Looking for Common Ground: Relief Work in Post-Katrina New Orleans as an American Parable of Race and Gender Violence by Rachel E. Luft

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Looking for Common Ground: Relief Work in Post-Katrina New

Orleans as an American Parable of Race and Gender Violence

Rachel E. Luft

Feminist Formations, Volume 20, Number 3, Fall 2008, pp. 5-31 (Article)

Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press

For additional information about this article

Access Provided by Bangladesh University of Professionals at 05/30/11 4:27AM GMT

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©2008 NWSA Journal, Vol. 20 No. 3 (Fall)

Looking for Common Ground:Relief Work in Post-Katrina New Orleans as anAmerican Parable of Race and Gender Violence

RACHEL E. LUFT

Dedicated to Shana Griffin, of INCITE! Women of Color Against Violenceand coounder o the New Orleans Women’s Health & Justice Initiative,who articulated a concern to me long beore anyone else, in February 2006, about colonial modes o organizing occurring in the Ninth Ward in

post-Katrina New Orleans.

This article provides an interdisciplinary examination of race and gender intersectionality in the context o disaster “recovery” in New Orleans.Based on a case study o a grassroots relie organization, the CommonGround Collective, the ndings demonstrate that in the absence o inter-sectional practice, sexism urthers racism and racism urthers sexism. After a series of sexual assaults were reported by white women volunteers in Common Ground in 2006, participant discourse criminalized the surrounding black community, although almost every accused perpetratorwas a nonlocal white man. Contextualizing these events in the broader

American history o violence and assistance traditions helps to revealdomestic and global patterns. The challenges Common Ground members

aced in producing an antiracist, eminist response to both the assaultsand the dominant organizational raming urther point to the diicultieso just, intersectional recovery interventions.

Keywords: / / sy / H K / NwOs / / sx ss / v / s

Ts s sy x ss“vy” Nw Os. I s spy s sy , s s xp sxs v, s s . I, sy—w w sxy ss b v—s p pb. S w s s s-ss s , z spo one American neighborhood, we will miss both the highly racial-z ss vs, sss pbw ps ps s b v.

I s w vs H K sbsq y 2005, sss Nw Os C G Cv (CG).Cps py w, , s- v vss,



6 Rachel E. Lut

s, ss, ss, spp, bbybs, s, CG b py s s w-b ws w Nw Os ss, sb spps, b,

services. It was a noble eort, made possible by the volunteers’ willingness sp bsss s s, v w p ss, v vy b sb s.

D M 2006, sv CG sp v-s s Av Sp B, ppxy wy-fv pp pss z; sf pp w - ss. Ov fv sy -sy s s px, S. My As, pyb, p, w-ss Upp N W. A s s,

ps b sx sss s w vw. W sp CG wpy v sss sxs z, w vs b s-py s ss s b y qy ss x s, although almost every single accused perpetrator was both a nonlocal volunteer and white. Despite the act thatCG p s w ss v s, y y b yss by wp z s sb b vs p.

T spp bw p w v community and the criminalization o local black men reects longstand-ing American traditions: the exporting o violence across local and nationalbs, pv wss ss A v, ss v, s b pz s b/w s, y w w v jsy v y sbj pss s b victims and race benefciaries, and the rendering invisible o black womenin a script with otherwise distinct and recurring roles or white men, whitew, b . T s CG’s Av Sp B s s px sy - bw . W H K s s pss ss w b ss, s b s ss A ps. I s wy sy Nw Os K s b y sp-f ss, b b— pb p, pw,

A pp sss.I s pbs, , I w sv b ssss w vs s. T fs s sxss ss s z Rs1 bs w qysx v s b sy p s pb, v



Looking or Common Ground 7

w--w ss. Ts s b spy ps (svy, s, J Cw), s s wf vy Nw Os. T s ss s bs a local, national, and transnational American history o rationalizing racial

w ps sss ( bv s w vp ) v pssv vy s p-p ps bw s vpp s.Fy, w s vs w bs s,antiracist, intersectional rames or understanding social problems, sexism s s sxs.

A yss s vs ps w vs b w Upp NW, s xps b vy by

vs s p. Ts s sy vs s b x s, sw s s x s w y w p.S s “ vsb” vy as lived by those in whose name it was conducted (Bierria, Liebenthal, andINCITE! 2006). Ts p w s by sp sy, w ss s p s p wCG s w b s ps. Ex- wy w sps s(ws, ) py f by b s s vb, p, p sy. T sbj y yss ss bw fs ws : CG’s -cial leadership o black men, white men, and white women; the collectiveby sy w, CG vs; s -spfsbss w w w.2 Dsp s s s sss, I p s wss by y s- f . W sbjs yss sppy w, s, I jxps bs3 w s y, vs b sss w p s s x.

