Liberlisation of Fdi and Its Implication

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    LIBERLISATION OF FDI AND ITS IMPLICATION

    SUBMITTED BY

    KOMAL H SINGH

    MCOM PART I

    SEAT NO.

    ROLL NO. -11

    ACADEMIC YEAR2012-13

    UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF

    PROF. POONAM KAKKAD

    SUBMITTED TO

    UNIVERSITY OF MUMBAI

    NIRMALA MEMORIAL FOUNDATION COLLEGE OF COMMERCE

    AND SCIENCE

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    DECLARATION

    I Komal Singh of Nirmala College of commerce and science, studying in MCom-I

    hereby declares that I have completed the project on liberalisation of fdi and its

    implication in the academic year 2012-13

    The information submitted is the true and original to the best of my knowledge.

    Date of Submission

    Student signature

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    CERTIFICATE

    This is to certify that Komal Singh studying in MCom-I at Nimala Memorial

    Foundation college of commerce and science, kandivali (E.) has completed a

    project on LIBERLISATION OF FDI AND ITS IMPLICATION in the

    academic year of 2012-13

    This information which is submitted is true and original to the best of my

    knowledge.

    Signature of principal signaure of coordinator

    (Dr. T. P. Madhu Nair) (Dr. Neha Goel)

    Signature of Project Guide signature of external examiner

    (Prof. Megha Juvekar)

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    ACKNOWLEDGMENT

    Any project or the task requires the efforts many people without which it cannot be

    possible.

    I am very much thankful of Prof. Poonam kakkad who have supported me a lot to

    complete my project and gave me this opportunity of making the project on A

    study on gains from trade

    I am very thankful of those people to provide me the best possible information for

    my project.

    Lastly I would like to thanks to our librarian who have helped me, lot to find out

    the information from various books, magazines, journals etc

    The help of these people have shown the right path to my project and have

    enormously enriched my project.

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    TIME TABLE

    Sr.

    No.

    Topic Page no.

    1 Introduction of fdi 6-8

    2 Histrorical and present scenario of fdi 9-14

    3 Liberalisation of FDI policy in India 15-24

    4 Debate on FDI 25-27

    5 Strong argument, limited evidence 28-34

    6 Conclusion 35

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    CHAPTER1

    INTRODUCTION OF FDI

    The wave of liberalisation and globalisation sweeping across the world has opened many

    national markets for the international business. Global private investment, in most part, is now

    made by multinational corporations (MNCs) also referred to as transactional corporations

    (TNCs). Clearly, these transactional organisations play a major role in the world trade and

    investments because of their demonstrated management skills, technology, financial resources

    and related advantages. Recent developments in the global market are indicative of the rapidly

    growing international business. The beginning of the 21st century has already marked a

    tremendous growth of international investments, trade and financial transactions along with the

    integration and openness of international markets.

    Foreign investment is a subject of topical interest. Countries of the world, particularly

    developing economies, are vying with each other to attract foreign capital to boost their domestic

    rates of investment and also to acquire new technology and managerial skills. Intense

    competition is taking place among the fund-starved less developed countries to lure foreign

    investors by offering repatriation facilities, tax concessions and other incentives. However,

    foreign investment is not an unmixed blessing. Governments investment in developing countries

    have to be very careful while deciding the magnitude, pattern and conditions of private foreigninvestment.

    Meaning of FDIInvestment in a country by individuals and organisations from other countries is an

    important aspect of international finance. This flow of international finance may take the form of

    direct investment ( creation of productive facilities) or portfolio investment (acquisition of

    securities).

    FDI is the outcome of the mutual interests of multinational firms and host countries.

    According to the International Monetary fund (IMF), FDI is defined as investment that is made

    to acquire a lasting interest in an enterprise operating in an economy other than that of the

    investor. The investors purpose being to have an effective voice in the management of the

    enterprise, the essence of FDI is the transmission to the host country of a package of capital,

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    managerial, skill and technical knowledge. FDI is generally a form of long-term international

    capital movement, made for the purpose of productive activity and accompanied by the intention

    of managerial control or participation in the management of a foreign firm.

