Pattern and Meaning in Prehistoric Peruvian Architecture: The Architecture ofSocial Control in the Chimu State

Jerry D. Moore

Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 3, No. 2. (Jun., 1992), pp. 95-113.

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PATTERN AND MEANING IN PREHISTORIC PERUVIAN ARCHITECTURE: THE ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

IN THE CHIMU STATE

Jerry D. Moore

Our architecture reflects us, as truly as a mirror.

Louls Sullivan

Archaeologists have studled buildings for decades, but a very narrow range o f analytlcal approaches has been applied to prehistoric architecture. This paper presents a basic theory of architectural meaning, which has as its prlnclpalfocus the role of access patterns wlthin buildings as a medlum o f social control. On the north coast o f Peru, '4ndeanists have held an implicit notion about the relation between access patterns and social control, but have lacked the analytlcal tools to e-xplore this question further. A set ofbasic tools borrowedfrom graph theory and locational geography is presented, and discussed, and then applied to a specific set of Prehispanic construc- tions-the monumental compounds o f Chan Chan. the capital ofthe Chimu state (A.D. 900-1470). The methods illuminate drjerences and similarities rn the organization of access wlthin the compounds, and they are used to test a hypothesis about the role o f a specific architectural element-the U-shaped room-in controlling access within royal compounds at Chan Chan. The results have implrcatlons for understanding the nature of social control in the Chlmu state and suggest the potentla1 that new analytical methods may haw for the study of prehistoric constructions.

Aunque hare aiios 10s arquedlogos han estudiado la arquitectura prehistdrica, sin embargo hay escasez de metodos de anrilisis de patrones arquitectdnicos. Usualmente 10s arquedlogos plensan en 10s edificiosprehlspcinicos en una de tres maneras: como arttlfactos complicados que representan tradiclones culturales; como 10s escenarios paslvos de actlvidades prehistdrrcas, activldades identificadas con otros restos culturales; o como proyectos ptiblicos que representan una inversrdn laboral y que implican una escala sociopolitlca. Esas tactlcas analiticas son titiles y han resultado en perspectivas profundas sobre la arquitectura prehistdrica. Pero la arquitectura tambien re fk~a significado y una dimensidn basica es el acceso: iQui8n puede entrar y a ddnde puede pasar? Los arquedlogos reconocen que el acceso es una dlmenslbn importante, especialmente 10s que traba~an en el Perti.

Los arquedlogos estrin de acuerdo que el acceso espacial es una .forma de control soclal y que 10s patrones de acceso pueden indicar la e.xistencia de grupos distintos en las sociedades prehispdnlcas: 10s de adentro y 10s de afuera. Este tema es muy importante en el estudio del desarollo prehispdnlco en la costa del Perti, especialmente en el analisis de edrficios ptiblicos. Pero, por la falta de metodos analiticos, 10s arquedlogos solarnente pueden distinguir entre dos extremos de acceso, "abierto" p "cerrado," aunque estan considerando edificios de varios tamaiios y patrones arquitectdnrcos.

Sin embargo, exlsten metodos para analizar patrones de acceso, rnPtodos utilizados para el ancilisis de 10s sistemas de redes. El estudio que se presenta a continuacidn aplica esos metodos a1 sitio de Chan Chan, sede del estado Chimti (900-1470 D.C.), ubicado en el valle Moche. En Chan Chan, 10s muros grandes de las ciudadelas reales, sus corredores tortuosos y sus entradas indlrectas nos sugieren una preoccupacibn por el acceso espaciai en la construccidn de ciudadelas. Por eso, el tema del acceso ha sido mup Importante en 10s estudios arqueoldgicos de la capital de Chimor. Una clase de arquitectura-la audlencia-ha sido interpretada como un nodo de control en el acceso a 10s depdsltos en las ciudadelas de Chan Chan. Pero el analisis indica que las audiencias no estcin ubicadas en puntos claves en 10s patrones arquitectdnicos y en realidad no controlan el acceso a1 almacenarniento. Los resultados lndican que se necesita formular otras hipdtesis sobre :as audiencias y su papel politico en el estado Chlrnti, p tumbien demuestran el valor de metodos alternativos para el estudio de la arquitectura prehispcinica.

