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The Ec lect ica Fund 31 May 2015
Ten Year Bond Bull Has Second Thoughts
The key question for us right now is whether we are at a
structural turning point in terms of global interest rates. I
attempted last month to set out the case for why this might
be the case. The argument rests on the notion that Europe,
Japan and China have all now adopted the same monetary
policy as the US. No longer is it a case of competitive
devaluation where one block of countries eases policy and
effectively pushes structural disinflation onto the others. Now
everyone is fighting the same global disinflationary force
together.
The following argument is by its nature mainly qualitative,
and can present no hard conclusions as to whether “we are
there yet”. Nevertheless I hope it illuminates the progression
in our thought process since last summer’s Jackson Hole
meeting, and the recent decision to remove our long dollar
and long Treasury positions. Our triple play strategy proved
successful from last August to the end of March. But now,
after so many years, we favour non-US equities as our
largest risk allocation.
Our present risk alignment rests on a particularly remarkable
aspect of the last thirty years that seems largely neglected by
the investment community and may suggest that stocks are
more attractive than you think. As I see it, there are two
mysteries that no one really discusses. Why, on a risk
adjusted basis, have equities proven such an abysmal bet
versus simply holding a lot of Treasuries, especially when
one considers the great innovation and prosperity of the
period? And why were borrowers unable to pay back enough
debt from their commercial endeavours to prevent global
debt to GDP ratios from soaring?
Chart 1: Equity Performance vs Bonds (Risk Adjusted)
XSource: Bloomberg/EAM
I can only conclude that interest rates were set too high for
the period. Initially, the enduring shadow cast by the
inflation from the 1970s motivated cautious investors and
policy makers to persistently overstate future inflation. But
this structural mis-pricing of inflation didn't just stay
around for the 1980s. The opening up of global labour
markets after the end of the Cold War allied with the radical
leaps in productivity made possible through information
technology added huge deflationary pressures to the global
economy which were consistently underestimated in forward
looking models. The rise of China over the last decade only
added to the confusion; rising commodity prices stoked fears
of broad-based inflation but in reality only served to deflect
central bankers' attention away from the real story of
disinflation, at least until the supply response finally caught
up with demand in the oil market in 2014.
This three decade long overestimation of inflation meant that
interest rates were set too high for the real economy.
Excessive real rates meant that productivity gains could not
be adequately captured by those who made them in the first
place; businesses struggled to pay down their debts whilst
the bondholders got richer and richer. In effect, the global
financial system managed to inadvertently transfer an
inordinately generous amount of the real economy’s
entrepreneurial gain from its debtors (the risk takers) to its
creditors (the bankers).
It might seem counterintuitive that debtors should continue to
take on debt when its price is too high. However, with such
attractive returns available from lending it could be argued
(like a hackneyed version of Say’s Law) that supply created
its own demand, and a bubble emerged from the
world’s banking system seeking to capture the excess
returns on offer by issuing ever more loans rather than
businesses aggressively pursuing them. The illusion of ever
lower nominal rates no doubt helped persuade the debtors
that taking this debt on was a good idea; in real terms they
were getting a terrible deal. And as we know, creditors'
desire to lend ever increasing quantities of money was taken
to its limits in the US mortgage market in the
2000s. Risk analysis went out of the window, good and bad
loans became indistinguishable and this precarious
financial engineering, which became so instrumental in
driving global GDP growth, led to and ended abruptly with
the financial crisis in 2008.
Chart 2: Total debt has increased hugely since 1980 as
creditors reaped all of the productivity advances
XSource: Bureau of Economic Analysis, Federal Reserve
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013
S&P vs USTs
DAX vs Bunds
TOPIX vs JGBs
DM equities have lost c. 70-100% of their value
vs bonds (risk weighted) since 1992
The Ec lect ica Fund 31 May 2015
Of course this is ex-post rationalisation but I believe it allows
for a more balanced discussion regarding recent central bank
intervention. As you know, I have changed camp from those
grumpy investors that constantly pour scorn on our monetary
policy makers and implore that you own gold. From my
interpretation of recent history it is quite reasonable
to commend the Fed’s policies since the crash,
especially the policy of abolishing the high carry on fixed
income.