I s ws, I sy y, s s p w sy ss v s w. T I sb CG s sy, p s bs s sp s sxss M 2006. I by vs yss p s b s sxs

within CG, with implications or the surrounding community. In the nextsection, I review several past and present transnational paradigms o racial: s, ss , vp, . I w s b ps psssy s v- A s, s pss sybs bs



8 Rachel E. Lut

w H K s (G 1996). I ss together they establish a feld o meanings in which the events o CG tookp. I by s s v s s s , s s s

v s s sxs.

Intersectionality Theory

I s vs H- K pspv s b - -ss, s y s b ps, s ssy w vy s b vs w

. I b w sy s the analysis, and introduce other theoretical traditions ater discussing thecase study. Coined by legal theorist Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989 (1995, 378 5) ppz by P H Cs, sy “[s] vs wys w [s s] sp pss” xp (Csw 1995, 358). Cs bsvs “[]s s v, sy s by sp s s , ss, y s ” (1998, 205). M p w sys b sy v s w, v-wy by b s ss (INCITE! 2005, 2006; Ws 1999;R 1996; Csw 1995; Cby 1985). Ts ss -qy -y pps ss v s w, py ss p v w’s vs, sp bw b ps xps v.

Ayss v by ss sss ps v s by s, s w s by x w y .The race and gender identities o perpetrators and victims o sexual assaultss v w v s,vs sy s s vs s s, s by . I s CG, s w--w sx vthat characterizes the bulk o assaults. From a dominant racial perspectivethat views whites as racially neutral and unmarked, white-on-white sexualv pps v w . My py

s sy w , , sxy, v, pws y s, s ps w sx ss w w py z. Ts s implications do not only aect whites, but also communities o color. This s s p s vs




white women survivors o assault, but rather to link them to communities w y b y . I spf x ww b sxy ss S b y, “S p px” “ bw

p y” b v (H 1983, 335, 334). W sx, “[] B y v p sx ss ws pv s sss s és s sx ”(H 1983, 334). U s ss, “p ws spy v, b sx sy svs s v” (’s H 1983, 328).

White women occupy multiple subject locations, as both the (gendered)object and (raced) subject o oppression. Historically, sexual violence w w bs s b p

racialized ripples that extend out rom it. Here racialized violence includes s w pby (vwy s ss pps sx v s w w) b s y, y s spy ss w s, w z b ,y w b, p w s.I ss s s w pp CG.

Methods

Bw Fby Jy 2006, I pp bsv CG. I ws b A-Rs W Gp (ARWG), sp sy w, sy , - vs y ws. T ARWG Jy 2006 v -s pps CG, p ’s by grassroots organizations o color. As an older, local, white, antiracist emi-s w s s zs, I s .I s wy s s p, p p Community Voices speakers series, co-coordinated and co-acilitateds/ y ss s- vs, sp, w y- fy-ps sy ssss byCG sp - vs ss ss sxss, s. I v v vs w ARWG bs b s sss , I s vw sx CG bs sp 2007

about the events o Alternative Spring Break. Additional feldwork or thisarticle came rom participant observation in other black-led, local progres-sv sss vy s Nw Os, spfy T Pp’sHurricane Relie Fund, The People’s Institute or Survival and Beyond, andThe People’s Organizing Committee. It is my hope that a discussion o CG



10 Rachel E. Lut

pvs s sss zs vs s b b s s.

The Case:Making Common Ground In New Orleans After Katrina

T C G Cv ws y, sp ysater Hurricane Katrina made landall on Monday, August 29, 2005. As thes y sss sps s s , CGs v ’s s v pss pssv -, w ss s by bs vsvs. A s vsy s, CG v s ss, py p w-ssb Upp Lw N W; p sv sb sw v wy , w, , s; p svs; s C G H C, w 501()(3) (Hb, Cw, F 2006). Ov - s4 vs v Nw Os s sps.Dsp s b I s s sy, s y sb sss vy y.

I ys y w s, B P,ps s vs, - G Py M R p v ws sss. W ys, sy w vss v s As, js ss Msssspp s- Nw Os.Ty s js ws; ps; ; wvs sys ss pv spy, xby, by; w s pv w yw b bs w wy z

borders (David 2006; Hilderbrand, Crow, and Fithian 2006). TogetherR sw p w vs w b wv bs, sb w, sq. W R s s CG b, v wys b vs CG s, pp s b vwy w bs s s ss vv b b NwOs w w py.5 T wss CG ws pyb y ws sxy-sv p b b s.

