the out- migration af 482,080 people (Bastano, 1976; Dopp 1968:341-4).

During the 1970s in Spain, parts of central Madrid started to witness natural decline for the first time (Ballesteras 1977)- Barcelona dl50 experienced deconcentration (Serra 1935L

--

L.teontidou 3& Ptedi terranftan Europe

In Portugal I deconcentration an the intra-urban level w a s evident in Lisbon. The 11981 population census indicated moderate population increase in t h e cities a+ Lisbon and Uporto and high rates a9 increase in their 5~rt-l-ouncling satellite towns (Hudson Lewis 19a5: 151 ,

S-4 Urban rsucial movements vsi papular inteqration

Urban restructuring w a s evident in an upsurge of urban sacial movements in the 19705, The pastwar type of urban ztrusgle in Mediterranean European cities has been considered a5 inter- cannected with the events of Play 1368 in France, It w a s often interclass and polarized around issues of reproduction, usually housing and service provision by lacs1 government. It ha5 been argued that urban movements can not be understood autside the broader contest c-f the labour s truggle , and that the Marxist distinction between primary and secondary contradictions is no longer acceptable in advanced capitalist countries fEaspar 1984: 215). Squatting ha5 been the mast political action among "non- palitical" urban rnavements, but uthers were also significant, such a5 infrastructure provision in ilieqaily built areas (Gaspar 1984:217).

In the second half of t h e 1?7C&, t h e r e has been a decline u+ urban social movements in a l l four countries, particularly in I t a l y and Portugal. This cairtcides with the increasing role 0-F

left-wing g r o u p in local politics. The must important cities in Saiithern Europe, except Lisbon and Oporto (not their suburban - municipalities) became controlled by the left,

According to Santas (cited in Gaspar 1984:221) one of the means activated ta neutralize the politicization of the urban - c r i s i s is "regionalizatian and decentralization whereby political canflict with the central State is fragmented or atomized into several conflicts with the local authorities",

5.4.1 I t a l y

Ecanamic, social and political processes made urban movements the m o s t advanced in Italy among Mediterranean countries, Della Seta (1978) points aut that urban movements have been at the centre of the postwar workers' movement and see5 them a5 a vehicle far reform, Mar-celloni (1979), by contrast, emphasizes the importance o-f gains by left-wing parties in local government ~Pectians, and distinguishes 15 periods, During the first (1969- 703 dwellings in older buildings were occupied, especially in Rome, and traditional political forces (PCI, PSIUP) were invalved- During the second per iod (1971-2) and the division between t h e o l d and the new Left, the latter attacked the FCI, developed new squatting operations and defended earlier occupations. In the third period (1972-31, the camitati di quartieri appeared, corresponding to greater organization, and demanding infrastructure and services, After the ri5e in oil prices, most struggles facus+sed an rising prices of services, M t e r 1974,

L, Leonti dact 37 Mediterranean Europe

howevFr, housing occupations increased again in all cities. There were SO00 occ:upatiun~i in Rome, and many in Milan, Turin, Naples, Florence, and other cities (Marcelloni 1973; Bagnasco e t al- 1879; Lagana et a1 19821.

f a-4.2 Spain

In Spain urban movements were an important focus of opposition to nonrepresentative government: they even contributed tu the crisis of Francaism (Castells 1773), and became a crisis factar i n the political structures of Spain (Eorja 1977:203) I Hawever, their r a l e increased after the death of Franco and especially a f t e r the shift to democratic conditions (Castells 1978). The early movements were oriented against the ruling pow- er5 and u-f-ten focused on specific natianal issues, such as the reqianal quest-ion (Gaspar 1984: 215-61

Urban sacial movements+ began to be structured at the end of t h e 19&05 w i t h the emergence af the associaciones de vecinc ls , legally recognized in 19t54. In the early stages some associations were created by the municipal authorities sometimes in opposition to "popular" associatians created by residents who opposed the dictaturial regime (Bier 1979 in Gaspar:216). These nowadays represent hundreds of thousands of inhabitants and are most active in Barcelona. Castells (1978) ~;ttor.ss that there w e r e f t y p e s 08 neiqhbourhood associations in Madrid, with dif-ferent social compositions and demands. Shanty-town associations w e r e invalved in the solution of hau5ing problems and local scarcities of basic equipment; public housing movements w e r e interested i n improvements and rents; privately promoted associations demanded social infrast.ructure; exclusive upper and middle-class associations prormted social and cul tural activities; and "downtown" associations apposed the transformation of the city centre after 1975.

I n P a r t u g a l urban movements had a weaker rale than in Spain but w e r e an important +OCLE of opposition to nan-representative government. They o-ften focussed on 5peci#ic national i s s u e s , such as the colonial wars of Portugal , Da Costa (1975) has indicated the political signi+icance of the tenants' movements organized in public housinq areas in the e a r l y 1970s.