Archaeology was conceived during the contemplation of ruins, yet it is startling to realize what a narrow range of analytical tools is used to study prehistoric architecture. As Gilman (1987:538)

Jerry D. Moore, Departrnent ofAnthropolog~,, Californra State Universit~rDominguez Hills, 1000East Victoria St., Carson, CA 90747

Latin American Antiquity, 3(2), 1992, pp. 95-1 13. Copyright O 1992 by the Soclety for American Archaeology

96 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, NO. 2, 1992

notes, "Architecture is one of the most common archaeological remains, yet archaeologists have probably done less to interpret and explain architectural variation than for any other data set." A casual review of the Andean and mesoamerican literature suggests that archaeologists usually analyze architecture in one of three ways. One approach is to view buildings as representatives of stylistic traditions, as constellations of design elements that can be identified and associated with the spread of particular societies (e.g., Czwarno 1988, 1989; Isbell and Schreiber 1978; McEwan 1990) or contrasted with other architectural traditions (Aldenderfer 1990:479480). Another approach is to determine the function of particular buildings and places based on the repertoire of artifacts that are present. In such approaches, architecture may be seen simply as a backdrop to human activities that are reflected by other patterned artifactual remains (e.g., Moore 1985). Finally, archaeologists may analyze architecture by measuring the amount of human labor that constructions represent (for a recent review see Abrams [1989]). The scope of monumental buildings is seen as a direct index of public labor that provides evidence of the development of authority and power (e.g., Feldman 1985, 1987; Pozorski 1980), while the size of domestic structures may be interpreted as reflecting family wealth, status, and power (for mesoamerican examples see Arnold and Ford [I 9801; cf. Folan et al. [I 9821; Haviland [I 9821). While other approaches to architecture certainly exist (such as Blanton 1989; Brewster-Wray 1983; Chiswell 1988, 1989; Fritz 1978; Kent 1990), archaeologists commonly approach architecture in these three ways. None of the approaches is wrong, and each provides significant insights into prehistoric behaviors, but they do not exhaust the potential insights that archaeologists can derive from systematic studies of prehistoric architecture.

While archaeologists might accept the basic truth of architect Louis Sullivan's dictum cited above, it is hard to translate that statement into a research program because we immediately encounter some basic problems. How can we identify formal patterns in prehistoric buildings? How can we determine with any degree of certainty what those patterns mean? Finally, how can pattern and meaning be described in ways that are replicable and verifiable?

What follows is an attempt to whittle away at these difficulties by exploring them in microcosm- a consideration of the use of architecture as a means of social control in public constructions built by the Prehispanic Chimu state (A.D. 900-1 470) of the north coast of Peru (Figure 1). First I describe the theoretical link between access and social control, and then I discuss how archaeologists have applied that rationale to prehistoric Peruvian buildings. I then outline a specific hypothesis, suggested by other Andeanists, which posits (1) that one class of distinctive Chimu architecture-the U-shaped room-was an essential element in controlling access within the Chimu capital of Chan Chan, and (2) that the U-shaped room was the symbolic manifestation of administrative order throughout the Chimu state. Using a variety of methods, I test this hypothesis with architectural data from Chan Chan. Finally, the results of this analysis are considered, and new directions for research are outlined.

THE ARCHITECTURE O F SOCIAL CONTROL: THEORY AND APPLICATIONS

Buildings reflect meaning, and the meanings embedded in architecture may range from a society's complex cosmological patterns to straightforward instructions like "Exit." Umberto Eco (1 980:25) notes that the symbols embodied in buildings may contain either primary-sign functions or sec- ondary-sign functions. Primary-sign functions communicate basic utilitarian aspects of buildings or architectural elements, while secondary-sign functions connote more complex sets of meanings (Rybczynski 1989: 162).

Some of the most basic meanings conveyed by architecture involve how to enter and move through a building. While our attention may be captured by fine facades or architectural adornment, there may be hidden information in more prosaic patterns. Witold Rybczynski (1 989: 16 1) writes:

The symbolic meaning ofarchitecture can be profound, as it is in the case with places ofworship and important public buildings. But the language of buildings can also convey more mundane messages: where to go, what is important, how the building is to be used.

Buildings often are designed to indicate who may enter and where they may go. While every walled structure differentiates inside from outside, doorways, comdors, gates, and other baniers

ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke

0 100 2OOkm -Figure 1. North coast of Peru showing locations of sites mentioned in text.

distinguish between insiders and outsiders. In this sense, architecture can be used as a means of social control.

One of the most explicit examples of the relation between architectural plan and social control is the Panopticon, a model prison designed by Jeremy Bentham, the British Utilitarian philosopher. Bentham was primarily concerned with the nature of government and the justice of punishment, and, for that reason, was a pioneer in prison reform. The hidden labyrinths of eighteenth-century prisons led to unobserved abuses, and Bentham's solution was the Panopticon-a circular, glass- roofed structure, with cells along the outer ring all facing onto a central rotunda where a single guard could keep all the prisoners under constant surveillance (Johnston 1973: 19-2 1). Bentham's Pan- opticon was an architectural plan that was designed explicitly as a means of social control "to induce in the inmate a state of conscious and permanent visibility that assures the automatic functioning of power" (Foucault 1977:201). The Panopticon is an extreme example of the relation between architectural plan and social control, but it illustrates the notion that the internal organization of built space and, specifically, patterns of access can tell us something about the nature of social control (Fraser 1968:s).

