11MOSLEYFASCISM

THE MAN

HIS POLICY

& METHODS

AUGUST 1935

LABOUR RESEARCH DEPARTMENT

60 DOUGHTY STREET, LONDON, W.C. 1

MOSLEY FASCISM:THE MAN AND HIS POLICY

Mr. William Joyce, at Brighton:-

" We know that England is crying for a leader,and that leader has emerged in the person of thegreatest Englishman I have ever known, Sir Os­wald Mosley . . . When the history of Europecomes to be written I can assure you that his namewill not be second to either Mussolini or Hitler."(Fascist Week, 9th March, 1934).

" TVe seek to establish a new ideal of publicservice and a new system of authority which restson merit." (Sir Oswald Mosley, in Fascist TVeek,roth February, 1934).

Let us see how much truth there is in this con­tention, who this" leader" is, and to what he oweshis position.

The method we shall employ is mainly that ofquotation from the writings and speeches of theFascists themselves or from reputable newspapersand reference books.

SOCIAL ORIGINS

A memoir written by a member of the Mosleyfamily describes how early in the seventeenth centurySir Nicholas Mosley attempted to enclose land atCollyhurst, near Manchester, but the principal in­habitants of the town resisted the attempt. In 1629complaints were lodged against the Mosleys of Rolle­ston (the family seat, in Staffordshire on the borderof Derbyshire), and they were charged in Parliamentwith "oppression, injustice and vexation." Seven

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years later the same Mosley used threats against thefreeholders of Uttoxeter to compel them to consentto the enclosure of the Highwood, which was ulti­mately "carried into effect by force."

Besides the Rolleston estate of 3,800 acres,together with some 300 acres surrounding the hall,the family owned estates in Collyhurst and inAncoats, which is now the slum centre of Man­chester.

In The Town Labourer, J. L. and B. Hammondrecord that: -

"In 1596 a Mr. Oswald Mosley . . . bought theland on which Manchester now stands for £3,500.In 1846 the town of Manchester bought the manorand all the rights and incidents from Sir OswaldMosley for £200,000. The town could have acquiredit in 1808 for £90,000.

In this fashion the Mosleys acquired wealth. Theyfought on the side of Charles during the Civil War.The family motto is M os legem regit-" Custom, orprecedent, rules the law."

The present Sir Oswald was educated at Win­chester College and the Royal Military College,Sandhurst. A writer in the Evening Standard whoknew him at school describes him as "precocious,impatient, full of contempt for most boys of his ownage, and a complete hedonist. He carried thosequalities to Sandhurst and added to them a dislikeof discipline." (aoth September, 1932). When hestood for Smethwick, his father, in a letter to thePress, wrote that " for many years I paid out of myown pocket thousands of pounds for his educationand upkeep," and that "he had never done anhonest day's work in his life."

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Sir Oswald inherited £60,000 from his grand­father, who died in 1915, and, according to an articlein the Sunday Dispatch, "the lion's share in landworth £247,000 in respect of settled land left by thelate Baroness." The writer remarked that" the estateconsists largely of lands which, being in an arealikely to be developed, have increased considerablyin value." (24th February, 1929).

In 1920 he married Lady Cynthia Curzon, adaughter of the late Marquis Curzon of Kedlestonand a granddaughter of Levi Zeigler Leiter, a JewishChicago millionaire. The ceremony took place at theChapel Royal by special permission of the King." ... the reception was a brilliant throng of famousmen and women . . . Before the wedding ceremonythe bridegroom had a bachelor's luncheon party atthe Ritz. Two kings and two queens were present."(The Times, rzth May, 1920).

Lady Cynthia inherited £28,000 a year from herown family. (Sunday Dispatch, 24th February, 1929).

POLITICAL BEGINNINGSAfter Sandhurst Sir Oswald joined the 16th

Lancers, and served in France with them and withthe Royal Flying Corps. His political career beganin December, 1918, when he became ConservativeM.P. for Harrow. In November, 1920, he crossed thefloor into opposition, partly as a protest against theGovernment's Irish policy with regard to reprisals.He made it clear, however, that he had not left theConservative Party, and in a letter to a constituentdeclared that he had "vigorously carried out hiselection obligation to support the Government intheir general election programme." (The Times,r jth November, 1920).