Logically, it seems, they have sought to redress this
enormous transfer of funds from those that have an excess
of money to those that have an excess of ideas (but which
actually led to a flow of wealth in the opposite direction). In
doing so they have truly distanced themselves from their
policy errors in the late 1920s when interest rates
were raised to clamp down on wage growth and protect
corporate profit margins. Today, with prospective returns on
sovereign western debt seemingly eviscerated and equity
values having risen significantly relative to the levels of
global indebtedness, the global economy is heading towards
a more stable equilibrium between the risk takers and the
bankers.
However, whilst the system has stabilised somewhat we are
still labouring under the shadow of the secular stagnation
thesis. Globalisation has produced soaring income inequality
across continents as the wealthy have become ultra-wealthy
rapidly, and with their lower marginal propensity to spend, a
yawning expenditure deficit has emerged as the gains from
international trade have been captured by fewer of the
economy’s participants. And, in the absence of the credit
bubble which kept things stumbling on in the last decade, we
have been unable to rebalance the system and reignite
economic growth. Perhaps this is why we are seeing the
emergence of what might be described as the “Henry Ford”
option at both the sovereign and corporate level.
Back in 1914, Ford confounded conventional opinion by
effectively doubling the pay of his workers. This proved
visionary; instead of the constant high turnover of
employees, the best mechanics flocked to the car maker,
bringing their human capital and expertise and raising
productivity. But more significantly it set an early marker. The
precedent was established for the economy’s workers to
capture a larger slice of the period’s surging productivity.
Slow to take root, it nevertheless developed over several
decades allowing the US to recover from the ravages of the
Great Depression and set in motion a virtuous circle that
produced highly remunerated consumers with a greater
marginal propensity to spend than their elite “Gatsby” like
predecessors from the 1920s. Its heyday was probably the
decades spanning the 1950s and 1960s as consumption
soared and boosted corporate profits; GDP was shared
evenly, everyone was happy. And equities outperformed
bonds.
This happiness had faded by the late 1970s. Bliss had turned
to discontent, especially in the UK where rubbish was left to
rot on the streets and the country came to virtual standstill. It
seems evident now that a tipping point had been reached.
Gone were the days where the consumer
empowered companies to produce more and drive the
economy forward. Emboldened by the persistent wage
gains received since the 1930s, militant trade unionism came
to view higher wages as a right rather than the just reward
from higher levels of productivity. The increasingly lop-sided
nature of the distribution left the corporation empty-handed
and unwilling to commit to new investment; innovation and
GDP growth withered.
Chart 3: Workers haven’t had a real pay rise in 30 years
despite rising productivity
XSource: measuringworth.com/EAM
So much for forty years ago. Today the cycle of GDP
distribution has moved full circle to another extreme, this
time redolent of 1920s style inequality. GDP growth has
again waned and global debt-to-GDP has exceeded its
previous high. Was Adam Smith right after all? Do high
profits occur in only two types of nations, a poor one or a rich
one going to ruin?
Chart 4: Wealth distribution has moved full circle from
the peak in the 1920s via the excessive labour share in
the 1970s. Now “Fordism” is the solution once again.
xSource: Emmanuel Saez & Gabriel Zucman
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
US real wages US real GDP per capita
2%
3%
4%
5%
6%
7%
8%
9%
10%
11%
12%
1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
% of US wealth distribution held by top 0.01%
The Ec lect ica Fund 31 May 2015
Just like in the 1920s, something has to give in order to
address the interlinked problems of a lack of
demand, income inequality and high debt levels. The good
news is that the problem is not intractable; the political
economy has solved this before and we should dismiss the
doomsters who argue that it represents a real barrier to
further human progress. We are not doomed. Labour needs
to be cut a better deal; we may have gone back to the future.
Let me now explain the first tentative steps on the road to
recovery as I see it...
The first prominent sign of the coming
counter revolution emerged out of Asia when China sought to
change its economic growth model two years ago. The
previous system had run its course. If you recall, this was
a stealth programme that punished domestic consumption:
private sector wages rose but never as much as surging
productivity would have justified. The renminbi appreciated
against the rest of the world but again at a pace that failed to
keep pace with the strength of the economy; private sector
households were effectively deprived of the bounty of a more
fully valued currency to boost their wealth vis-à-vis the rest of
the world as imported goods remained beyond the reach
of the many. And finally interest rates were held artificially
low as GDP growth was produced via immense gross fixed
capital formation that by the end probably spawned projects
which contributed negatively to productivity across the
economy. Economic growth dried up and debt-to-GDP
exploded to levels that still threaten the economy.