Archaeologists working in coastal Peru (Figure 1) have discussed the interconnectedness of distinct spaces and the cultural significance of access in both monumental and residential architecture. For example, in writing of the Cotton Preceramic site of Aspero, Feldman (1985:85) described access to the moundtop structure of Huaca de 10s Idolos as a "pattern of restricted access" that "can be interpreted as further evidence of differential access to, and control of, ceremonial/religious activity by a small group of people" (see also Feldman 1987).

In their recent excavations at the Initial period/Early Horizon site of Moxeke-Pampa de las Llamas, Pozorski and Pozorski (1986, 1988) identified clear evidence that access was limited to the room

98 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, No. 2, 1992

group on top of Huaca A. In addition to raised thresholds, gates, and bar closures, the overall architectural plan appears designed to restrict and monitor access to a series of possible storerooms (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986:387-390).

Fung (1988) noted a similar pattern at the large U-shaped ceremonial centers of the central coast (not to be confused with the much smaller U-shaped rooms in Chimu architecture):

Access to the upper levels is through a single entrance from this court, via a stairway built along the main slte axis. Use of the stairway was restricted: at Garagay, for example, there is no trace of wear on its fine coating of clay. . . . In all, the marked symmetry of such complexes reveals a considered handling of space, aimed at controlling access to the sacred enclosures, through single entrances leading to areas which are increasingly elevated, restricted, and reserved [Fung 1988:9 11.

Occasionally, the absence of internally divided space is thought to reflect the lack of major social divisions between insiders and outsiders. For example, Fung (1 988:72-73) described the relatively open plan of El Paraiso in the Chillon Valley:

Absence of distinctions in the allocation of space and in the architectural form of the principal buildings. . . seems to reflect a social order free from conditions likely to enhance hierarchical differences, or the power struggle these would engender.

In the Jequetepeque Valley, the use of space to restrict access is documented in both residential and public architecture during the Moche V occupation at the site of Pampa Grande (ca. A.D. 600- 700). Shimada (1 978) argued that patterns of comdors physically articulated workers and workshops. Anders (1 98 1) described the storage facilities at Pampa Grande, characterizing access to these rooms as restricted. The main mound of Huaca Grande, located in the central sector of the site, is topped by a room complex interpreted as an elite residence (Haas 1985). Access to the upper surfaces of the massive platform mound was via a ramp/comdor that passed three small interior walls defined as "checkpoints" (Haas 1985:397). Once the top of the main huaca was reached, access within the room complex was "complicated and almost always indirect" (Haas 1985:404) with most doorways consisting of baffled entrances. At a more general level, Shimada (198 1:411) outlined the significance of access patterns in defining religious architecture and as "an effective device for symbolic com- munication."

One of the most explicit analyses of architecture and access is Bawden's (1982) study of the site af Galindo in the Moche Valley. Bawden has identified distinct sectors in the site, including nonelite bamos that are separated from the rest of the settlement by walls. Bawden (1982:179) writes:

The extensive residential bamo occupied by the lowest social stratum of the population is not only physically removed from other residential and corporate portions of the settlement, but confined to these peripheral locations by massive artificial partitions. The high wall that bounds [this bamo] has few formal openings. The access ways are narrow, enabling regulation of movement from the hillside residential area to the centers of economic activity and corporate administration on the plain below. All evidence points to this wall as forming a device for social control whereby a large segment of the population was barred from free access to the sources of community wealth and status.

Three points emerge from this brief review. First, Andeanists consider that patterns of access are an important indicator of how space was used and that those patterns provide insights into the cultural dimensions structuring the use of space. Access patterns are seen as evidence of distinct social divisions, social groupings with differential access to storerooms, workshops, wells, or sacred places. Architectural plans thus reflect patterns of social control.

Second, although controlling access is, by definition, a means of social control, there may be different reasons for it: the goal may be to protect storehouses, symbolically guard sacred space, or reinforce the divisions between elites and commoners.