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From 1922-24 he became independent, and in1924 joined the Labour Party when it first won anyconsiderable number of seats. He remained in thisparty till his expulsion in 193I. Although he didnot go over till April, 1924, the Daily Herald wasable to predict, in the middle of the previous year(zoth June, 1923), that he would not be " indepen­dent for very much longer," and in July, 1923, heattacked the Government for failure to use theLeague of Nations in the solution of the Ruhr andreparations problems (Manchester Guardian, zothJuly, 1923). In January, 1924, he said, " I agree withall that Mr. MacDonald said at the Albert Hall, andI am determined to see that a Labour Governmenthas fair play"; and a week later, "The Ministerof Health has been trying to dress up the Redbogey." (Daily Herald, loth and r Sth January,1924).

His definition of Socialism is much what might beexpected from a baronet accustomed all his life to aretinue: -

.. Socialism substitutes a general idea of unselfishservice for unlimited selfishness and unfettered com­petition." (Daily Herald, 6th May, 1924).

"The Emergency Powers Act could be made apowerful instrument for the realization of Social­ism," he declared in 1926 at the Independent LabourParty Summer School, and hoped Socialists wouldnot criticize the Act unduly. "He knew enough ofthe owning class to know that it would not give uppossession until it was thoroughly beaten in a fiercepolitical and economic struggle." (Daily Herald,3rd August, 1926).

At that time his own meetings were broken up byFascists-as at the Cambridge Guildhall when

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"several hundred undergraduates, carrying UnionJacks and Fascists flags, did their level best toprevent Sir Oswald Mosley from speaking." (DailyHerald, 14th May, 1927).

In his own words : -" We have lost the good old British spirit. Instead

we have cheap American journalism and black-shirtedbuffoons making a cheap imitation of ice-creamsellers." (Daily Herald, 22nd December, 1926).

The Fascist movement, he had said, "slavishly,but ineffectually imitated the latest frenzy of Con­tinental hysterics." He accused Mr. Churchill of" strutting in a borrowed shirt-a black shirt-whichhe had begged, borrowed or stolen from SignorMussolini." (Daily Herald, 17th May, 1924).

In 1926 Mosley thought his father's title "notworth taking up." But in 1928, when his father died,it was "not worth giving up." (Sunday Express,23th September, 1928). We may recall his father'sremark, that" more valuable help would be renderedto the country by my Socialist son and daughter-in­law, if, instead of achieving cheap publicity aboutthe relinquishing of titles, they would take morematerial action and relinquish some of their wealth,and so help to make easier the plight of some of theirmore unfortunate followers." (Daily Mail, rzthApril, 1926).

In 1926 Mosley stated, "When my wife and Ijoined the Labour movement it meant a completebreak with family and former associations." (DailyHerald, r jth April, 1926). Not with monetary asso­ciations, however, for in 1926 the pair" bought oneof the most beautiful and ancient manor houses, notmerely in the county of Bucks, but in all England."This pearl of great price "was thought to be dirtcheap at a cost of £9,000, but as its new Socialist

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owners find it somewhat small for their accommo­dation they are building additions, the cost of whichis estimated at another £10,000 or so ... The" Savoy," as this charming residence is appropriatelycalled, is fortunately guarded from vulgar intrusionnot only by a moat but by fifty acres or thereaboutsof pleasant park and meadow." In the new wingthey were "providing new bedrooms, installingcentral heating, converting the old barn into aloggia." (ll1orning Post, 9th December, 1926).

Not content with a new country seat, at the sametime they took two new town houses, Nos. 8 and 9Smith Square, Westminster. As the Daily Recordexplained, "the simple truth is that Mr. Mosley,faced with the housing shortage, knocked the twohouses into one . . . some sixteen rooms." (lothDecember, 1926).

During the election campaign at Smethwick, theDaily News records that : -

" His own luxurious car has been left alone in hisgarage for the period of the election. He is nowemploying an • old hired car.' He has even gone tosuch lengths to woo the privy Socialists of Smeth­wick as to announce that • personally he prefers beerto any other drink.' His wife has consented to beaddressed as • plain Mrs. l\1osley'." (9th December,1926).

As the Daily Mail put it :-" Both of them love the good things of life, town

house and country estate, tours to Egypt and India,the expensive places of the Riviera, a 250 h.p. motorcar, the gourmet's dishes, the Paris gowns." (30thMay, 1930).

