N e-naissance Rethinking the a'ak reforms by King Sejong and

Pak YOn

Kim Sejoong Seoul National University

Prelude, or a tragic comedy

we, the Koreans, all wish to have lived in the Golden fifteenth century, when King Sejong 'the Greatest' reigned, when the nationalist and

utilitarian atmosphere that culminated in the Hunmin chDngi1m IDIJf\:.iE1f, the Korean alphabet, was all-around, and when the maestissimo Pak Yon was in his acme creating the most brilliant music that ever existed. Spoken or written, the official discourse hie et nunc is thus read. Do we really believe that the reign of King Sejong was in all aspects the Golden Age Lost of Korean history, and that others also believe so? Or, we ourselves do know that it is but a rhetoric, and that so do others? If the latter is the case, that sort of discourse can no more be called a discipline.

He made, conforming to the Archaic Saints, a huangzhong 'l'itl pitch-pipe that contained exactly one thousand and two hundred grains of millet. The pitch of this huangzhong proper, however, was slightly higher than that of the Son of Heaven [Tianzi :RrJ. Which to follow, between the actual Tianzi and the ideal Saints? He took both: make a pipe that blows the Tianzi's huangzhong, then fill in exactly one thousand and two hundred artificial grains made of paraffin. (Afterwards, he eventually found out natural millet that fits the Tianzi's pitch.)

It really happened in the first half of the fifteenth century. It is comic, because he [Pak Yon] did adhere to the number of grains while he was to actually conform to the Tianzi's rule/pitch/scale [Iii if]; and tragic, because

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he had to adhere to the number of grains even while he was conforming to the Tianzi's Iii. Pak's contemporary CMng Inji, in his Preface to the Scorebook for A'ak [A'akpo sO ~~HfFf] of 1430, summarizes:

[WeJ casted a bronze pitch-pipe to fit the huangzhong [bestowed from the Song and Yuan Tianzis J, but the pipe was too long that it contained too many grains of millet, which meant that it did not fit the Archaic length-scale. So we made all the instruments ipso jacto, not using the scale, and maintained it just for the purpose of tuning the instruments. (Leap December 1430. All the translations are mine.)

~~V. ~.~~.OO~~~ft.~~*~.W~~~~R.~~ffl~R. OO~~~.* fiE1l:~fF. {E! fli~~1ll'. ~ ~WA!*ffffc:If. (Sejong shillok, 50.37a8-1O)

This dilemma of pipe/scale which was the theoretical startpoint for the a'ak/yayue ~~ reforms, arouses the question: why was Choson, which was a vassal state of the Chinese Tianzi, so reluctant to accept His scale that she tried to autonomously make new one to fit the Archaic which is again Chinese?

The a'ak thus reformed was widely adapted for the court's official rites induding the rituals and ceremonies. However, it was like a house built on sands that was to endure only for decades. Nevertheless, the majority of modern writings on Sejong's musical achievements since Ham Hwajin (1943) and Choi Cheung-yeu (1958) are too ready to glorify the reforms. As to Pak himself, seemingly one of the central figure in the Reforms, opinions are divided. There are indeed complaints that one wonders "why Pak preferred the a' ak to the indigenous music [hyangak -ml~] for the Royal Ancestral Shrine and royal ceremonies" (Ham 1943: 123), and that "Pak's achievements were solely for the a'ak, which has survived through [only] the music/ dance for the Confucian Shirine: he was just a music theorist rather than a maestissimo" (Lee 1967: 180). But these whispers tend to be overwhelmed by roarings like that "they succeeded in recovering the Archaic Chinese yayue" (Hahn 1991: 67). One even names the first two hundred years of the ChosOn Dynasty (1392-1592) the 'A'ak Reforms Age' (Song 1984), and foreign scholars more often than not call the century a 'Korean Renaissance' (e.g. Condit 1984).