Finally, all of the authors cited aboce view access as binary-it is either "restricted" or "open." Yet even a casual examination of plans (Figure 2) for the corporate architecture at Aspero (Feldman 1985, 1987), the elite residence on Huaca Grande (Haas 1985), and the storage complexes on Huaca A at Moxeke (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986, 1988) suggests significant distinctions between these constructions and their access patterns, although access is characterized as "restricted" in all of these structures. The problem is this: If access patterns are so important yet so variable, how can

Moore] ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

ASPERO

PAMPA GRANDE

PAMPA DE LAS LLAMAS

Figure 2. Schematic plans for Huaca de 10s Idolos, Aspero; Huaca Grande, Pampa Grande; and Huaca A, Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke.

those patterns be analyzed and compared? Simply, it is impossible to distinguish varying degrees of social control without devising more subtle ways to investigate Prehispanic architecture.

SOCIAL CONTROL IN THE CHIMU STATE: THE PROBLEM OF THE U-SHAPED ROOM

This methodological issue becomes paramount in studies of the Chimu capital of Chan Chan (Klymyshyn 1982, 1987; Moseley 1975; Moseley and Day 1982), where considerations of access become a major analytical theme. 4 t its heydey, the Chimu state (A.D. 900-1470) expanded over a 1,000-km section of the Pacific coast (Mackcy 1987; Rowe 1948), a territory governed from Chan Chan. Chan Chan was a large Prehispnnic city with an urban core covering some six square kilo- meters, inhabited by an estimated 20,OC3.-40,000 people (Topic and Moseley 1983: 157) and dom- inated by 10 large enclosures thought to be associated with the kings of Chimor (Figure 3). These royal compounds, or ciudadclas (Day 1973. 1982), are separated from the rest of Chan Chan by battered adobe walls up to 9 m high, and contain plazas, royal burial platforms (Conrad 1974, 1982), rooms thought to be storerooms, and distinctive three-sided constructions called U-shaped rooms. The complexity of the architectural plans suggests that controlling access was an important aspect of architectural design in the Chan Chan ciudadelas. For example, Day's (1982) discussion of the ciudadelas of Chan Chan indicates that restricted entrances, maze-like corridors, and associated U-shaped rooms were designed to prohibit and regulate access to storerooms. Day (1982:65) writes,

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, No. 2, 1992

QUhle

-Labennto

R~vero U Chayhuac

Figure 3. Schematic plan of the compounds at Chan Chan (after Conrad 1982:Figure 5.2).

"The overwhelming concern with security expressed in the controlled access, high walls and tortuous corridors of ciudadelas indicates a profound social and economic gulf between royalty and the rest of the populace."

Within the ciudadelas, administrative control over access has been associated with a distinctive type of building: the U-shaped room. U-shaped rooms are adobe-brick structures consisting of three walls, open at one end, and are either rectangular or square in plan (Andrews 1974:247). U-shaped rooms also have a variety of niches, troughs, or bins associated with them; these differences and distinctions in overall layout have led Kolata (1 982) to define some 20 different types of U-shaped structures (Figure 4), an expansion on the seven types initially defined by Andrews.

At least certain U-shaped rooms appear similar to features illustrated in Moche iconography (Figure 5) showing a high-status individual sitting on a raised, bench-like throne (Donnan 1976:67, 69). This apparent analogy has led to the term audiencia for some types of U-shaped rooms and the suggestion that such structures were occupied by administrators. The administrative interpre- tation of U-shaped rooms is not solely based on form and analogy; it is also based on a perceived association between U-shaped rooms and storerooms, specifically that U-shaped rooms control access to the storerooms. Day presented the argument very clearly:

Storerooms in ciudadelas housed many more goods than did storerooms elsewhere in the site. These storage facilities could only be reached by a system of corridors that passed the audiencias. It is the strategic position

101 Moore] ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

Figure 4. Types of U-shaped rooms (from Kolata 1982:Figure 4.3). Courtesy A. Kolata.

of these U-shaped structures rather than anything inherent in their form that indicates audiencias were administrative control points in cludadelas [Day 1982:64].

The suggested strategic role of U-shaped rooms in controlling access to storerooms has been echoed by others. For example, Parsons and Hastings (1 988: 193) wrote recently, "In particular, the role of distinctive U-shaped buildings in controlling access to storerooms throughout Chan Chan seems undeniable and highly significant."

The hypothetical administrative function of U-shaped rooms has been extrapolated beyond the walls of the Chan Chan ciudadelas. For example, Keatinge and Conrad (1983:264) discussed the association of audiencias with other Chimu sites in the Chimu heartland of the Moche Valley and the northern valley of Jequetepeque:

The occurrence of audiencias within the main structures of these administrative centers [outside of Chan Chan] is assumed to be symbolic of the regional extension and economic unity of state control and authority centered at the capital [of Chan Chan]. In summary, the association of audiencias with contiguous rooms

Figure 5. Moche depiction of audiencia-like structure (from Larco Hoyle 1939:Plate 31).