After his defeat at Ladywood in the autumn of1924, he and his wife left for a grand tour to India,Irak, Spain, Palestine and Egypt. Later, they toured

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in America and Russia, not to mention their manyvisits to the South of France.

In 1929 Mosley was made Chancellor of theDuchy of Lancaster. In the idleness of this sinecurehe began to produce a scheme for the salving ofcapitalism.

This scheme was rejected by the Labour Govern­rnent, and Mosley resigned from the Cabinet. Hedid not, however, leave the Labour Party, butthroughout the remainder of 1930 continued tosupport it. He said: "I stated on my resignationthat for my part I should vote for the Government."(Daily Telegraph, 24th May, 1930). "I shall goforward in any attempt to secure a vigorous unem­ployment policy not by forming any group or frac­tion in our movement but by appealing to our partyas a whole to adopt such a policy." (ManchesterGuardian, 24th May, 1930).

In his efforts to convince the whole party and notmerely a section of it, Mosley invited 2,000 membersof Smethwick, Stoke and South Bucks LabourParties to a garden party at Sarahay Farm, Denham.Special trains were provided. (Daily Herald, 13thJuly, 1928).

Towards the end of 1930 invitations were issuedto 250 people prominent in the Trade Union andpolitical Labour movements to discuss a proposal tostart a new Socialist movement or group pledged toa form of economic nationalism.

These activities led to the expulsion of Sir Oswaldfrom the Labour Party in March, 1931. Thisbrought about a lightning change in his attitude tothe Labour Government. In January he was saying," the Labour Government has made a much bigger

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contribution to the unemployment problem than anyother Government has ever done." In April he said,"The Labour Government has done nothing.""Anybody who claimed that the Labour Party wouldintroduce Socialism was dishonest or stupid, and atthe present time there was no difference between theLabour Party and the Conservative Party." TheLabour Party had" grossly and shamefully betrayedits pledges." (Daily Herald, 28th April, 1931).

THE NEW PARTY A TD FASCISM

After convalescence at Monaco, in a villa con­structed above the sea by Captain Edward Molyneux,our baronet formed the New Party with Dr. Forgan.He returned to propaganda among the Conservatives,and once again his ideas began to get a friendlyreception. At Oxford University Conservative Asso­ciation, and again before city men at the CannonStreet Hotel, he propounded his "national policy"that was to develop so soon into Fascism. At thelatter meeting in the summer of I 93 I he affirmed hisbelief in the principle of "universal sacrifices," whichthe National Government was almost immediatelyto operate. (Manchester Guardian, rst July, 1931).

The New Party demanded immediate compulsoryreorganisation of British industry, and" insulation"from foreign competition. "Protect the home marketat once. Conditional on reorganisation," he wrote inan article in the Daily Mail, 31st August, 1931.

The Socialist members of the New Party verysoon resigned, differing on all the main questions.They stated on resignation that" Sir Oswald Mosleyappears to us to be attempting to depart from theagreed basis on which we all entered the New Party,and to be leading it in a Conservative or Fascist

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direction." (Daily Herald, 25th July, 1931). Theirpre­diction was soon fulfilled. In January, 1932, Mosleyvisited Rome, and had an hour's conversation withSignor Mussolini, as well as a long interview withSignor Starace, Secretary General of the ItalianFascists. Previous to this he had been in Germany,in touch with the Nazi leaders, including Hitler.In August, 1932, the Assistant-Director of the 1 [ewParty stated that "the decision on all matters ofpolicy is in the hands of Sir Oswald Mosley."(Daily Herald, zoth August, 1932), and a few weekslater there was published his book, The GreaterBritain, outlining Fascist doctrine as applied toBritain. The ew Party was speedily transformedinto the British Union of Fascists, and Sir Oswaldwas launched on his career of "National Leader"and the greatest Englishman Mr. 'V. Joyce has everknown.

MOSLEY'S PROMISES

All things to all Men... I intend for the coming year to live on less than

a quarter of the income to which I am accustomed.I am doing this in order . . . . to meet the lossesI have suffered, in common with others, through thefall in British securities. It is unpleasant . . ." (Da ilyMail, 1st September, 1931).