Dsp b vy sps K, s ws z s , pp wps Nw Os’ s sss w py ws.




F s, CG’s ws “Sy Cy,” sws s v z, by pps B Ps, E B, s, vs.In an article published by some CG members in leadership positions, they

sb “w- sy pv s- vs sss G Cs - spp b s s js ssb wys,” wb “p w v, p s s-ture to replace the one responsible or the conditions causing this disaster”(Hb, Cw, F 2006, 80). Exp sp, ssy vs w pss , “ocus has been to tactically use race and class privileges to bring resources y sb s s ”

(Hb, Cw, F 2006, 85).CG y z sps -

s s b s pps y s- bs. A s , sp y xs, ws y z s, ss p w ws w pw ys . R, sv y w , b w z. Sx s , p s s sy w I ws s vv w z, p sp R, w - b ss-s, - w . T s ss y w I w “ps” w w ; ws sy w w w yps w I w “s”; vv s ss; fy, y w p vs v-s, s w w ys, s w s s w. O s xp sp ythis way: “Common Ground is a largely white activist organization, s s - p. M R s sp [Nw Os],wv, b p w -y xps pps. T z psy z ss, b bs w syw b sp, M s y f v- ss.”6

By 2005, C G ws xp py. I Fb-

y 2006, CG sp -s b pp w sw s CG’s vs M Mss: y pps alternative spring break or college students around the country, and thou-ss w b v. Ms w b p ws. Hs



12 Rachel E. Lut

s vs y w jy s sws vb ss w b f ps sy ws j . I Fby, s w w ps, CG b s -sy s

s px Upp N W, x s s Sp B ps. T CG bs sp ys p y v, , s, b s bw s sp w sp b.7 T Upp N W8 ws y- p b b s; v js s b S.Mary’s was $24,000 (Greater New Orleans Community Data Center 2007).As y p ss s

ss $10,000 y, sxy p ss w s w y v. Ts jxps bw pvy wsp ps sf s pps vs y.

During the frst week o March, with hundreds o students and activ-ists sleeping on cots or the oor, the halls o the building were lit onlywith Christmas lights that someone had ound in a closet and hooked upto a generator. The surrounding neighborhood was still largely a ghosttown, block ater block o sodden homes and no lights to be seen. Soonplywood structures were erected outside o St. Mary’s and connected towater lines in order to provide makeshit showers or volunteers who’dbeen gutting moldy houses all day, a “tent city” had sprung up acrossthe street in the church parking lot, and the Rainbow Family and Seedso Peace were providing several hot, healthy meals a day with largelydonated ood. It was under these conditions—grim, uncomortable, excit-ing, and ull o a countercultural rontier spirit—that a series o sexualassaults occurred.

Assault “in the Most Radical Community I’ve Ever Lived In”9

Fss v p, , s f sx ss (R 1992; R 1989). Ry, s -p. Svvs ps, s, s, s-b, s-f ss s y , s w ss v w ss ss. A s s - sx v CG sp 2006 . O p s bss, wv, w s svvs

posed by the postdisaster environment. Volunteers were not in their homes, y w sp, w w w y’s ps s. Ms y svs—bss, sps,police orce, battered women’s shelters—were operating at greatly reduced




py y xs . Nw Os ws s w ybs, w s s, b bs by s . Ey ws spp Upp N W sp, Lw N W s . Ev

p, vws, ws vs pv sss y s vs.T ws ss y, v s , s sy.

It was not until April 2006, ater thousands o volunteers had descended Nw Os w w CG Sp B, s - vs b s sx ss pv . By s , ws M/C Rs, p - vs -

, w s s w y. O svvsspy b w s, s by disclose at all. Months later, during the summer, long-term volunteers said w wy s ss w s w v sss xp y sp.