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, No. 2, 1992

Figure 6. Access plans for two three-room plans. "V" equals "vertices," "E" equals "edges."

thought to have been storerooms, as well as their location in state rural administrative centers, has led to the development of a model of Chimu socio-economic organization in which audiencias are seen as the archi- tecrural espresslon ofstate conrrol over the production, storage, and redlstribution of goods [emphasis added].

In short. the characterization of U-shaped rooms as having a general administrative function and/ or meaning throughout Chimu territory is based largely on their specific role in controlling access to the purported storerooms in the c~udadelasof Chan Chan. Yet, this hypothesized relation has not been analyzed, probably because archaeologists have been unaware of a variety of methods that can be used to understand complex architectural plans.

METHODS FOR THE ANALYSIS OF COMPLEX ARCHITECTURE

One approach to understanding architectural plans is to reduce a set of interconnected rooms to a standardized drawing in which rooms are represented by points and their connections by linking lines (Figure 6). Not only do these diagrams allow for visual and intuitive comparison of different access patterns, but because these circles and connecting lines form networks, it is possible to apply descriptive terms and measures borrowed from graph theory (Steadman 1983) and locational ge- ography (Haggett et al. 1977:313-324).

For example, we can assess the distance of the farthest room from the outside door in terms of "depth" by counting tiers of rooms (i.e., from the outside, how many rooms must we pass through to get to a particular room?). An alternative approach measures the interconnectedness of access within a structure based on the number of rooms (called "vertices" or "V" in network graphs) and the number of connections (referred to as "edges" or "En). The limits of interconnectedness can be expressed by formulas that describe relations between (a) the number of rooms (V) and (b) the number of connections between rooms (E). At one extreme, if each room opens onto one and only one other room, then there will be one less connection than the number ofrooms, a relation expressed by the equation E = V - 1 ; the result is a chain of rooms and a very restricted access plan (Figure 6). In an ideal network, unconstrained by structural considerations, a completely interconnected network is expressed by the slope of E = 3V - 6 (Figure 6). In the real world it is impossible for all rooms to be connected directly, particularly when the access is via doorways in shared walls. In

ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

Figure 7. Line-of-sight drawing for two three-room plans.

such cases the actual maximum slope will be less than E = 3V - 6, but values approaching E =

3V - 6 are closer to a pattern of unrestricted access. In addition to graphic presentations, access patterns can be expressed in a series of indices, each

having a slightly different property and measuring a subtle difference in a network. The simplest index, the beta index:

measures the overall complexity of a graph. Tree-like and disconnected graphs tend to have beta indices less than 1 .O, while as the number of edges (connections) increases the value approaches a maximum of 3.0 in planar graphs (Smith 1975:284).

Networks may contain distinct subgraphs, and as the number of subgraphs increases the graph becomes more complicated. The cyclomatic number (N) is used to characterize the overall com- plexity of a graph; as the number of connections and complexity of a graph increase, the cyclomatic number increases also (Smith 1975:282-283). The cyclomatic number is given by:

where N is the cyclomatic number, E the number of edges, V the number of vertices, and G the number of subgraphs.

As the example of the Panoptican suggests, visual command is another dimension of social control, a dimension not completely captured by the graphs or descriptive measures described above. It is quite possible that one room "controls" access to another simply because it is impossible to enter the second room without being seen from the first. One way to measure the extent of visual command is with a "line-of-sight" graph, a modified version of the axial plan discussed by Hillier and Hanson (1984). This graph simply portrays the maximum axis of view from one defined space to another; Figure 7 illustrates line-of-sight graphs for the simple three-room plans shown in Figure 6.

With analytical tools like the access graph, line-of-sight graph, and descriptive measures, it is possible to analyze the complex architectural patterns at Chan Chan and to test the hypothesis that U-shaped rooms were associated with the control of access within the ciudadelas.

ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSIS AND SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS

The architectural data analyzed below are taken from the 1:500-scale plans ofChan Chan produced by the Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project (Moseley and Mackey 1974); the basic results ofthe analysis

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, No. 2, 1992

Table 1 . Chan Chan Monumental Compounds, Vertices (V), Edges (E), Number of Subgraphs, Beta Index, and Cyclomatic

Numbers.