Every section will dip into the Blackshirt lucky­packet; here are a few of Mosley's promises : -

.. Under Fascism," we learn, .. private ownershipwill be permitted and encouraged." .. In the cor­porate state you will be left in possession of yourbusiness" (Open letter to Business M en , FascistWeek, 1st February, 1934). .. The making of profitwill not only be permitted but encouraged" (TheGreater Britain, p. 85). .. The State 'will not attemptto conduct industry as it would under Socialism."

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"Fascism will recover millions of acres from thesea." (Fascist Week, 19th January, 1934).

"Agricultural production will be doubled." (SirOswald Mosley, ibid.).

"Only Fascism can prevent war." (Fascist Week,5th January, 1934).

"Fascists will clear the slums in three years."(ibid.).

"Fascism and Culture. We wiII not shrink fromgenerous patronage." (Fascist Week, 6th April, 1934).

"Fascism believes in greater freedom." (FascistWeek, 5th January, 1934).

" Fascism upholds the throne of Britain." (FascistWeek, 9th February, 1934).

"Under Fascism ... commercial rivalries wiII bediminished." (The Greater Britain, p. 154).

" Honesty is the best policy. Fascism wiII make ita National Asset." (Fascist Week, 9th March, 1934).

"Fascism wiII abolish tithes." (Fascist Week, 16thMarch, 1934).

" Fascism wiII further religious tolerance." (FascistWeek, 19th January, 1934).

" A Fascist Government .. would offer the Churcha fair annual income from the consolidated fund ofthe Exchequer." (Fascist Week, 16th March, 1934).

Mosley reassures the capitalists that they willkeep their businesses and their profits. The Fascistdictatorship is a regrettable necessity, demanded bythe urgency of the situation, and will be used in theirinterest, not against them. As protector of the rentierfrom the peril of the workers' revolution, he revealshis antagonism to the workers:-

"In the final economic crisis . . . the eternalprotagonists in the history of all modern crises muststruggle for the mastery of the State. Either Fascismor Communism emerges victorious." (The GreaterBritain, p. 181).

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The workers' power haunts Mosley like a spectre.When he cannot explain the benefits of his proposalsin any other way, he presents them as the only bul­wark against Communism.

To the workers, Mosley promises higher wages:-" The function of the corporations will be to raise

wages and salaries over the whole field of industryas science, rationalisation and industrial techniqueincrease the power to produce. Consumption willbe adjusted to production, and a home market willbe provided by the higher purchasing power of ourown people."

But he also believes in economy and rationalisation,and workers know what this means under a profit­making system which Mosley seeks to maintain.

" The power ruthlessly to cut down the redundant... can only rest with a government stronger in itswhole constitution than the so-called democraticgovernments of to-day . . . The only means ofenforcing economy is the constitution of a stronggovernment." (ibid. pp. 176-77).

The workers in Lancashire, in South \Vales, andon the Tyneside already know the misery, the un­employment and the poverty that result from thispolicy.

As in Germany and Italy, under Hitler and Mus­solini, Mosley attempts to turn the minds of theworkers and the small business people in Britainfrom their real enemy, the big capitalists and finan­ciers, by attacking the Jews.

In the Blackshirt of 4th November, 1933, in afront page article headed" Shall Jews Drag Britainto War? " it is stated in italics that, "In the lightof recent events, we state deliberately that Jews arestriving to involve Britain in war." "The Jews havenow organised as a racial minority within the State

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to conduct a furious agitation with all the force oftheir great money power, which can have no effectexcept to drag this country towards war withGermany."

"The Jews, gripping great instruments for theexpression of opinion, use such instruments not forthe benefit of Britain, but for their own race."

"It is the Jews, not we, who are now clearlyproved to have forced the struggle . . . Against usare the forces of war, the Jews and old parties, whomthey dominate, whether Conservative, Liberal orSocialist. "

Does Mosley believe that the workers have for­gotten who benefited from the last war, the bigcapitalist profiteers of all nations? And has notHitler Fascism, assisted by the British Government,led the drive to re-armament and the race towardswar? Who is the aggressor in Abyssinia? Is it notthe capitalist class in Italy who find their ablelieutenant in the Blackshirt Mussolini? The workersknow that the capitalist class, of whatever creed orcolour, and not the Jews as a race, are their realenemies. Fascism, by its very nature, leads vigor­ously to war and conquest.

