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4  

balance. If Delhi railed against the US-China-Pakistan axis in the 1970s, Mao fulminated against the Russian bear mounting the Indian cow. The geopolitical churn continues. Delhi now fears Russia joining the China-Pak axis; Beijing campaigns against Delhi’s partnership with Washington and Tokyo. In this story of shifting Asian alliances, Delhi and Beijing had one unchanging objective — to construct a favourable external balance of power. In pursuit of that, India and China found themselves, more often than not, on opposing sides. Those who want to return to a presumed “golden age of non-alignment” ignore the imperatives of geography. It was easy to be “non-aligned” in the Cold War between America, the distant power, and Soviet Russia, once removed from India’s borders. China, in contrast, has a long and contested border with India and now looms larger than before. Beijing’s GDP is nearly five times larger than India’s. Its military spending is thrice that of Delhi. In the last few years, India has struggled to cope with Beijing’s political expansion, military modernisation and power projection in India’s neighbourhood. India’s territorial disputes with China have also endured. After decades of negotiation, Delhi and Beijing don’t even agree on the length of their border. China says the border is about 2,000 km — the Indian count is nearly 4,000. Thereby hangs a tale of two nationalisms, so deeply attached to territory. The territorial question is further complicated by the disagreement over Tibet and its relationship to Delhi and Beijing. Delhi worries about China’s deepening alliance with Pakistan and frets over Beijing’s growing power in the subcontinent and the Indian Ocean. India has a massive trade deficit with China. Beyond the bilateral and regional, Beijing has tripped up India’s membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and is unenthusiastic about India’s claim for permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council. Despite their best efforts, India and China find it difficult to mask their multiple differences with anti-Western rhetoric. The slogans on Asian solidarity were of no help in bringing India and China together in the Cold War. Delhi’s more recent joint quest with Beijing for a “multipolar world” (code for limiting American influence) has begun to rub up against India’s new fears of a “unipolar Asia” (code for a Sino-centric region). India’s messy relationship with China stands in contrast to growing political convergence with the United States. India has a significant trade surplus with America; its dynamic IT sector is deeply connected to America’s Silicon Valley. The US ended its pro-Pakistan tilt some years ago and has moved towards neutrality; Washington is more forthcoming than China in helping India counter cross-border terrorism from Pakistan. Unlike China, America supports India’s membership of the UNSC and the NSG. Washington says it wants to see India emerge as a great power; China seems to block India’s rise on the global stage. No policymaker in Delhi can avoid the asymmetry in India’s relations with Washington and Beijing. Of course, this is not the end of the story. Despite the dramatic advances in India’s relations with America, there is much residual mistrust of Washington in Delhi. Some Indians are concerned about the unpredictability of US policies towards China and Pakistan. Meanwhile, India can’t forget the imperatives of maintaining reasonable relations with a powerful neighbour like China. The biggest problem, however, is the fact that Delhi has no control over all the variables in the rapidly shifting distribution of power in Asia, especially between China and America. Some in Delhi might be pleased with the US president-elect Donald Trump’s threat to adopt a more muscular approach to China. Others worry that Trump’s real objective is to work out a new deal with Beijing after creating leverage over economic and political issues. Delhi is acutely aware that Washington and Beijing have a stronger economic partnership with each other than they have with Delhi. For the near future, therefore, Delhi’s emphasis will be on making the best of expanding the partnership with the United States while limiting and managing the differences with China. Delhi has just begun this high-wire act — and there is much distance to cover. The writer is Director, Carnegie India, Delhi and consulting editor on foreign affairs for ‘The Indian Express’

 

5 

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7 

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10  

Just like aquatic animals that navigate without a ripple on the water's surface, these systems can steer a vessel underwater without creating a disturbance -making them hard to detect.Vehicles with these systems are stealthy -the current buzzword in military hardware. IIT-M's department of ocean engineering P Krishnankutty says aquatic animals make use of a variety of propulsion systems but the IIT-M team focused particularly on penguins and fish, which have better hydrodynamics and cause less disturbance. Research scholar M N Praveen Babu said the penguin-inspired system has two fins that use the pressure difference between the upper and the lower surface of the fins to generate propulsion, rotating and swinging to move forward. “The other system inspired by fish has two side fins near to the fore end (where the pectoral fins of a fish are) and a tail fin,“ Babu said. “Both the pectoral and tail fins help propel and manoeuvre but the tailfins give larger thrust.“ The researchers tested propulsion and rudder systems on ship models in two different sizes at varying speeds. “We tested several parameters including selfpropulsion, thrust force, flapping amplitude, flapping frequency, forward speed, lift and drag,“ Babu said. “Certain devices, we found, had an efficiency of 80% when compared to an average of 65%. Countries like the US, Japan and China are involved in research of bio-inspired propulsion systems.