Modernity and Anxiety

5. Malay Anxiety

Modernity, Development and Underdevelopment

Recap from previous lectures The bangsa Melayu firmly entrenched as definite

racial category by the end of the nationalist struggles for self-rule.

The Federation of Malaya formed out of 9 states in 1957

In Malaya (not Singapore), ‘Malay’ was constitutionally-defined

04/22/23MS1102E: Malays-Tradition, Conflict and Change, I, 2015/2015

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With new nation, new path of development to be created

UMNO-MCA-MIC formed the Alliance to rule Malaya as a plural nation

Economic development was good, Malay political leadership in place


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Purpose of lecture To examine what happens after the political formation

of bangsa Melayu

To identify creeping postcolonial anxieties and insecurity over Malay socio-economic role and status

To discuss some of the diagnoses and prescriptions for overcoming Malay ‘deficiency’

To analyse the critiques and consequences of the above


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Nationalism: Imagined and Achievement of Political Bangsa Melayu

BUT, Malays were lagging behind economically Largely concentrated in rural areas Cities and urban areas dominated by Chinese,

Europeans and handful of Malay elites Races divided by economic functions

Malays: peasants Indians: plantation workers Chinese: big and retail businesses

What is the root cause of Malay socio-economic underdevelopment?


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Early musingsMunshi Abdullah and Zaaba

Malay deficiency

19th c: Munshi Abdullah

criticism of the Malay rulers and their subjects.

Feudalism obstructs progress Inability to compete with superior

Others Europeans and other migrant races


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Malay poverty

Za’ba on the Poverty of the Malays (1923)

“The Malays as a whole are a particularly poor people. Poverty is their most outstanding characteristic and their greatest handicap in the race of progress. Poor in money, poor in education, poor in intellectual equipment and moral qualities, they cannot be otherwise but left behind in the march of nations. The word poverty as applied to them does not merely mean destitution of wealth or riches. It means terribly more. The poverty of the Malays is an all round poverty. It envelops them on every side. That they are poor people in money matters goes without saying: but what is more distressing is the fact that they are also poor in all other equipments which can led to success and greatness.. “


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Postcolonial ReflectionPoliticians and Scholars

Postcolonial consciousness of a threatened bangsa Melayu

Spurred by Malay socio-economic insecurity

Economically behind

Occupationally inferior

Spatially divided (rural vs urban)

Culturally exclusive (Islam)


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Division within UMNOTop leaders

Aristocratic class For eg. Tunku Abdul

Rahman, 1st PM of Malaysia

Ties with British colonial administration

English and overseas-educated

Less in touch with grassroots

Young and aspiring leaders Administrative and

professional class For eg Dr Mahathir No ties to colonial

administration

Did not study overseas

More in touch with grassroots


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Older leaders Content with economic growth

model

Business class to freely pursue their activities

Minimal government intervention on other sectors

No policies on Malay socio-economic upliftment

Younger leaders Not content with unequally-

shared economic wealth

Believe that free market will ultimately leave poor Malays further behind

Must have ‘constructive protection’ policy to prevent them from being economically overtaken by more successful races


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Tengku Abdul Rahman “Nobody need starve in this country as one can just reach

out one’s hand and pick one’s food. There are fish in every river, food in abundance on the land. Even the forests yield animals and vegetables that can be eaten. All that one has to do is use a little energy, a little brainwork and one one can get what one needs. That’s why my people are said to be lazy, because they don’t have to work and less still struggle in order to live.” (In Looking back: Monday Musings and Memories, 1977, p. 145)


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Outcomes of Malay anxiety Racial riots of 1964 (Singapore)

Singapore left the Federation of Malaysia which it joined in 1963

Racial riots of 1969 (Kuala Lumpur) Malay resentment against Chinese

Politically: UMNO did badly in 1969 elections Socio-economically: Successful Chinese to blame for

Malay poverty Led to New Economic Policy (constructive

protection/affirmative action)


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Diagnosis: The cultural-deficit approachAs a way of explaining underdevelopment/underachievement


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Syed Hussein Alatas’s Myth of the Lazy Native (1977)

–Ideological narrative; “Malays are lazy”

– to justify conquest and dominance

– to justify compulsion and mobilization of labour for capitalistic purposes

– Justification for using outside labour for profits

– local peasants not used in commercial plantations so as not to ‘upset the apple-cart’ of raja and subject relations

– Maintains cozy relationship between Malay feudalism and colonial capitalism


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Lily Rahim’s use of “cultural deficit” (1998)

Critique of an approach used by some scholars and politicians to explain why Malays lag behind economically

Attributed to certain cultural traits ‘natural’ or even genetic

Critique of the solution

To change culture or behavior To adapt or transform through hard way


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Does Mahathir use the cultural-deficit approach in his evaluation

of the Malays? Yes

Heredity Environment Values Ethics


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Heredity and Environment

Mahathir Mohamad’s “Malay Dilemma”: In-breeding among Malays results in genetic

deficiency

Complacent with bountiful environment

Does not develop traits for survival

Because of that, looks inwards

Vicious cycle of complacency and underdevelopment


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Mahathir’s Malay Dilemma

“no great exertion or ingenuity was required to obtain food. There was plenty for everyone throughout the year. hunger and starvation a common feature in counties like China and India were unknown in Malaya. Under these conditions everyone survived. Even the weakest and least diligent were able to live in comparative comfort, to marry and procreate.”