This short paper is no more concerned what Sejong and Pak did and how great they were. It is concerned why and how they did it, not what they did; what they talked about, not what they did. For historiography is, in a sense, a 'discourse on discourse': you not only say what it really was (wie es eigentlich gewesen), but you talk about what they talked about what.

Ne-naissance 157

Zhonghua-ism versus shang guo-ism

Not a few modem nation-state's Koreans would feel humiliated that the Korean dynasties has consistently assumed a humble attitude towards the Chinese dynasties in the name of 'the-small-revere-the-Iarge' [yislulO sida J;L 'J'.::k or, simply, sida). Current studies in general history recognize that sida is distinguished from submission [fushu ~&II] and consider it to have been a universal order characteristic to the Middle Ages, but Korean music history has never assumed an approach like this in its researches.

The fifteenth-century debates centering on the pitch/ scale suggest that there existed two distinguished frames of reference for sida: one safer, the other riskier.

The safer way of sida was to conform to the rule of the current Chinese Empire, the Superior State [shangguo zhi J:~1tJIJ]. If the Son of Heaven was from the Han people, this attitude was less incompatible with the national pride of ChosOn, the 'Lesser Zhonghua [+~~]'. Ming (1368-1644) was a Han dynasty, and its founder Zhu Yuan-zhang *j[;~, or Hongwu-di ~JF\; *, maintained a loose diplomacy never to intervene in the internal affairs of neighboring states, on the condition that they remain to revere Her. Whether, for instance, to choose the Chinese music or the indigenous one for the Royal Ancestral Shirine was an internal affair and was wholly up to ChosOn herself.

The fifteenth-century Choson was refusing to go this safer way when she meant to autonomously establish her own a'ak/yayue. It was obviously the influence of the Neo-Confucian Weltanschauung or world-view of her ruling class, the so-called literati-bureaucracy [sa taebu/shi dafu ±::k':k]. Kim Hyong-dong, among others, got a point, in arguing that Choson intended "to be free from the contempt of being called as a non-courtesy and non­music country" (Kim 1988: 63 sic.). But it is too naIve a comprehension, for who on earth would show down upon her, if she just accept the current Chinese, i.e. Ming's, courtesy and music [liyue iilt~]? Prof. Robert Provine, in a paper on the Akhak kwebOm ~*$Jt~ [Guidebook on Music Study], points properly that ChosOn ignored Ming in establishing her owm music (Provine 1993: 517):

In Confucian eyes, a historical dynasty has greater authority and stature than a recently founded one, and hence Song sources were of greater value [as a reference for the KweWml than materials from Ming. Later on in the Chosan dynasty, Ming was revered after it had fallen.

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It is again superficial. For it was because Ming was the last dynasty of Han people and because it helped Choson to win the war against the Japanese Invasion (1592-98), not just because it had retreated into history, that ChosOn revered Ming after it had fallen in the seventeenth century. Moreover, had Choson ever revered the historical Mongolian Yuan dynasty more than she did the recently founded Ming? It is true that ChosOn accepted the Dasheng yuepu from Yuan along with other Song sources as a reference for the reformed a'ak, but it was because it was at that time one of the oldest resources to depend on, not just because ChosOn revered the historical dynasties.

In the Neo-Confucian world-view, the actual Emperor was not always identified with the ideal Tianzi. (Hence ChosOn's contempt upon Yuan's and the Manchurian Qing's Emperors.) It was the Archaic Ages, i.e. the Three Generations [sandai -= ft], the Scripts [liujing 1\*,![] and the Saints [shengren ~A], that the Neo-Confucian dynasty ought to consult, not the current (or recent) Emperors:

"Concerning courtesy and music, Your Highness shall imitate the Three Generations and consult the older examples: first the Scripts, next the historical

Classics, if there are any obscurities in the Scripts. Now that the written examples of the Book of History [Shujing IU~ or Shangshu fSilfl and the Book of Rites [Lijing ~ or Zhouli JaliJ11 are obvious, for what reason shall Your Highness follow the systems

of Song's Emperor Huizong ~* [the Emperor who bestowed the yayue and its instruments to Korea in 1116 for the first time]?" (June 1433)

"g~z •. 1;w.f;!fa.:=:tt~ii.;. ~jfl5 •. jlcZJJ.h~. 1fJiJf~~. 9J&8*~{t. A,­

rfSiilb . rgkfL )c~aA B. {jiJJiic*lt*zItilPf?" (Sejong shillok, 60.47alO-12)

Of the two spectra of sida above, I will call the former, safer way 'shangguo-ism J:.IJ::E~,' to distinguish it from the latter, riskier -'zhonghua-ism *.::E~.'