Source: IMF
Today, improving the lot of the Chinese household is the
centrepiece of the new model. Just like Henry Ford a century
earlier, China’s policymakers have sought to raise wages
and rebalance the economy in favour of higher
consumption. Furthermore their wealth versus the rest of the
world has been boosted by the expanding purchasing
power of the renminbi (see our February monthly
report). Chinese citizens are now less impoverished than,
say, their European counterparts as employment has
remained high, wages have grown and the currency has
gained 20% versus the euro since the beginning of 2014.
And of course by loosening monetary policy and boosting the
stock market the nation’s wealth has surged by some $5trn…
China has become a considerably happier place, where
better remunerated workers are becoming increasingly keen
to consume more and corporate profits are likely to reflect
this in time. Ford would have approved.
Significantly China wasn’t alone. One of the cornerstones of
Abenomics, announced concurrently with the Chinese pivot,
was an overt attempt to push the country’s wages
higher. Japan had stagnated over two decades. Again one
can point a wagging figure at developments in
the labour market: for many years, nominal wages have been
declining despite tight labour conditions and real wages have
fallen and shown no relationship with the nation’s
solid productivity growth. As a result, labour’s share of
national income has fallen from around 66% at the end of the
1990s to around 60% today.
Japan has long proven a riddle. In an economy not known for
an aggressive Anglo-Saxon profit seeking culture,
its labour market has nevertheless had to endure some of
the most relentless “Gordon Gecko” type attacks from a
corporate sector desperate to maintain profitability. This can
be seen in the sharp increase in the use of part-time workers
which has doubled from 16% of the workforce in
1985 to about 33% today. Part-time workers are
paid substantially less: compensation per hour is just 37%
of those in full time employment.
Of course apart from the BoJ’s aggressive monetary policy
that has weakened the yen and boosted share
prices, Abenomics' other reforms have proven mixed. But
even here you can just make out a glimmer of a Henry Ford
strategy beginning to take shape. Hikes in the consumption
tax have been put on hold and a nutty decree to
cut the wages of civil servants by 8% per annum was
scrapped last year and is thought likely to push up salaries of
local government workers. Better still, tax incentives
for raising wages have been introduced: a tax credit equal to
10% of incremental labour costs seems logical. Finally,
Japan’s minimum wage, amongst the lowest in the OECD
countries, is likely to be targeted by reform minded politicians
eager to reverse labour’s lost share of the nation’s
productivity and loose monetary policy bounty.
But it is not just in Asia and the seedy world of needy
politicians seeking to retain power that we can see attempts
to break this impasse and boost aggregate demand by
improving the lot of the global community of impoverished
workers. The US has recently seen a volte-face from the
notoriously frugal Walmart, the largest private sector
employer in America, which recently announced that it
was raising its minimum starting wage to $9 per
hour, 24% above the national minimum wage. Many have
been quick to draw the conclusion that the labour market is
tightening and this will inevitably encourage the Fed to hike
policy rates. But I can only see the shadow of Henry
Ford and the prospect for lower staff turnover, higher
productivity and a virtuous circle of better living standards
boosting the corporate bottom line.
The Ec lect ica Fund 31 May 2015
In summary my argument is that the global economy over the
long run tends to oscillate between excess returns amongst
different interested parties within the economy and that
this correlates very strongly with cycles of global debt. Each
wave seems to take around 40 years, with 10 years of
trauma followed by 30 years of joy before the opposite
extreme is reached once more.
In this cycle we believe enough time has now passed that as
risk takers we should now anticipate better economic growth.
Every major economy has shifted tack and the period of
currency adjustment is likely complete. Accordingly, we are
of the mind set that the changes to the global economy as
outlined above and the lessons learned mean that GDP
growth in developed markets over the next ten years is likely
to prove much better as shifts towards wage increases
create a positive feedback loop from a very depressed base.
Whilst global rates necessarily need to remain low over this
period (especially real rates) to ensure that debtors can
reduce their very high debt burden, they probably can still
rise modestly as inflation picks up. But a wave of efficiency
owing to better remunerated workers underwriting improved
productivity means that we think inflationary pressures will
not be excessive.
This is why we think that despite a return to better growth
and some inflation, gold will not be a good investment. Gold
does best in the years leading up to a crisis situation, either
deflationary or inflationary, and we are moving further away
from crisis thanks to the measures being undertaken.
Hugh Hendry
Tom Roderick
George Lee
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