    In India, FDI means investment by non-resident entity/person resident outside India in thecapital of an Indian company under Schedule 1 of Foreign Exchange Management (Transfer or

    Issue of securities by a Person Resident Outside India) Regulations,2000.

    FDI is usually contrasted with portfolio investment which does not seek management control, but

    is motive by profit. Portfolio investment occurs when individual investors invest, mostly through

    stockholders, in stocks of foreign companies in the foreign land in search of profit opportunities.

    Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) broadly encompasses any long-term investments by an

    entity that is not a resident of the host country. Typically, the investment is over a long duration

    of time and the idea is to make an initial investment and then subsequently keep investing to

    leverage the host countrys advantages which could be in the form of access to better (and

    cheaper) resources, access to a consumer market or access to talent specific to the host country -

    which results in the enhancement of efficiency. This long-term relationship benefits both the

    investor as well as the host country. The investor benefits in getting higher returns for his

    investment than he would have gotten for the same investment in his country and the host

    country can benefit by the increased know how or technology transfer to its workers, increasedpressure on its domestic industry to compete with the foreign entity thus making the industry

    improve as a whole or by having a demonstration effect on other entities thinking about investing

    in the host country.

    However, the distinction between FDI and portfolio investment is not watertight because

    sometimes FDI policy and portfolio investment are intertwined.

    1.2Definition of 'Foreign Direct Investment - FDI'

    An investment made by a company or entity based in one country, into a company or entity

    based in another country. Foreign direct investments differ substantially from indirect

    investments such as portfolio flows, wherein overseas institutions invest in equities listed on a

    nation's stock exchange. Entities making direct investments typically have a significant degree of

    influence and control over the company into which the investment is made. Open economies

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    with skilled workforces and good growth prospects tend to attract larger amounts of foreign

    direct investment than closed, highly regulated economies.

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    CHAPTER-2

    HISTORICAL AND PRESENT SCENARIO OF FDI

    2.1 Indias Historical Economic Direction and the Rationale for Emergence of FDI as a

    Source of Economic Growth

    After getting independence in 1947, the government of India envisioned a socialist

    approach to developing the countries economy broadly based on the USSR system. The

    government decided to adopt an economic agenda that would follow five year plans. Each five

    year plan was focused on certain sectors of the economy that the government felt needed to be

    developed for the countries progress. The government followed an interventionist policy anddictated most of the norms of running a business by favoring certain sectors and ignoring others.

    Until 1991, India was primarily a closed economy. The industrial environment in India was

    highly regulated and a license system known as licence raj - was in place to ensure

    compliance with the government regulations and directives. Under the Industries Development

    and Regulations act (1951) starting and operating any industry required approval - in the form of

    a licence - from the government. Any change in production capacity or change in the product

    mix also called for obtaining government approval. This led to the development of increasinglycomplex and opaque procedures for obtaining a licence and led to a burgeoning bureaucracy.

    The licence system thus shifted lot of power and perverse incentives in the hands of file pushing

    bureaucrats (or Babus). This directly led to increased corruption as the procedure for obtaining

    a licence was vaguely defined and left open to individual interpretations. In addition, there was

    no monitoring system in place to ensure speedy disposal of licence applications. Also, the labor

    markets were highly regulated and the government did not allow the companies to lay off its

    workers. This meant that even in severe downturns the companies kept bleeding but could not

    rationalize its workforce. Eventually these companies - majority of them public sector companies

    would become chronically sick and the government kept subsidizing them at huge costs to the

    taxpayer.

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    One draconian measure was the introduction of the Foreign Exchange Regulation act

    (FERA) of 1973 which curtailed foreign investment to 40% in Indian companies. This had a very

    adverse impact and companies such as Coca-Cola and IBM exited the country. The impact of

    this could be seen in the slow growth of the Indian economy as compared to its neighbors over a