Restore the Archaic hic et nunc, autonomously - this is just what the newly founded Choson intended to do. It was the Zeitgeist of the century. Choson was evidently walking into the late Middle Ages in trying to autonomously realize the Universal. 1

But to establish a pitch/scale was generally considered the Tianzi's affair, not a vassal state's. (For Iii also meant scale, measure and weight

lIn thus characterizing the Zeitgeist of the century, this paper owes much to Prof. Cho Tongil's trilogy, Re-estimating the Medieval Literature (Cho 1999a, 1999b and 1999c).

Ne-naissance 159

[duliangheng ~:I:-flI] in the ancient and medieval East Asia.) It would be presumptuous for Chosbn if she tried to establish one herself. It is this very pitch/ scale that Pak meant to establish autonomously, i.e. independent of China. In this respect he was a thorough and radical zhonghua-ist. Naturally he was confronted by a massive opposition from the majority of bureaucracy. They were zhonghua-ists, too, but as far as the pitch/scale is concerned, they behaved as shangguo-ists:

All the royal admonitory officers reproached Pak, saying, "Is it desirable to abolish the Chinese pitch and make the pipe autonomously?" Oanuary 1433)

lliftl3.m~B: ":Jt9='lJzif. ElIfilJn.llJf?" (Sejongshillok,59.1b9)

Pak also seems to have expected this kind of reaction. He was "anxious lest Your Highness should manage to carry the task through, hindered by the pros and cons from the majority.,,2 But he eventually surrendered to the shangguo-ist opponents:

"To establish the pitch, scale, measure and weight is, however, the Tianzi's

affairs, not what a vassal state can institute at its convenience. Now that the millet does not fit the Chinese pitch, we may as well, provisionally, fill the pipe with another kind of grains that fits the Chinese pitch, and correct the remaining pitches according to the reduce-and-add-a-third system [sanfen sunyi ':::'5HjliiH" (February 1430. Itallie is mine.)

"~fOJW/J(:I:~. ]j~+Z •. ~F~;fBZJiJfEl.:tQ.. ::Ei~f~/ftbb~9='iJL.ii. mi5~ m. 1Lffl.ffl1tl!.ii[·ljJL~. *JlItWif. *tbb~9='iJ.j!. ~1~*~fjl~'it J:).iEWW. 1lJil1: (Sejong shillok, 47.17b13-15. Correction is mine.)

Not ipso jure, not permanently! The quarrels over the pitch thus ended with an ipso facto and provisional victory of shanguo-ism over zhonghua-ism. Sejong eventually ordered to stop the making of the pipe/scale, saying, "However thoroughly you consult the older examples, the pipe is seldom expected to be correct. We had better not make one than earn a ridiculous name in history.,,3

It was no more than three months later (Leap December, 1430) that the

2"!ii~. ~lii.~. /f14jt:jj,:;t./ilil1." (February 1430, Sejong shillok, 47.18a2) 3".~t1f1j1Jffii~if. ~*14:jj,:lEil1. :W:jj,:fIjIJ.:z..ffii!&~nH~ .• :f~." (October 1430, Sejong shiIlok,

50.8b2-3)

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Scorebook was completed, and the new a' ak was performed at the court for the first time in early January, 1431. It means that the technical and practical processes - making musical instruments, and composing, exersizing and rehearsing the music and dances and so on - were fleetingly carried out, perhaps ipso facto and provisionally. It also suggests that Pak himself was never a central figure in establishing the reformed a'ak, and his appeals were but a lonely shout.4