Maxi- Cyclo-Sub- mum Beta matic

E graphs Depths Index NumberCompound V

Bandelier Uhle Tello South Tello (South

and North) Rivero Laberinto Velarde Chayhuac Tschudi Gran Chimu

.Vote; Data for main compounds only; excludes walk-in wells, burial plat- forms, and destroyed areas.

are summarized in Tables 1 and 2. Connections between rooms and/or spaces (e.g., plazas o r courtyards) were recorded on the basis of doorways shown on the plans. When the 1:500 plans show sealed doorways, it was assumed that the blocked entrances represented postabandonment modi- fication of the original access plan, and the door was treated as if it were open. Since the drawings are attempts to depict access, all walled spaces-including rooms, plazas, and corridors-are treated as vertices in the network graphs. Sets of rooms with no clear connections to other rooms were treated as discrete subgraphs. Walk-in wells, burial platforms, and associated rooms were excluded, as were areas where walls were poorly preserved. Only the main compounds of the ciudadelas (i.e., n o annexes) were analyzed.

Such strident disagreement exists over the relative dating of the Chan Chan ciudadelas (see, for example, Andrews 1974; Conrad 1974; 198 1 ; Kolata 1982; McEwan 1990; Paulsen 198 1 ; Topic and Moseley 1983) that no attempt was made to place the monumental compounds in chronological order. Following other scholars (Klymyshyn 1987; Topic and Moseley 1983), Ciudadela Squier was excluded because apparently it was not completed. Data for Tello were calculated separately for the southern section of Tello and then for the entire monumental compound, following the suggestion

Table 2. Relations Between U-shaped Rooms and Storerooms. Main Compounds, the Chan Chan Ciudadelas.

Number of Number of Number of U-shaped

Rooms Number of U-shaped

Storerooms with

Storerooms Without

Without Rooms with U-shaped U-shaped Compound Storerooms Storerooms Rooms Rooms

Tello 2 1 4 1 219 Velarde 8 3 63 233 Laberinto 0 13 132 509 Chayhuac 0 0 0 6 7 Tschudi 13 4 29 22 1 Bandelier 2 6 37 138 Uhle 11 11 107 6 8 Rivero 8 3 19 161 Gran Chimu 0 8 8 2 177

Total 44 4 9 460 1.793

ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

0 200 400 600 800 1000

V E R T I C E S

Figure 8. Chan Chan nudadelas, plot of edges by vertices

by Topic and Moseley (1983) that Tello South was built first. The U-shaped rooms were identified by comparing room forms to Kolata's (1982) typology and checked against Klymyshyn's (1987) frequency data. Totals of the number of U-shaped rooms are based on Klymyshyn's (1987) study of the Chan Chan compounds. Other than U-shaped rooms and storerooms, no additional functional categories were considered; the available plans (Moseley and Mackey 1974) do not distinguish different kinds of rooms such as kitchens or residential areas, while U-shaped rooms and banks of storerooms are depicted consistently in the plans of Chan Chan due to their distinctive architectural forms.

Access graphs were prepared for the nine ciudadelas, and the drawings show basic similarities in the ciudadelas. Access tends to be tree like; beta indices for the ciudadelas (Table 1) tend to cluster around 1.O, with extreme values for Chayhuac (beta = 1.15) and Tello South (beta = .37). Maximum depth is greatest for Velarde (depth = 26), Bandelier (depth = 24), and Uhle (depth = 21). Figure 8 plots the edges:vertices for the nine ciudadelas, and the similarities between the main compounds are striking. For most of the ciudadelas the relation between edges and vertices approximates E =

V - 1. Particularly interesting is the obvious cluster formed by ciudadelas Bandelier, Tschudi, Rivero, and Uhle, which contain roughly the same number of interior spaces connected in basically the same ways. Given the vagaries of relative dating of the compounds (McEwan 1990), it is impossible to know if the similarities in these four compounds are due to diachronic change in the functions and organization of ciudadelas.

In Figure 8 Tello is an obvious outlier. Whether considering the southern section alone or the entire compound, Tello's internal organization is characterized by a lack of access; the rooms within Tello are split into numerous, unconnected subgraphs, and many of the storerooms within Tello are independent cells that have no obvious entrances or connections with other rooms. These "cellular storerooms" are reminiscent of the cells associated with burial platforms in the other major

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, No. 2, 1992

Figure 9. Plan of Ciudadela Rivero (from Day 1982:Figure 3.2). Courtesy K. Day.

compounds at Chan Chan; Tello does not contain a burial platform (Conrad 1982), and it may be that storage was sealed off after the abandonment of the enclosure.