    30 year period. Table 1 shows a comparison between the Indian industrial development and that

    of some of the other developing countries in the region. From the data it is clear that India lagged

    behind other countries in its growth rates over a sustained period of time and this led to increased

    poverty. Surprisingly, there were some very strange reasons given for this lag in economic

    performance. The excuses went to such ridiculous extents as to the development of a Hindu rate

    of return theory which stated that the Hindu rate of return was lower that that of the western

    nations and thus a comparison of Indias economic return with that of western nations was

    inappropriate

    The government also adopted a policy of import substitution and the idea was to help the

    domestic industry improve in a safe environment until the local industries could compete

    internationally. This was implemented by levying extremely high tariffs or completely banning

    imported goods. Table 2 in the appendix shows the nominal tariff rates in effect in 1985. Due to

    the governments protection most of the industries failed to catch up with the technological

    innovations taking place around the world. As they were shielded from imports due to extremely

    high import tariffs the industries had no incentive to improve their operations. This led to a

    vicious circular logic where the tariffs were not reduced since domestic companies could not

    compete and the high tariffs prevented industries from innovating. Corruption and opaqueness of

    the system added to the difficulties and the situation became extremely complex.

    2.2 The BoP Crisis

    Gulf war broke out in 1990 and the resulting oil shock was enough to trigger a serious

    balance of payment (BoP) crisis for India in 1991. The cost of oil imports went up to 10,820crores from the estimated 6,400 crores. Traditionally, India received lot of remittances from the

    expatriates working in the Gulf countries and this source also dried up as the migrant Indian

    workers were forced to return home due to the war. The problem was compounded due to an

    extremely high inflation of about 16% and a fiscal deficit of about 8.5%. The situation was so

    severe that India had foreign reserves of only around $1 Billion - barely enough to cover two

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    weeks of its payment obligations. Indias credit rating was downgraded as its debt servicing

    capability was critically impaired and the government had to pledge its gold reserves to soothe

    creditors. Ostensibly, the trigger for the BoP crisis was the oil shock but the deeper issue was

    that the governments heavy hand in trying to regulate businesses and to move the country

    towards economic progress had failed to produce results and drastic measures were now called

    for.

    Faced with these insurmountable problems, the Indian government turned to the IMF and

    thus began a series of far reaching reforms in the India economy which envisioned transforming

    the countrys economy from an interventionist and overly-regulated economy to a more market

    oriented one.

    2.3 Historical trends in FDI in India

    Starting with the market reforms initiated in 1991, India gradually opened up its economy

    to FDI in a wide range of sectors. The licence-raj system was dismantled in almost all the

    industries. The infrastructure sector which was in dire need of capital welcomed foreign equity.

    FDI was especially encouraged in ports, highways, oil and gas industries, power generation and

    telecommunication. Consumer goods and service sector which was once completely off-limits

    for foreign equity was also gradually opened up. The reserve bank of India set up an automatic

    approval system which allowed investments in slabs of 50, 51 or 74% depending on the priority

    of the industry, as defined by the government. The foreign investment limits were slowly raised

    and some sectors saw the limits raised to 100%.

    The reforms thus led to a gradual increase in FDI in India. Table 3 shows the FDI flow to

    India after the structural reforms began in 1991. As can be seen from the table, FDI increased

    from a non-existent value in the start to about $4 billion a year. It should be noted that till 2000,

    the figure of FDI reported actually underestimates the amount of FDI according to IMF

    definition. This is because the Indian government had its own definition of FDI and did not

    include heads like reinvested earnings, proceeds of foreign listings and foreign subordinated

    loans to domestic subsidiaries. But, the government recognized this problem and after a study

    undertaken in 2003, the standard definition of FDI as suggested by the IMF was adopted by the

    Indian government.

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    2.4 Present Scenario

    More and more multi-national corporations have come to realize that India is the place to

    be. India is the worlds second largest economy (in terms of population) with a total population

    of just over one billion, forth largest in the world in terms of GDP ($3.3 trillion) and ranked

    twelfth in the world in terms of Gross National Income ($570 billion). It is potentially a very fast

    growing market and all the multi-national corporations realize the fact that to take advantage of

    this ever growing economy they need to present in the country.

    It has been more than a decade since the reforms first began and today in the 21st Century,

    India has come a long way from the early days of licence rajandBabus. India has been able to

    make its mark in the world standing as a lucrative country for FDI by becoming more and more

    competitive on the world standards.