Thus the a'ak was established, indifferent of Pak's persistent appeals concerning the theoretical basis, the pitch. Sejong applauded it: flOur music, if not absolutely perfect, is not at any respects inferior to China's. How on earth can it be possible that Chinese music is always correct?,,5 The historian reminds: "The procession, appearances and voices were all radiant and spectacular,,,6 "The music for the Dynasty was radiant and spectacular, greatly owing to Pak Yon's efforts.,,7 The newly-estalished a'ak seems to have satisfied to certain extent ChOsOn's zhonghua-ist pride.

From ethos to aesthesis

Spectacular, not enjoyable! Radiant indeed were the procession, appearances and voices. But it was its magnitude and solemnity of the music that were radiant, not the emotion and meaning of it. It was just what the a'ak was.

The ak/yue of yeak/liyue fl!~ was far from being an aesthetic object. It was the Divine Music [shen qu jjl$ItB], or ars profunda, not the human music [ren qu AItB],8 or musica profana. What mattered was whether it was upright, not whether it was enjoyable.

Note that the East Asian civilization has never created an isomorphic theism. Deo was Dao ill [Way], Tian 7( [Heaven] and Li ~ [Principle] - the cosmologico-anthropological Order, of which the Ii ~:I was the visible appearance, the yue the invisible representation. Supreme virtue meant supreme beauty, but not vice versa.9 Yayue aimed at ethos (1JOos), hence detested

4Note that, of the thirty-nine appeals contained in his Nan'gye yugo jj~JtJ!, twenty are from the documents from February 1430 of Sejong shillok, which are not the original appeals themselves, but just citations from the Ministry of Rite's report. (See Sejong shillok, 47.lOb14-22b1.) 5"~~Z~. !iIl*i,~ri'!t. ,J6~m~<prn:. <PW2~. iJl'~1~iE-¥?· (December 1430, Sejong shillok,

50.28blO-ll) 6.tt§~. ~~l!Jn. (January 1431, Sejong shillok, 51.la3) 7 -ftZ.~. ~~l!Jn. *J:\tZ.7Jili. (October 1452, Tanjong shillok, 4.1b2) 8Dante's The Divine Comedy and Bocaccio's The Human Comedy, i.e. Decameron, are also

translated into Shen qu and Ren qu, respectively, in the East Asian counturies.

Ne-naissance 161

zhengsheng ~V,lO i.e. the secular music, which appealed to aesthesis ( aUJ9TJO'lS ).

After Sejong's death, the official discourse on music in Cho~n court was still centered on the a'ak, but the praxis was experiencing a rapid and extensive secularization. The a'ak that in its nature refused to go hand in hand with the sensibility of each hic et nunc could never be firmly rooted into the musical soil of ChosOn. Even the music for the Royal Ancestral Shrine, which was the most supreme of all the music, was soon substituted by the secular Potaepyong f:**Zf and ClWngdae(jp 5E*~ in the hand of Sejong's son, King Sejo. That these two sets of music were not exclusively performed at rituals and official ceremonies but used also in banquetsll

shows that the borderline between the a'ak, musica sacra, and the sogak/suyue 1ft~, musica saeculis, was being erased. In King Songjong's - Sejong's great­grandson - reign, the identity of a'ak itself was fatally threatened, and the Reforms only decades before almost totally fell into oblivion:

His Highness asked, "What is a'ak and what is sogak?" Yi Slngso replied, "Bells,

lithophones, the five tones [wuyin Ii ifl and the six pitches [liulii 1\~l belong to a'ak; Potaepyong, Yomillak ~~* and ChOngdaeap are called sogak." (November 1478)

1:.B: "fPIm~~~('~ 'l~J?" ,*B(i<iJ9iOU,*BJ!tB: "it·;o~ ·1iif· 1\rfRIJ:l! ~W~~. <1*j,;:If5-> . <~~~> . <JE*~>RIJ:l!~Wl~." (S(jngjong shillok, 98.5a9-1O)

