Does Rural Society Construct Marital Abuse

Differently? Lived Experiences of Women in

Central India.

Lynette J. Menezes, Ph.D.Martha L. Coulter, Dr. P.H.

Paper Presented at the 131st Annual APHA meeting November 17, 2003

Presentation Outline

Literature review & theoretical

framework

Research questions

Methodology

Results

Interpretation & Discussion

Implications for research and practice

Indian Nation

Located in the Asian continent

Demographics and background population – 1.027 billion ethnically diverse low female to male ratio low rates of female literacy

Health care unavailable to many

Marital Abuse

Constructed as a private domestic matter

25% to 43% of women victimized in

lifetime

28% to 69% of rural women

5% to 22% report abuse during pregnancy

Dowry* related abuse is a serious issue

Public health implications

Social Constructionism

Central premise reality and the phenomena of life are socially

constructed (Berger & Luckmann, 1966)

Recognizes: multiple realities participants’ definitions of a problem rather

than experts

Applicable to most health problems

Research Questions

To understand the process that leads to Indian women defining marital abuse during pregnancy and at other times:a) How do women evaluate their own

experiences of abuse?b) How are women influenced by family

members’ perceptions of marital abuse?

c) What are the perceptions of community members regarding abuse and how do they influence women’s perception of marital abuse?

d) What are the different forms of abuse that women identify?

Research Design

Qualitative ethnographic design

Data collection tools unstructured individual interviews focus group interviews

Study site Saoner Block located in Maharashtra, India

Individual Interviews (N=43)

* Pregnant women older than 25 without children were difficult to identify Pregnant women older than 30 could not be identified ** One additional woman who had never been pregnant and is not included in this matrix was interviewed. (N= 43)

Pregnant Non-pregnant

Age Group Children No children Children

18-24 8 10 3

25-42* 5 1 15

Study Sample

Demographics of women respondents age: 18 – 42 years education: Three-fourths had less than 9 years three quarters had children majority Hindus, a few Muslims one-third employed most lived in one to two-room dwellings majority did not own a television

Analysis & Interpretation

Transcription interviews were transcribed verbatim data entered into Ethnograph 5.0

Analysis item level - coding pattern level constituents or structures

Interpretation re-reading of all patterns drawing conclusions

How do Rural Women Describe Abuse?

Most women described abuse as acts: which cause immense difficulties or worries which are wrong, bad, evil which are physical in nature

The term atyachaar/zulm (violence) used

by: educated women and a few Muslim women

No categorization of acts

In-law abuse was also identified

Explanations for Abuse

Husband’s problem drinking collectively perceived as causative

viewed as changing men’s behavior

Insufficient dowry

perceived by women, some providers and women

police

Personality traits of the husband

angry, moody, tense, suspicious

perceived by some participants from all groups

Explanations for Abuse - 2

Non-fulfillment of traditional roles cooking, caring for family, fertility, male heirs

Provocative behavior of the in-laws role as secondary aggressors

Women’s Responses to Abuse

Immediate responses argue back, keep quiet, visit natal family

Long-term responses staying in a relationship

lack of social support & resources, children family honor & belief in fate

leaving the relationship strong social support belief that husband will not change hope of future reunification

Construction of Abuse During Pregnancy

Perceptions of abuse during pregnancy a serious issue

an additional ‘tension’ for the victim

only alcoholics beat pregnant women

neglect of pregnant women

Community perceptions

more likely to intervene

family support easily available

Construction of Abuse at Other Times

Abuse viewed as a private domestic matterby community members

resulted in negative social support

likely to intervene if severe assault

Participants’ responses reflect similar sentiment

intervening equated to interfering

Interpretation

Lack of a popular terminology to describe marital abuse

women frame it as wife-beating

Rural women’s lexicon for abuse is different from experts and activists

women evaluate abuse based on personal experiences

lack opportunity for new social interactions findings raise methodological issues

Interpretation - 2

Explanations for abuse need to deflect blame from husband

stereotype that abusive behavior is normal for

alcoholics is dangerous for women

Marital abuse is dowry-related violence

lack of exposure to new social claims

Interpretation - 3

Non-fulfillment of traditional roles

similar to patriarchal views in other cultures

Responses to abuse

reduced social networks

adopt minimal strategies of resistance

belief in the permanency of marriage

Interpretation - 4

Abuse during pregnancy is more serious motherhood valued

constructing pregnant victim as “vulnerable”

Abuse as a domestic matter similar to early findings in the west and recent

findings in other cultures

preservation of family unit

Recommendations for Research & Practice

Implications for developing a screening tool

Explore how mothers-in-law define abuse

Explore men’s constructions

Dissemination of findings

One-stop center for legal and social

services

Community-based prevention programs

women’s support groups

Conclusions

Findings support theoretical framework

Unique native terminology

Implications for measurement of violence

Several collective explanations for abuse

Abuse as a private matter

implications for women’s responses

Address abuse during pregnancy

Need for prevention and intervention programs