Bs sx ss s sp v-s I sp w, I v psv qv b s CG. Is I w vss s by y sps pv qv ss w y v. S s s ss vyb ps, sps w y w ps . O sp w ws s svv, xp, s sx svvs vy sp s pby b ss. S f s w sss, f ( w). Ssb xps s s sy sss My w y fyvs s, w s sp p by v, w w s s p ss y b sxy ss. W s pv s w f, I bv p sp I v p s -ss s, zs s, s w s v-teers’ sense o their environment. Everyone I spoke to or this project knew s ps psy w xp s sxss s p, s ss s w ppws vbw. I , s s p , bs sxss s s p, y sps ps w y

y w b.A y vw sps w -s, vs wstayed at least six months and in some cases two years (and still counting).A s s w-v sp, s w p w svv ps,



14 Rachel E. Lut

their accounts are at least partly inormed by frsthand inormation. O thesx py s I vw 2007 s sy, Wy ws svv ss, bs pb sss ws qypp by svvs s svvs; Bsy ws

b ARWG ss, w sw ss; S ws , w s svvs w p w vy s; S B w C G C w s ss w y; Mp s sx ss ss py sps s w s ws ; Ny ws p S. My’s sp s p. As wbs ARWG; y y w ssy ps-tative o CG short-termers, but were mostly sel-identifed antiracists and

ss.Ater piecing together the details respondents could provide about

sss, s s y y fs s : fv ypy sps w w CG s p, w sxsurvivors personally, another fve, another three, another two, and another. Wy, svv w w sx, s sss p s ws v y .T , , ss sps b -tional cases not included in these frsthand numbers that were well knownand compelling enough to the leadership that measures were taken, whichws : O S ws vy Jy; soender, Cougar, said to have assaulted at least three women in one week,ws v p s M vv- js sys. P w sp by, w s s sy,s s s y s b v sp C G H C vs bs M , b ss w svvs w s. Lss-sy y ss s pp v sqs s. Ts s w ss ss b, s qss : D sps s ? Hw a story no one I spoke to could veriy but all had heard about? Respondentstook great care to choose their words careully in relaying these reerences, psz s , ss ss ss pp y w psy.

T x I v b b s— s ss s b sp bw w s y ss-— p s . Evy ss s p w sps w b ws CG transgender volunteer, all but one o whom was white. There are no stories




about local black women. Every perpetrator was also a nonlocal volunteer,with the exception o one local oender. And every perpetrator was white,xp w ws b v ybs y.

Struggle over Framing: Race

As ps sx ss b CG Ap May, so did volunteers’ concern about ear, saety, and danger. Despite thev s w y pp by w vs,CG ss sy s ps by s b y. Ts ws pp CG s sy ssss, vss -s, w’s

ps s-s sps; ws s vy ARWG s. Wy w’s ps, “Ms vs ws b b w w s .”M : “T w s b— wsdefnitely ear, everyone was saying don’t walk around by yoursel at night,’ w y, bs pp b, bs ybs v’ s w .” O w w-s w p S. My’s 2006 y s pp w : “I ws sy

w w b . T ws sps w vs, ws w . T w w w b by sx ss ss ws s.”

T s, w w sp, s py p- s . O y w s s sp, w w wpy ss. Ty p ’s ps s s “s” w qy s undermine radical movements, and they sometimes participated in pitting

s s sxs z-s q. S , “I [ v] v w w s w s pp , - s . T s s- s sxs .”O , s b s b by b s v y. Bs py s , s s w. F xp, sy sss ws s -s My ss s s, s ss,

“Pp s’ y’ Nw Os s p. Iws’ s y . W s’ y ps s ww s bs .” A sss sv w vs s ss w w: “B . I’s



16 Rachel E. Lut

wss . M pp b, ’s . B ’s . W s pp . Pp . . . . I s pps y, w p b s w. T y s s w .

The neighborhood here loves us.” Not one word was uttered about the reals sx ss spfy, ws vwy y pp CG s by w, v.

T s s vs y sw vp ss pv v s w. CG pp s w s. O fs svs pv Upp NW, xp, ws w’s s. T w’s center had been proposed by a local emale organizer o color, but that alli-

ws sv vs s s by CG w. Mw, w CG s s vs, p w ss ws b. Dz b y s pp b s bs w w S. My’s. I J, s s s s b w s s by qs s . Mbs ARWG w s w sppy ws w w py sy S. My’s y wjbs. O ss xp s —fs, s- ss—s ps s CG. Ts ps y s psv bw CG b, s s xs. TA y sx pps w vsws py , by qy sss b v.

Struggle over Framing: Gender

W y s-s, s -s, s s s b xp z sp, s s vs s. Sv - vs sss pvsv sy ws spp by pysb s , w ws y s p EsB CG pjs. S S, b w ws fs ps

’s py sp 2006: “I sy , b [ ] s sq w b p, pys b ws , s s sp s w




s w , pps s w . S wy yw w v .”