"Hwang Hyos:'lng [then the court's kappellmeisterl says, 'In Sejong's era, the

select-the-monthly-pitch principle [suiyue yonglii ~Jj fflrfl was adapted by Yu Sanul and later discarded, but how it applied and how it was abolished are unknown.' From this, it is certain that the monthly pitch had been introduced to our country,

too." (March 1489)

";f:~B: ·i!t*Wl. J;t~,~,N~:~. ffl1f; Jj zrf. f~]jJflz. ;MofPIJ:Jfflz. iJJ.fiiJJ;tJfllli.' J;t JI:W..;Z,. 1f;J3zrf. ~ilifJ"ffflz~." (5()ngjong shillok, 226.6b9-11)

Meanwhile, during the second half of the century, some a'ak pieces might have been secularized. For instance, six pieces from the Scorebook of the Sejo shillok - the P'ungan !i-t2, Ongan W-t2, Hllngan J!.-t2, Yungan ~.i-t2, SOngan fi).-t2 and Yongan $-t2, all of one and the same melody - have titles

9'fm'jf.l. ";,I~~. X;,Ifft12. ... m'jiit. "iii~~. *;,Ifft12. ... (riii~l;!b AfJt) lOgtllWZ~U!t~. (r;;"ifii~lfJ 1Wi~) I1Sejo shillok, 34.18b9-1O, 35.1a2-5.

162

reminiscent of a'ak pieces (' -~Z~n, but the style is apparently of the secular Chinese music [tangyue 1i!f~]' Reversely, all the secular pieces (Chinese or indigenous) in it end on the gung/gong g or the lower gung [hao r]i] and have no instrumental postlude [yWm ~1f], suggesting that their theory and/ or style was more or less influenced by the a'ak.

Again over a half millenium later, there survives today only one set of pieces from the a'ak proper actually played - that for the Confucian Shrine. Even these pieces may not have wholly preserved the Archaic or medieval style, but have been gradually secularized and Koreanized, to fit to the sensibility of each era. Prof. Provine recollects debating with the late Dr. Chang Sahun twenty years ago, upon the authenticity of that music.12 It is suggestive, for while Provine, the modern Westerner, meant that the Koreans refused to obstinately stick to the others' past style, Dr. Chang, in a sense a medieval Korean, took it as blaming that they failed to completely preserve the Archaic.

Also note that the denotation or referent of the term a'ak has gradually enlarged itself. In the fifteenth century, many court pieces such as PotaepyJng and Yomillak were not classified into the a'ak; nowadays, the term refers to all the court music including the only remaining a'ak proper, and even some civil repertoire such as kagok and Y(jngsan hoesang, while the Vietnamese nha nhac/yayue still preserves its referential meaning and repertoire.13

From musica sacra to musica saeculis; from ethos to aesthesis; from the Divine to the human: this is what the second half of the fifteenth century witnessed. If there ever happened an event to be called the musical Renaissance, it should be searched for in the era of Kings Sejo and SOngjong when the secular music was reinstated, not in Sejong and Pak Yon's when the ethic a'ak was tyrannizing over the aesthetic sogak. The nine-hundred-year history of Korean music since the reception of yayue in 1116 is a history of the fall of Sino-Korean a'ak and the rise of Korean sogak. Even the Akhak kwebOm of 1493 is read, not as a paean to a'ak, but as a knell for it.

Hence no re-naissance, re-birth of a'ak: ne-naissance.

12"1 offered the following opinions: 'It can hardly be claimed that the music [for the Confucian Shirinej preserves Chinese performance practice and that what is to be heard in Korea today is the same or similar to what was heard in ancient or even twelfth-century China.' At the time, I was surprised at the vehemence with which the commentator to my paper, Dr. Chang Sahun, objected: in my naivety, I had expected the news that the remarkably solemn and stately ritual music a'ak was Korean in performance style, not Chinese, would be welcomed." (Provine 1998: 585-86)

13 As to the current usages of the term yayue in the East-Asian countries, see National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts (1997).