    According to the A. T. Kearneys report on the FDI Confidence Index in October 2004,

    India was ranked third just behind China and the United States as the choice country for foreign

    investment up from its previous rankings of sixth in 2003 and fifteenth in 2002.

    Just looking at pure numbers the amount of FDI in the last couple of years have gone up

    from $2.3 billion in the year 2000 to $3.4 billion in 2001 and 2002 and eventually $4.3 billion in

    the year 2003 and still growing.

    All this growth has been achieved through a number so factors amongst which the main

    factors are proactive government policy and regulations and favorable economic conditions. One

    example would be the favorable conditions such as highly educated but comparatively cheap

    labor force for outsourcing to India, services such as customer service call centres and research

    and development facilities, which paved the way for so many future incidences of investment.

    Other examples include the adoption of numerous Double Taxation Avoidance Agreements with

    other countries, creation of numerous Export Processing Zones and Special Economic Zones,

    liberalization of trade policies, relaxation in import tariffs in almost all areas and on all products,

    increased simplification of the whole investment process by placing more and more sectors on

    the automatic approval route with only limited sectors requiring licensing, provision of easy

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    availability of information on policies and procedures of FDI and most of all creation of

    independent institutions and authorities to assist in the prompt and smooth flow of FDI into the

    country.

    Some of the key highlights of the current procedures and policies of Investing in India are as

    follows:

    FDI of up to 100% is allowed in numerous sectors and activities which include mostmanufacturing activities, non-banking financial services, software development, hospital,

    private oil refineries, electricity generation (non-atomic) / transmission / distribution, roads &

    highways, ports & harbors, hotel & tourism, research and development etc. Only a have been

    limited to industrial licensing and a couple being total prohibited e.g. atomic energy, railway

    transport etc. Other places where 100% FDI is permitted are for setting up Special Economic

    Zone (SEZ) Units and 100% Export Oriented Units (EOU).

    There are multiple forms of entry for a corporation depending on its needs and requirementswhich include entry through setting up Joint Ventures, Wholly Owned Subsidiaries, Liaison /

    Representative Office, Project Office or Branch Office.

    Liberal foreign exchange regulations, under the rule of the Central Bank, namely the ReserveBank of India e.g. all foreign investment and dividends declared thereon is freely repatriable

    unless otherwise specified under a particular scheme and through an authorized dealer. Favorable policies for Foreign Institutional Investors (FIIs) looking to just invest and trade

    in as well as out of the Stock Exchange under the Portfolio Investment Scheme (PSI). They

    have the option of investing in both equity and debt instruments, the only catch being that the

    investment has to be split in the ratio of 70:30, and also the other option of declaring

    themselves purely interested in debt instruments and then becoming a 100% debt FII.

    A mature and favorable taxation system with low customs and excise duties and lowcorporate taxes. It caters for numerous tax holidays or rebates depending upon the sector of

    investment and geographical location e.g. there is a tax holiday of 10 years for foreign

    investment in infrastructure projects, various projects taken up in certain backward areas in

    the North Eastern States and Sikkim, units located in specified zones, projects which are

    100% export oriented etc. Moreover India has already entered into a Double Taxation

    Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) with 65 other countries, under which the income generated

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    in India will be taxed in India and then would not be re-taxed in the home country of the

    investor, only the difference in the tax rate between the home country and India would be

    payable.

    Keeping in mind the growing concern over intellectual property rights, India has been promptto enact numerous rules and regulations e.g. The Patents Act, The Trademarks Act, The

    Geographical Indicators of Goods Act and The Designs Act.

    To assist in providing a prompt and smooth investment process the Indian Government hasset up numerous independent institutions e.g. The establishment of Foreign Investment

    Implementation Authority (FIIA) to assist in the prompt implementation of FDI approvals,

    the formation of the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) to assess various FDI

    proposals and to cater to the grievances and complaints of potential and current investors the

    appointment of a Business Ombudsperson and Grievances Officer-Cum-Joint Secretary in

    the Ministry of Commerce and Industry.