M sb w fs -w v s -tered two weeks ater arriving in January, there was a sense o tremendous

fy b b p ws “w I’ b y b , w ys v p, s pysb.” Ms s s wy w’s p sps sss, s z s sss s by vv p w w pp s wy. Tsss s sss p s, b “ b ss, b, b s s bs . T w p ws s , s ssbeing made, in terms o who was listened to, living arrangements, who was

b sp s s, .” I b -nist analyses o the women who perceived these patterns, they struggled todistinguish the internal CG culture rom the street attention they received : “W pp w -b C G— - vs w rustrated by the internal workings o Common Ground. For short-termersit was the huge cultural dierence o working in this neighborhood. Partly -s ’s ws s w —CG. W s, ws s p, s s pbs. B w wys s ss w w y sp b , .”

Ms y sps— ssy psv larger CG community in terms o gender and race politics—were clear thatthe sexual attacks were enabled by the general CG climate I will call disas-ter masculinity , s w s by v z s by. S M, “I ws s b ws py w [sx ss]. . . . I ws w s , w y w s w psb s v, ws wy w , sp .”

Struggle over Framing: Intersectionality

I ss v w CG sss,we can see the limitations created by the diiculties in achieving an inter-sectional analysis. Despite progressive credentials and the sacrifces madeto join the recovery o New Orleans, volunteers also internalize dominant s. As pps s

s b ps z sss, s ps w by s s s.Ts s vs b ss z sp b b y yss,



18 Rachel E. Lut

put their attention on the CG community itsel. Still, it was hard or them y spf s wss ss s w pps , s w s vs s,s sps.

The diiculty in conceptualizing white masculinity as responsible,in conjunction with CG leadership’s attempts to downplay the sever-ity o the incidents, meant that much o the antiviolence response wasdirected up toward the leadership—not laterally. The consequence wasthat it ocused primarily on black men and white women, who unc-tioned as gatekeepers o discourse and policy, and not on the white maleperpetrators o violence, nor on the larger community o white men outo whose ranks they came. There seemed to be little eort to changingthe culture o masculinity or curbing the behavior o CG rank and fle

white men. One o the acilitators addressed this beore a May strategysession, saying she wanted to see men become accountable to othermen, and suggested the ormation o gender groups. But this initiativewas delayed or months. American individualism, exacerbated by men’ssense o entitlement to autonomy, in the context o the pervasive CGdo-it-yoursel culture o decentralization, was deployed to resist account-ability in the name o rugged reedom. As one white male volunteer withan anarchy symbol on his shirt retorted in response to the acilitator’ssuggestion about gender caucuses, “So you think homogenization is thekey to antiracist growth?” Instead, the bulk o long-termer, antiviolenceeorts that were not directed at leadership ocused on women, suchas through support groups and protocols or survivors. They were alsocharacterized by being voluntary, and emphasizing response more thanprevention. Eventually, when several antiracist eminists took over siteleadership o St. Mary’s, they instituted a strong zero-tolerance violencepolicy and created an orientation session around it.

I ws s s yss b js pv s . B, wmale long-termer, began to make these kinds o intersectional connections y vs. I p, wys w wss ws bs b sy:

F , ywy, y pss b w ps vsy w v vsw (bs I ws s sw s sy) y pss b v-. T ws s b s [ “” s ws “b” ws] pp w s. W w w b s

b sp, y s . . . s sp w w- vs. I b ( I w s s s wy)b s pp Nw Os I ws w CG. I s wy, I s w really s




b w w pp w . . . . I , s s vs pb s y -v by p w sx sss wpp.

B wss sy ss bs w z spfy. Mbs p s svs b s s vs, s pps v y. T v f psv by, , s B zs, v pss. T y ss ssss ps s B bsvs y xbss . I s w s b

- w sp s sss s pw s w vs CG.B’s s sv w vs b pss

through which sexism urthers racism and racism advances sexism.Although unusually thoughtul and conversant about intersectionality, hisbv s y CG w . Hs fwith black male leadership trumped his concern or gender justice and pro-v s ws. Hs s ws, s w vs xps, pv

s ss by w bv. W s s,s B zs, s spy s s, xp w, s w s b .

Is yss ws s sy w, -s, s y w ARWG, y w jsy w’s ss sss b s s. W s wpy sx sss w pp b sf w ss svvs sy, w ARWG s ws w w

speak out against both sexual assault and racist displacement. I was movedby s, w ws by ss bw py ws, spy bs b w. Cs Ss bsvs w “sy s- v sps s b w ss sracial identity” because o the “reverence toward an undierentiated Aro-A xp” (1992, 256, 254). S ws vv s-ss ps v “p[] w ss bbsss” ppy sy ps (1992, 267).