Ne-naissance 163

Postlude

Since my re-reading of the fifteenth-century discourse through the dichotomies of zhonghua-ism/shangguo-ism and sacerlsaeculum radically betrays the hitherto generally accepted views on the fifiteenth-century a'ak reforms, I myself am somewhat bewildered, too. Nota bene, I do not mean to underestimate their achievements at all. For it is not its audible ornaments [wen X] but its inaudible spirit [dao ill] that makes their era significant and brilliant; and the history of music, East or West, was always a history of secular music, not of sacred music. I think this is the so-called "re-estimating the significance of an achievement on our viewpoint, independent of the initial intention" (Lee 1984: 281).

Furthermore, one cannot read the discourses of premodern Korea since the fifiteenth century without being confronted with the two spectra of sida - zhonghua-ism and shangguo-ism. In music and musical thoughts, the Korean zhonghua-ism once more volumed its voice up three hundred and more years after Sejong and Pak Y6n. I hope Mz. Song Ji-won's presentation this afternoon would give us some fruitful insights on it.

References

Nan'gye Yugo jjj~~J! [Writings by Pak Y6n]. Lun yu mam [The Confucian Dialects]. Choson wangjo shillok ~!If:.::n,~.i!J< [Chronicles of the Chosbn Dynasty] (facsimile,

Korean translation, and CD-ROM].

Cho Tongil 1999a Unity and Variety in East-Asian Literature. Seoul: Chishik sanOpsa. 1999bLiteratures in Common Written Languages and National Languages. Seoul:

Chishik sanOpsa. 1999c Homogeneities and Heterogenieties Between Civilizations. Seoul: Chishik

sanopsa. Choi Cheung-yeu [Ch'oe ChOng-yo]

1958 "A Study on the Adjustment Work of Music by King Se-Jong (I}," in: Ch'bngju University, Treatises 2.

ChOngOkcha 1998 A Study on the Choson Zhonghua-ism. Seoul: Ilchisa.

Condit, Jonathan 1984 Music of the Korean Renaissance: Songs and Dances of the Fifteenth Century.

Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Hahn Mahn-young [Han Manyong]

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1991 Studies on Korean Traditional Music. Seoul: P'ungnam. Ham Hwajin

1943 A Brief History of and an Introduction to Choson Music. Reprinted in facsimile edition, Seoul: Minsogwon, 1995.

Kim Hy6ng-dong 1988 "A Socio-historical Study of Court Ritual Music (Aak) During the Reign of

King Sejong." MA thesis, Y6ngnam University. Lee Hye-ku [Yi Hyegu]

1967 Introduction to Korean Music. Seoul: SNU Press. 1984 "On the Contemporary Re-estimation of the Music Culture of King Sejong's

Reign," in: Academy of Korean Studies, Studies on the Cultures of King Sejong's Reign.

The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts 1997 A'ak, Yayue, Gagaku, Nha Nhac, Proceedings for the Second International

Conference on Asian Music. Provine, Robert C.

1993 "Patterns of Compilation: Thoughts on Chapter 6 of the Akhak kwebOm," in: The Journal of the Society for Korean Historico-Musicology [.liIif~~M] 11, pp.511-19.

1998 "Rethinking Authenticity in Korean Traditional Music," in: Festschrift for Dr. Lee Hye-ku on His Ninetieth Birthday [*;!*t'±:fl/ijJ*C.~ if~*], pp. 589-98.

Song Bang Song [Song Pangsong] 1984 A Complete History of Korean Music. Seoul: Iljogak.

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Condit, Jonathan (1984). Music of the Korean Renaissance: Songs and Dances of the Fifteenth Century. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Provine, Robert C. (1993). "Patterns of Compilation: Thoughts on Chapter 6 of the Akhak kwebOm ," i'.~{f~J1:~ 11, 511-19~.

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