BLACKSHIRT BRUTALITY

The methods of terrorism employed to establishthe Fascist regime in Italy and Germany, which ledto the destruction of the workers' organisations, theco-operative movements, the trade unions, and theirpolitical organisations are paralleled by the acts ofviolence which Mosley's followers have inflicted ontheir opponents at meetings. A few examples, fromunimpeachable sources, are worth recording here.

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There is an overwhelming body of evidence fromthe most conservative quarters, of acts of violence byBlackshirts at the Olympia meeting on 7th June,1934. "I saw one man being set on by a gang ofBlackshirts, who seized him from every side," saidMr. Anstruther-Gray (Conservative M.P. for North­ern Lanark). "He flung up his hands to show hiswillingness to surrender and allow himself to beescorted out of the hall. Despite his obvious reluc­tance to enter into an entirely unequal fight, he wasthrown down by a ju-jitsu trick and kicked in theribs, while unable to move. Having yanked him upagain the Blackshirts were not content with leadinghim away, but others ran behind battering him onthe head with their bare fists."

Mr. Geoffrey Lloyd, M.P. (Conservative, Lady­wood), Parliamentary Private Secretary to Mr. Bald­win, said:-

" After thinking the matter over carefully, I do notthink I saw a single heckler ejected in a decent andorderly way. Again and again, as five or six Fascistscarried out an interrupter by arms and legs, severalother Blackshirts were hitting and kicking his helplessbody. Sir Oswald Mosley talks of an organisedSocialist attack on Olympia, assaults on womenwearing the black shirt, and the use of razors andother weapons. What miserable hypocrisy Sir Os­wald's statement is. Clearly these events, if theyactually took place, were stimulated by the pastbrutalities of the Blackshirts."

These remarks earned for Mr. Lloyd the state­ment by Sir Oswald that he was "Mr. Baldwin'slittle private jackal."

There is space for only two other examples. Ameeting at Oxford, addressed by Sir Oswald Mosleyon znd 1 ovember, 1933, resulted in many injuries toopponents of the Blackshirts.

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After the meeting the principal of Ruskin College,Mr. A. Barrett Brown, and a tutor, Mr. J. L. Etty,took sworn statements from some of the injured men.These statements were read out at an anti-Fascistmeeting called by the Master of Balliol, the Dean ofWadham, Professor J. L. Brierly of All Souls, andtwo other dons, to protest against the Fascistviolence at the Mosley meeting.

Again at Bristol, in March, two men were ejectedby Blackshirts.

" Sydney Kyte of Bristol, was .... seriously hurtand was carried unconscious on a stretcher, his headswathed in bandages and covered with blood. Hehad been ejected from the meeting. As he was putinto the ambulance the police had to form a ring toprevent the crowd surging forward into the building."(Manchester Guardian, 29th March, 1934).

The Home Secretary, although he said he hadobtained a full report from the Chief Constable ofBristol, made no reference to the real cause of thetrouble, but explained it as "largely due to theadoption of semi-military evolutions by the Fascists,"and their general behaviour." (Hansard, 9th April,1934)·

As early as 1931, Mosley said:-" We want to get as many physically fit young men

as we can for it. In the coming years of crisis, intimes of trial and ordeal, we shall be ready to fight."(Daily Herald, 15th May, 1931).

When the New Party was transformed into theB.V.F., Mosley is reported to have said:-

"We have a detachment that nearly every youngman who is physically strong joins. They are highlydisciplined in a semi-militaristic manner." (News­Chronicle, 30th September, 1932).

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In this way, Sir Oswald Mosley, following in thesteps of Fascism in Italy and Germany, is buildingup an anti-working class force that is intended tosalvage a decaying system, and, as one of the firststeps, seeks to break up working-class resistance.

USEFUL REFERENCES

I. Fascism and Social Revolution by R. Palme Dutt.Special Edition, 2/6. (Martin Lawrence).

2. Fascists at Olympia, 6d. (Gollancz).3. Blackshirt Brutality, rd. (Workers' Bookshop).4. Mosley and Lancashire by W. Rust. rd. (Labour

Monthly).5. Who Backs Mosley (out of print), 6d. (Labour

Research Department).• • • •

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