20 Rachel E. Lut

Common Ground as a Parable of American Localand Global Politics of Assistance

Fs vss ss v xz sx v-

b f v w w v,“ x pvy, s ss, ss -dren, criminalization, poor health care, etcetera” (Bierria, Liebenthal, INCITE! 2006, 36). Ts ps vs -y s v, ps s s s xb . Op p v-lence in this way helps us to see the relatedness o certain kinds o acts ands psss. I w s pp by p ,z v s vy pps

s b pps v. I s v s sss, s sss, by s. Bysss I w y s vs by ss, pv, y w w ss.10 Asss s, b s : p, w ’s b,y, , , s svs, vp, ssy w, v s v vy. I b p, v,pf, , s w s bs s spp.

I s p v ss sss-tance as the unintended consequences o intervention, though not all suchoutcomes are unintended. Instead they bespeak the oten complicated andcompeting motives o intervention (Gordon 1996). To understand how thep sss b v s x y s pspvs pp w bjs . U-y s pp sfs wy w bs w s “ p s s” (My1991b, 59). S s z wy w sbjs sy p.

Bs p b p- ps s Nw Os, y b s s ps v. I ss bs , b s sp , s b s (s s) sss( vp vs, y) w py. Dsp w- pssv s CG w xp-y b f p by s ss s

s s , y v s pss. Ts s bs v s x sw s z ps by vs. By xp- p ss sss, I pssv s b . As s Nw Os




, I s p -- s b ss p. F, s pv s s v ws. R, Iseek to examine the complexity and risks o these encounters in the hopes

w vp js b wys . I s CG b f sss s,s w s v w spf s CG s x v, I s s sss. Spfy I p s, ss , vp, sss. Ty s s pps CG’s pj.

Colonialism

H K vss ss v s ss x b bz. Ty p py b s y y s s-vs (D 2006; P 2006), s w s p y vy w s vs ws s p-s (Lpsz 2006), p ws(s T Av Pj, N I Lw C, The New Orleans Workers’ Center or Racial Justice), and the privatization

o much o the remaining inrastructure o the city (Dreier 2006). But at thes bs zs s s s ss K, s v s vy b b p.

Colonialism peaked in the nineteenth century, as “the process by whichthe European nation-states reached positions o economic, military, politi-, qs, s, ‘s’—py s p s— b s ss s w s s-

” (D 2005, 260).I N A x, s s sv ss-

psss: p Ep z s w b U Ss, sbso colonies abroad, and the ongoing internal colonization o people o Ari- s A s (C H 1967). Dsps s v s sp s s, s ps s -ss ps vy.

W py ss bs “p ps by syz s y, , ss,” s , “vsb z



22 Rachel E. Lut

sy” (My 1991, 22, 21). C s “s bss sp sx vs b wby (w) s-y [s] spb s y s v [s]w by sz ” (My 1991, 21–2). Ts s

s z A svy, s s, s N G s TheColonizer and the Colonized: “Svy ws bs, vv z” ( M [1957] 2003, 27). A svy wsb by p, w Gvs s “sps” (1974, 661). A pp A s w y “s s sbjs w sy,” C H ps wan Arican saying: “the missionaries came or our goods, not or our good”

(1967, 5, 17). Gvs ws “ w b ps y s [later liberal, industrial relationships] a continuation o the essentially per-s ps sp s sv” (663), y ss—y, z sy, s, v,and paternalism—are apparent in the culture o CG. Being able to perceive yb sssp—b b —sp s p s sp vy.

T s s pj CG s sppbw w w’s bs xz Os. A s

racist ideology, ear o the Other, preoccupation with white prestige, andbsss w p Ep w sx ss by As b s. . . . W s , Ep w p ‘pv’ sx s s by s . . . . T ‘B P’ A Bs p psss sx ss w w by b . (S 2002, 25, 58)

S ws xy, sp “vy w s [ss ] Ep w by ,” b,y sf pss w qy f w (S- 2002, 58). T W W’s P O 1927 NwG, w “pv ‘ py y ps v p p p p European w ,’’’ “pb ” 1934 S Iss “ sss [white] s” w s xps (S- 2002, 58; pss ). Ts sv s,played out on the bodies o white women and black men, has a counterpart “z b by by w pw,” sp s p s sss (Cby 1985, 276). W s s p, I ss, CG’s sp s b y.