    Also, to ensure adequate and up-to-date information on current policies and procedures isavailable at all time to investors various points of call have been set up which can be easily

    accessed e.g. the Secretariat for Industrial Assistance (SIA) has been set up for this particular

    purpose. Other means are through the internet on various websites (e.g. http://dipp.nic.in),

    online chats, bulletin board services, frequent publications and monthly newsletters.

    Focusing in on more recent events in India and specifically in the Banking and InsuranceSector, in previous years the FDI limit in private sector banks was raised to 74% from the

    existing 49% and the insurance sector to be hiked from 26% to 49%, but there was a caveat

    of only having 10% voting rights irrespective of the shareholding, which was seen as a major

    constraint. In 2005, a new regulation namely the Banking Regulation (Amendment) Bill 2005

    has been proposed which will give private investors voting rights which will be in line with

    their current shareholding. Once this regulation is given the nod, it is likely to increase

    foreign investment significantly.

    http://dipp.nic.in/http://dipp.nic.in/
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    CHAPTER-3

    Liberalization of Foreign Investment Policy in India

    Liberalization of foreign investment policy is a central component of India's economicreforms. While the need for foreign capital is hardly disputed/ there has been a continuing debate

    on the scope, coverage/ and impact of a liberalized foreign investment policy. In this paper/

    Tarun Das argues that the debate on foreign investment policy lacks perspective and there seems

    to be very little appreciation of the emerging compulsions of the new international economic

    order. India's foreign investment policy has certainly become broadbased in recent years/ but it is

    still far from complete and further liberalization of foreign investment policy appears / inevitable

    in view of the pressures as well as obligations associated with the future global scenario.

    Liberalization of foreign investment policy has been a central component of economic

    reform in India, introduced in 1991. The first step was to remove the age-old limit of 40 per cent

    foreign equity and allow automatic clearance up to 51 per cent foreign equity. Subsequently/ a

    series of steps have been taken, encompassing policy as well as procedures, to create an

    environment for free flow of foreign capital. Liberalization of foreign investment policy has been

    of an on-going nature, and the process is continuing even today. At the time of writing this piece,

    i.e. the first week of February 1998, the latest dose of liberalization is that no RBI clearance

    would be necessary for projects that have the Foreign Investment Promo tion Board (FIPB) nod.

    What is significant about India's foreign investment policy is that it is continuing to be

    liberalized, even as the debate on some of its basic premises is very much alive. It has been a

    case of increasing liberalization amidst continuing debate. The new policy has generated many

    polemics on ideological as well as realistic grounds. Accordingly, it has been one of the most

    widely discussed aspects of economic policy under the reform process. The polemics

    surrounding the policy makes it obvious that there is still lack of clarity as well as consensus

    about some fundamental principles of the policy. What is important to note, however, is that

    though it is the most debated aspect of India's new economic policy, the need for foreign capital

    is hardly disputed and there is a general agreement on the imperative of a liberal policy. The

    debate is primarily about the extent and coverage on the one hand and impact management on

    the other. Before we go into these issues and review the policy in the context of the on-going

    debate, let us briefly present the broad dimensions of the policy.

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    3.1 Main Elements of Foreign Investment Policy

    For the first time, we have a broader policy on foreign investment. Prior to 1991, the policy

    was not only restrictive but also partial. What was permitted (in a restricted way)

    was foreign direct (i.e., equity) investment, or FDI as we call it. Foreigners were not allowed to

    invest in the portfolios of the Indian 40 Vikalpa corporates. This facility was available, again in a

    very limited way, only to the NRIs and their overseas corporate bodies (OCBs). The present

    policy is a broader policy in the sense that it covers equity as well as portfolio investment. With

    respect to the latter, the facility is, of course, limited to foreign institutional investors (FIIs) only

    and not to every foreign investor. However, the extent of permissible investment is quite

    significant. Besides, the coverage of FIIs has been expanded to include practically all sorts of

    institutional funds. Further, liberalization of portfolio/asset management operations has opened

    up another dimension of foreign investment in India. Coming to FDI component of foreign

    investment policy, there has been a paradigm shift, given the highly restrictive nature of the past

    policy. In the past, the general policy was not to allow more than 40 per cent foreign equity

    participation. Higher equity participation was allowed on condition of availability of

    sophisticated technologies and higher export obligation, under 51 per cent and 74 per cent

    schemes, for instance. One hundred per cent foreign equity was allowed only in the case of

    investment under 100 per cent Export Oriented Unit (EOU) scheme or in the Free Trade Zones