The revolutianary period (1974-5) witnessed a climax of urban struggles a long w i t h revolutionary agrarian movements- Occupaticns o+ dwellings and of large estates took place, with the clear support from t h e Armed Farces Movement. The PCP (Cornmu- n i s t Party) hias i n v o l v e d in agrarian struggles, but was cautious and even suspicious in the case of urban strugqles (Dows 1980; Leitao et a1 1978). The 1974-5 urban movements were of t w o types. One, controlled by the PCP, was oriented to the demands of the working class and the revolution; the other involved the e x t r e m e k+t. The s t rugg le far decent housing resulted, b y May 1974, i n

L,Lecmtidau '38 Mediterranean Europe

the occupat ion of 5 o m e state housing schemes by inhabitants from the shanties. The peak of the urban m o v e m e n t , a5 measured by housing accupations, occurred in February 1975. Cases of o p p o ~ - tunism by k ~ d l - a f f p o p u l a t i o n s have been reported in occupations (Daws 19801, and t h e shanty residents s e e m to have preferred to cooperate w i t h S A A L self-help schemes,

L,Leontidcu 39 Mediterranean Europe

6 CONCLUSIONS: RESUMING URECIN CONTRASTS

. The particularities of Mediterranean cities depict an image of the peripheral world- Historical antecedents which encourage thi5 image are the colonial and cultural associations between Spain and M o r c x c o , I t a l y and Libya, Greece and Eqypt: the ~ x p e - rience of dictatorships and military governments, which have ruled all of these countries for considerable periods: and contradictions in the forms of sociopolitical structuration, like re1 i g iun vs SjeCul arism, traditional i s m vs radical i s m , corpora- tism, clienteli5tic and personalistic power networks and poor civil societies. In urban life, we find the coexistence af traditiun and modernity on many levels (Giner 1986): as their class structure approaches the pattern o+ late capitalism, self-employment persists; artisans, shopkeepers and marginal populations c:oexist with white-collars and executives: in the loratian of economic activity, as CBDs are rebuilt with modern o+iice b l o c k y mixed land uses predominate: a5 modern apartment blacks and hotels spring up, squatter settlements are still mush- r aomi ng -

These antitheses create contradictions and disorder; but Mediterranean societies are nut precapitalist. This is their specific way c3f adaptation to capitalism, contrasting with the Northern European and American way. Mediterranean urban life styles, allowing for irrationality and squalour, constitute a humaine and leisurely way of adapting to capitalism, and a very modern way, t-oo- Recent presentatians of pcsstcapi tal i st utupi as (Gorz 1780) trave criticized central planning and the work ethic, arxd defended leisurely, communitarian life s t y l e s , Will the Mediterranean cities be the first to realize the postindustrial images ? It is difficult to say, We only know tha t these disorderly cities are alive and growing, never sacrificing their diversity to any disciplined planning ideals, work routines, or production prcicesses.

It has been said that "the bistory of the Mediterranean is the history of: it5 cities" ( G i n e r 1986) .I Southern Europe includes 5ame af the oldest cities of the region, dating # r o m ancient times and the pre-roman period, while the cities of Northern Eurape and Scandinavia, and of the USA, of course, are much yccrnger. However, after the w a r the metropolitan areas of Mediterranean cities have still been m a r e vital than those of advanced countries, It seems that the cities of the New World aged -first. I:n the USA and Northern Eurcpe population decline in metropolitan cities started earlier, and is currently the norm- By cantrast, the largest Southern European cities are still experiencing notable growth, though rates slow down. The power of attraction u+ metropolitan cities ha5 decreased. B u t their appeal in the papular mind seems to be s t i l l quite powerful,

The cultural tradition of the Mediterranean celebrates these cities- Except during periods of dictatorship, the countryside has been considered a5 the domain of ignorant peasants, while the city represented progress and civilized cultural life (Weber 1977) This provides a contrast with the Anglo-American tradition, which idealized nature and liCe near the cauntrys ide -

L.Leontidou 40 Mediterranean Europe

The startling urban imagery QS the US& contrasts w i t h t h e rural purity 09 Mediterranean tourist resorts. These images are turned on their heads when urban cultures are c o n t r a s t e d - Urban dominance in the USA conceals a substratum oi: anti-urbanism reflected in American intellectual tradition, from Jefferson t o Frank Lloyd Wright, or a quest for flight from t h e cities, f r o m E r n e s t Herninyway t o Bruce Springsteen. The Mediterranean rural images, by cantrast, in reality coexist w i t h remarkably urban cultures. As long as these persist , the m e t r a p o l i t a n cities of: Greece, I t a l y , Spain and Portugal w i l l r e t a i n their vitality and creat i vi t y .

L,Leontidou 41 Mediterranean Europe

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