The third colonial eature that describes elements o CG’s presence in theUpper Ninth Ward is the relationship to land. As much an approach to landas to people, colonialism involves the appropriation o territory. In a city inwhich over seventy percent o residences were damaged by the storm and

hundreds o thousands o residents displaced, the “right to return” has beenlargely predicated on a place to return to. Just two months ater the storm,ater volunteering or several weeks with CG and speaking with local orga-nizers o color, Molly McClure posed this question to uture CG volunteers:“How did it come to be that we are able to travel to and around New Orleans,while many survivors still can’t go home?” (McClure 2005). Local grassrootsleaders put it this way: “Unortunately, white progressive and radical Letvolunteers that have come to ‘rebuild’ in the name o altruism and charityalso contribute to the changing demographics o the city” (Bierria, Lieben-

thal, and INCITE! 2006, 39). Called gentrifcation in a domestic context, itsstandard components—the occupation and purchase o limited space, thewhitening o culture—are accelerated, with higher stakes, in a disaster zonein which housing is perhaps the greatest resource.

D p s s S. My’s, CG ws by ss vss b s s ps s p(private conversations). Scantily clad whites with dreadlocks and multiples ss s s, py ,s sws, ps q . F Fby Jy 2006, zs s w p py ss s v w s y, s became particularly contested in the debates about CG saety once severalsss w s v . Ms ps ws bs w by bs, w w qy w y w --v --s s, ww svs b . D s 2006, CG wscriticized or replacing the storm-destroyed street signs o the Lower NinthW w s ps b CG . W ssw - b v svy neighborhoods, the logo was seen as a kind o territory-marking ag. These y w sfs v v s.

W s v b s b sp sp. Exps wy w, s ss, wqs fs y bs . O -y ss bz v 1990s ywy-fs y sbs py ps -

s w v sp b, b w p ps ss (S 2004).The fnal colonial dimension o CG’s presence in the Upper Ninth Ward

s w p y bv z, w ss, Ab M’s , “ s”:



24 Rachel E. Lut

It is not easy to escape mentally rom a concrete situation, to reuse its ideologyw v w s sps. F w , vss s w s s vy sp . . . b, w w v, b vy xp.

([1957] 2003, 65, 67)

T y s ps b -s. Cq ss “pvs ss z”s p “ ss pvs s z, v ss, [w] vy s” ([1957] 2003, 55).

By w s x, I py s py s sys s , w b bss. T y by Nw Os

s w sp pp s “s” w v w sby b zsp p s bs. Ts s s I ss s s p s s xs b ps.

Disaster Relief, Development, Humanitarian Aid

I s f ys, w p s s-py f ss, “s vby” (Ls Mw2006; Ws . [1994] 2004). I s wy w “vss bs s, s s pvy, y, , , pys by, s yv z p sps” (Ls Mw 2006). As bs p s vby bs pps s s ss, sy s sf, sy y. W s “ss x-

bs p-xs qy” (Bsw 2006, 49), s svby s b p ss xp vy.

T w pss s vby vy vs vy s sf b s vy, w s v,according to the ascribed and achieved identity o the recipient. This body w pszs ps sbs, wys w ss pp v ss sss- y (Pw 2006; As Ww 1998). Rvy

s s, wv, s sqs assistance that has been received. Contemporary critics call this “disasterps” (K 2007), w s p y K “.” T U Ss s b p xp




vss s ps v y b b b .

Fs s vp, s s js ps (SAPs), y s , U.S. v -

governmental politics o assistance have provided vehicles o globalv:

I y, vp ws s, pspy, s pv . . . . Py, p s sdevelopment as social engineering o emerging national societies. . . . Unsurpris-ingly, this social engineering impulse ramed European colonization o the non-Ep ws s ss ss s vp, , sbj pps. Dvp sv s unction, where, compared to Europeans, native peoples appeared backward. . . .

development was a relation o power, elaborated nationally and internationally.(MM 2005, 112)

In contrast to domestic disaster literature, critical assessments o “malde-vp” (Bv, F, K 2003; Sv 1992; My1991 1991b), SAPs (Appb Rbs 2005; Nps Ds 2002), (O 2003; P, Hss, Gw 2000; A Rs 1997) p pbs sw is sbs. F xp, bsvs s pw -

v zs wy b w, “ p wy, remedy has become o part o the problem: aid has been part o . . . decline”(A Rs 1997, 3). H vorganizations produce “counter-productive consequences” (Okumu 2003,125) by x , v py s w ss-, b w bs v, s .O s “[] sy sss wsy s s s vy . . . s w s v s vs s s bfs s p-

sv s p ” (2003, 120). As wps ss, xpsés vp, s js, s wy w b s - s z sss. Ds vypjs y s wy.