In terms of the cyclomatic number (Table l) , Tello (cyclomatic number = -122) also represents the least-"complex" access pattern, which reflects the fact that many of its rooms are isolated, and rooms that are connected are members of different subgraphs. In contrast, Uhle (cyclomatic number = 48) and Chayhuac (cyclomatic number = 36) exhibit the most-complex, coherent access patterns, although the ciudadelas differ in the depth and number of rooms (Table 1).

As to the hypothesized association between U-shaped rooms and storerooms, Ciudadela Rivero has been cited as an exemplar of the relation (Day 1982), and it will illustrate how the hypothesis was tested. Figure 9 depicts the basic plan of Ciudadela Rivero showing the U-shaped structures and the storerooms; the caption accompanying this figure in Day's (1982) article states, "Note the strategic position of U-shaped audiencias in relationship to storerooms in the north and central sectors." On the basis of an earlier passage in the same article (Day 1982:64), "strategic" would seem to imply that it is impossible to gain access to the storerooms without passing by or at least being seen from U-shaped rooms.

The access-pattern graph for Ciudadela Rivero (Figure lo), however, shows that the association between U-shaped rooms and storage is not clear-cut. The U-shaped rooms are not located in the

ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

108 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, No. 2, 1992

most strategic or pivotal nodes of the graph; if one really wanted to control access within the ciudadelas, it would be more effective to locate the U-shaped rooms elsewhere. Also, while some U-shaped rooms are located such that they control access to storerooms, not all U-shaped rooms are associated with storerooms. The inverse is also true. While some storerooms are associated with U-shaped rooms, the vast majority are not (Table 2).

The line-of-sight graph for Ciudadela Rivero (Figure 11) shows that it is possible to gain access to the majority of the purported storerooms without being seen from the audiencias. In the case of Ciudadela Rivero, not all U-shaped rooms control access to storerooms, and the majority of store- rooms can be entered without ever passing by a U-shaped room.

A similar lack of association between U-shaped rooms and storerooms is manifested by some of the other ciudadelas in Chan Chan. Table 2 presents frequencies for U-shaped rooms and storerooms in the nine completed ciudadelas, and a few conclusions are clear. First, there are some ciudadelas in which the majority of U-shaped rooms are, in fact, associated with possible storerooms: Laberinto, Gran Chimu, and Bandelier. Second, at least in the case of Ciudadela Uhle, some storerooms are very much associated with U-shaped rooms. But for Chan Chan as a whole and for certain ciudadelas like Tschudi, Tello, Velarde, and Rivero, the relation does not exist. For Chan Chan as a whole, a one-sample test (Shennan 1988:67) of the null hypothesis that the association between U-shaped rooms and storage is the result of chance results in a chi-square of .23, which is not significant at the .05 level with one degree of freedom. In other words, there is no statistically sign~jicant spatial association between U-shaped rooms and storerooms. In addition, storerooms not associated with U-shaped rooms outnumber storerooms associated with U-shaped rooms almost four to one.

These results suggest the need to reconsider previous archaeological approaches to the meaning of U-shaped rooms in the Chan Chan ciudadelas and in the Chimu state. On the one hand, the architectural categories may be poor ones; the 20 different types of buildings linked by Kolata (1 982) on formal grounds may crosscut different functional classes, and, alternatively, there may be more than one kind of storeroom at Chan Chan. It is equally possible that the relations between U-shaped rooms and the purported storerooms changed through time at Chan Chan, a hypothesis immediately snagged by the difficulty of seriating the ciudadelas. It is worthwhile to note that the ciudadelas with the least association between U-shaped rooms and storage include supposedly early (Tello) and late (Velarde, Rivero, Tschudi) ciudadelas (Kolata 1982; Topic and Moseley 1983). It is also possible that the functions of ciudadelas changed (Klymyshyn 1987) or that U-shaped rooms within ciu-dadelas are associated with some other functional class of architecture, one which is not expressed in such distinctive forms as the audiencias (e.g., communal kitchens or workshops) and is uniden- tifiable on the available plans of Chan Chan (Moseley and Mackey 1974). All of these possibilities merit additional study.

But the data also suggest the need to rethink the administrative interpretation of the meaning of U-shaped rooms. For example, Keatinge and Conrad (1983:261) refer to the "audiencias hypoth- esized to have functioned as administrative 'offices'," but it would seem that we have been captured by our analogies. An alternative model was considered briefly by West (1 970:8 1-82) and evaluated in greater detail by Andrews (1974:257), who discussed the possible role of religious activities in the functions of U-shaped room. Yet, Andrews was swayed by the apparent administrative role of U-shaped rooms:

However, the associations with storerooms, other U-shaped structures, ciudadela entrances, and other im- portant features argue for a primarily administrative role for these structures; in such a predominantly secular context, religion would have been relegated to a secondary role [Andrews 1974:257].