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Malay Ethics and Values No capacity for self-reflection

Not too concern about worldly matters; more on preparing for after-life

Does not show decisiveness

Non-confrontational

More on formality, good behavior and rituals

Not suited for competitive condition


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Difference between Lily Rahim’s and Mahathir’s perspective on

‘deficiency’Mahathir

Malays have values that ‘disadvantage’ them from being entrepreneurial

Difficult to change values

Therefore must provide the conditions for them to be uplifted economically without depending too much of cultural and behavioral change

Lily Rahim Discounts that values and

behavioural traits are causes behind Malay underdevelopment

Structural factors are root cause Historical disadvantage Discrimination Poor leadership State neglect and intentional

marginalization


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Difference between Mahathir’s and Lily Rahim’s solution

Mahathir’s Forceful state intervention

Comprehensive policy, all levels Education Employment Housing State corporations

Transformation of values will come after-the-fact

Lily Rahim’s Not a politician, so no recourse

to state policy

Treat Malay underdevelopment as a class-based economic shortcoming

To uplift socio-economic status must remove state discrimination against minority


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What is the ‘Malay Dilemma’? Malays have two choices, according to Mahathir:

1. Don’t need to help themselves –just be proud, even if poor citizens of a prosperous countryOR

2. Try to get some of the riches of the country, “even if it blurs the economic picture of Malaysia a little.” (Malay Dilemma, p. 61)


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The Choice for Mahathir is clear…

“If the leaders are to turn their attention to leading the Malays to a better life it will need but little effort to study the causes and prescribe the remedies. The measures must be drastic, as were the measures taken by the Malay leaders during the political crisis involving the Malayan Union.” (p. 60).


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Constructive Protection to Affirmative Action Policy

In Malaysia affirmative-action policy implemented

NEP (New Economic Policy)

Following Mahathir’s argument Comprehensive ‘constructive protection’


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“The politics of the parties constituting the Alliance, although basically racial, are apparently directed at achieving racial equality. Their existence does not jeopardize the efforts towards national unity. On the other hand the so-called non-communal parties are merely fronts for some of the most blatant racial politics. Their activities tend to be divisive and will not contribute towards the good of nation. They are the harbingers of racial trouble, of unrest and of national retrogression.”

(Mahathir Mohamad, Malay Dilemma, 1970: 178)

To maintain race-based political parties


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Divergent Policies for MalaysComprehensive Cultural-Structural Intervention

Malaysia’s NEP

Minimalist state role through culturally-centred instituions

Singapore’s Self-Help model


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Different Solutions to Malay underdevelopment

Malaysia New Economic Policy

(NEP) Massive state

investment

Ethnic redistribution within all public institutions

From providing “equal access” to “hegemonic control”

Singapore Self-help programmes

and institutions

MENDAKI (for education)

Equal entry to opportunity Schools Housing Social amenities


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Equalizing Ethnicity: Malaysia and Singapore

Malaysia Malays to be given

special treatment“catch-up” with other groups

So that ‘racial equality’ will be achieved

Long-term: ‘racial equality’ will lead to development

Singapore No special treatment for

any group Achievement is based on

merit To ‘catch-up’ with

developed world ‘Racial inequality’ is the

cost of development Long-term: development

will lead to ‘racial equality’


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Consequence of two approaches to ‘cultural-deficit’ syndromeMalaysia

Over-dominance of Malay political parties‘Race-protection’ card used for gaining support‘Victimization’, ‘backwardness’ rhetoric and reality reproduced for continuing special privilege

Singapore Competition and

meritocracy slower path for racial equality

Assimilation is bigger goal Linguistically Religion in public sphere

only Globalised, modern

identity Onus on ethnic-based

non-political self-help groups to uplift and protect ‘own race’.


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Critique of meritocracy Meritocracy: assumes that everyone

starts on level-playing field But structurally unequal Double jeopardy: poverty leads to more

poverty because of inability to compete Double whammy: wealth leads to more

wealth because of extra advantage to compete


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Summary The political formation of bangsa Melayu was successful but did

not address other issues of identity-formation

Most important was the emergence of postcolonial anxieties and insecurity over the underdevelopment of Malay socio-economic power

Many of the diagnoses and prescriptions for overcoming Malay ‘deficiency’ were related to either structural or cultural roots of their problem

There were differing critiques and consequences of the prognosis, minimalist state intervention versus Aggressive and comprehensive policy of affirmative action


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Documents

Modernity and Anxiety