I s s w ps. Fs, sp b,s x H K vy, , bs sp . Spfy w b s A b zs ss by s b w

A v v py w GbS. Ts s p p , , p-s b py by b s s vss. S,



26 Rachel E. Lut

A ps sss s y s sy s s pj s . Ts pj s s , pjs py , b s s pjssvs. My s sp syss w

v s s, b link them together as a backdrop to the major domestic recovery project os . Fy, sy sxz -s s ss x s s b z s s.

Conclusion

A v w v by s-wv -ss s s p s “p by w pw v w” (H 1983, 341). Sx ss s - w, “ bw p y” s s s s b bs. I B. Ws “yss y [] ysf- p vs b p b b w sxy” (Cby 1985, 270). Tss sx ss pps , py sy: “Iy b , , vs b s - bs s fs ps s w’s smovement, a antasy o aggression against boundary-transgressing womens w s wp s bs” (H 1983, 337). A s , s psb ss z z by v w spy bv b by-sss w s ps s ss s.

T CG y w vs b w s ws b w p s wmale violence is, I am suggesting, the result o several gendered and racial-z s. T fs, bs v, s y s, s py sp, vp . Ascultural and strategic repositories, these systems continue to inorm mesoand micro encounters both globally and locally. Specifcally, in the context ss p by b, b py, s s , v s f ps.

Sy, “S p px,” s xp

North and abroad but perhaps particularly at home in the American South,s s v s ws. Dsp ssv v- vb CG bs s vy s ppws w v, b v s wO y y sss. V




v y v y pp w v- , ws s pps , w vypp ypsy ws v sss.

Finally, the diiculty all groups had in pursuing intersectional remediesto the intersectional challenges they conronted speaks to the distance wes s v jsy ss w sss s sxs. W CG, w s y , sp ssI v s , s b sp Nw Os, “Bss s s w v p pvsy z: s ws b -z by p, v, —, y, by s p vs” (Cby 1985, 276).

Rachel E. Luft is an assistant proessor o sociology at the University o New Orleans, specializing in gender, race, and social movements. SinceHurricane Katrina she has been a participant observer in local grassrootseorts or a just recovery. Send correspondence to [email protected].

Acknowledgments

I py w py s sss:S G, Ss M, S Ms, J W, bs Catalyst Project. I also have much appreciation or the members o the Anti-RacistW Gp C G, w w w y, wwilling to be interviewed or this project, and provided thoughtul reections along wy. Fy, I zs bs C GCv s Nw Os.

NotesTs J W w ss Rs p .1.

There was also a population o transgender volunteers, some o whom reported2.ss.

Abs s w s: bs y sy 3.primary interviews, and their absence rom the neighborhood itsel during thisp, s ss Upp N W w s vwy

sp s. R ss s 2006.

Bs z C G, s b 4. ps bs. A w by - v s pbs 2006 s vs pss



28 Rachel E. Lut

through (Hilderbrand 2006), and a long-term ormer site coordinator estimated b b wv s by Db 2006 (pv vs2007). Pp pp sfy , s s y.

A s C G ws , p y5.b sss s Nw Os T Pp’s H R F (PHRF). PHRF w b s sf s v ps y. Mw, s, b zs T M X Gsss Mv (MXGM),T N C B Lwys, T N C Bs Rps A (N’COBRA) p ss - v’s b zs, z w

w ws.

p://www.sp./ws/.pp?sy=200603131458007046.

Because the character o the surrounding community was called into question7.by some volunteers, the ollowing sel-representation deserves mention. WhenCG vs s s Fby 2006, y w s sw bs:

Sp. 2, 2005 9:13 a.m.

W sy s, b s ws bss. W bv 200 pp w p y Cs G bs. Pp s [s] s, w v . W s C.G.[Cs G] p NONE. Ts My, MKy, E PTy, K B., Cy, J. R, C, J D. J, B, B G, R10, A, L, Ay. W sv w pj. THEY LEFT USHERE TO DIE.R.I.P. s w s.

S G, b s z, s s , Upp8.

N W, ws y ss Lw N Ww s b s (pv vs).

Exp z CG ss svv, , “Ts s Z9.Ab M. . . . A S I Nv T Y . . . N Ab M AA” (2006).

Ts f xs b y spp 10.ss s, pb vss p w, xp.




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Documents

Looking for Common Ground: Relief Work in Post-Katrina New Orleans as an American Parable of Race and Gender Violence by Rachel E. Luft