Similarly, Keatinge (1 977:232) suggested that audiencias developed from a religious-ceremonial context although they "through time became increasingly associated with the socio-administrative activities of the compounds, activities that are represented in their most developed form by the audiencia-storage complexes at Chan Chan." Nonetheless, he remarked on the "religious aura" of the audiencias as reflected in the dedicatory burials found in the floors of the audiencias (Keatinge 1977:232).

The interpretation of the U-shaped rooms as offices in Chan Chan was based on their presumed

Moore] ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL -

110 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 3, No. 2, 1992

association with storage and their suggested function in controlling access. On this basis, the U- shaped rooms were interpreted as "symbolic of the regional extension and economic unity of state control and authority" (Keatinge and Conrad 1983:264). Obviously, if the U-shaped rooms did not control access to storage in Chan Chan's ciudadelas, then their symbolic association with the administrative state cannot be extended to other territories of the Chimu state. In short, analysis of the architectural plans suggests that the hypothesized "function" of U-shaped rooms in the Chan Chan czudadelas and their suggested "meaning" elsewhere on the north coast simply are not sup- ported by the data.

CONCLUSION

Although archaeologists have not devised a coherent theory of pattern and meaning in prehistoric architecture, elements of that theory clearly exist in the archaeological literature. For example, Andeanists generally hold that access patterns convey certain meanings about prehistoric construc- tions and the societies that built them. The control of access is seen as a major element of social control, reflecting the existence of significant social differences. However, archaeologists have tended to simply view access as "open" or "restricted," and additional distinctions are lost because of the lack of analytical methods.

This analysis of access patterns within the royal compounds of Chan Chan illustrates some basic points that may be useful for future research. First, the analysis is derived from an explicit-though nascent-archaeological theory from which testable hypotheses can be derived. The fact that this theory involves the meaning of architectural elements (in this case, access patterns) does not force us to engage in archaeological hermeneutics or architectural deconstruction. If anything, such con- siderations should require greater clarity and rigor, as we attempt to understand more subtle uses of space in prehistoric societies.

Second, the analysis has suggested some of the potential insights that new analytical methods could produce as we study prehistoric buildings. The methods used in this study involved very simple calculations and graphs; additional, more sophisticated methods are needed. Also, there is an obvious need to expand the data base. Monumental constructions have been built for some 4,000 years in the Andes (Donnan 1985) and many sites have been mapped. It might be possible, for example, to gain significant insights into the evolution of authority by studying the development and organization of public constructions in the Prehispanic Andes.

Finally, this study is an attempt to illuminate some aspects of social control for the Chimu state of the north coast of Peru. The analysis of ciudadelas at Chan Chan showed that U-shaped rooms are not significantly associated with storerooms within the main compounds. This finding does not support the hypothesis that U-shaped rooms were the architectural expression of Chimu state control, in the sense of being "offices" or "checkpoints." Not only does this finding imply the need to rethink the function of U-shaped rooms, but it also suggests the need to reconsider our ideas about social control in Chimu society. For example, U-shaped rooms have been seen as the mark of authority and supervision associated with Chimu state-sponsored projects (Keatinge and Conrad 1983), yet excavations in the Casma Valley (Moore 1988, 199 1) have documented a Chimu agricultural project lacking any associated U-shaped rooms. The Chimu state may have exerted political authority via a range of institutions (e.g., Netherly 1977), not all of which required distinctive buildings like U-shaped rooms.

Archaeologists have made enormous investments in collecting architectural data; it is important that we invest some effort in their analysis. Great potential exists for additional insights into the nature of prehistoric constructions, but this will require explicit theoretical statements that can generate hypotheses amenable to verifiable testing. In this manner, it is possible to improve the way archaeologists contemplate ruins.

Acknowledgments. This research has profited greatly from comments by Janine Gasco, Christine Hastorf, Carol Mackey, Thomas Pozorski, Shelia Pozorski, Prudence Rice, and three anonymous reviewers for Latin American Antiquity. I would like to acknowledge a more general debt to the late Albert Spaulding who influenced this approach to archaeological data. All errors of fact or interpretation are mine alone.

ARCHITECTURE OF SOCIAL CONTROL

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Received July I , 1991; accepted November 12, 1991

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Pattern and Meaning in Prehistoric Peruvian Architecture: The Architecture of SocialControl in the Chimu StateJerry D. MooreLatin American Antiquity, Vol. 3, No. 2. (Jun., 1992), pp. 95-113.Stable URL:

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