    (FTZs). These policies had failed to evoke any enthusiasm among the foreign investors, which is

    obvious from the quantum of FDI flow that came into the country till 1991. Apart from the

    policy limitation, restrictions were also imposed in the form of procedures that were designed to

    completely exhaust the energy and enthusiasm of the limited few, who would have liked to

    invest even under conditions of restricted and minority participation. The key element of the

    current FDI policy is automatic clearance of foreign investment projects with up to 51 per cent

    equity participation. This applies with respect to 34 industries that cover a broad and vast

    spectrum of the country's manufacturing sector. The MNCs that were already operating in the

    country in these sectors with less than 40 per cent equity ownership due to the earlier policy, and

    particularly those who were forced to bring down their equities, have been allowed to increase

    their equity stakes to 51 per cent. More than 51 per cent equity is also liberally permitted in these

    sectors under the system that prevailed. Applications have to be submitted and permissions

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    obtained, but the mechanism for approval has been streamlined to ensure faster clearance. As in

    the past, the criteria for allowing more than 51 per cent foreign equity includes the nature of

    technology and contribution to exports, but the approach is positive and the thrust is on

    faster clearance. The authority to approve applications has been rechristened as Foreign

    Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) (as opposed to Foreign Investment Board). The

    approval/application ratio has improved significantly since restructuring of the FIPB and

    inculcation of a positive mindset. Clearly, the signal is that there is willingness to permit higher

    equity participation by the foreign companies. The system of automatic approval up to 51 per

    cent has the effect of releasing considerable bureaucratic energy by minimizing the number of

    applications to undergo scrutiny, and giving better considerations to applications involving

    majority foreign ownership with greater objectivity. This is a sign of pragmatism in our approach

    to FDI, an aspect that was virtually missing earlier. Most importantly, dogmatic perceptions are

    hardly allowed to determine the structure of ownership and quantum of investment. Further, the

    policy of automatic approval up to 51 per cent foreign equity is without any strings in the sense

    that such joint venture projects do not have to meet any obligations, nor are subjected to con-

    ditionalities. To begin with, a criteria of dividend balancing was introduced to ensure that foreign

    exchange expenditures were met out of own earnings, i.e., imports should equal exports, and

    there was no net outgo of foreign exchange. This was done with a view to ease pressure on the

    country's balance of payment position. However, this requirement was subsequently withdrawn

    to make the policy more attractive. Other obligations such as export obligation, indigenization

    requirement, etc. are also not imposed. This is another indicator of pragmatism in our approach

    to FDI.

    3.2 Need for Policy Reform

    Many may argue that in our desperateness to attract foreign capital, we have sacrificed

    some of the vital objectives that we could have achieved. For instance, the opportunity to use

    FDI as a tool for export promotion may appear to have been virtually sacrificed. Similarly, the

    objectives that could have been served through indigenization programme may have been

    sacrificed to a great extent. Export development, access to foreign technology, transfer of skills

    to the locals, development of supporting local enterprises, etc. are some of the benefits that could

    be reasonably expected from foreign investment. Seemingly, the new policy that has been

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    considerably shaped by the economic exigencies of the late 80s and early 90s has compromised

    on many vital objectives. However, the element of pragmatism should be obvious if we take into

    account the circumstances under which this policy was adopted. As is too wellVol. 23, No. 1,

    January - March 1998 41 known, Indian economy was on the brink of a collapse. Foreign

    investment was a critical necessity, but foreign investors' confidence in the Indian economy was

    at its lowest ebb. By the beginning of the 90s, most of the developing countries had offered

    highly attractive policies to the foreign investors and had engaged themselves in competitive

    liberalization. The volume of global FDI outflow had significantly increased between 1985 and

    1991, but foreign investors, who were most sought after throughout the developing world, had

    plenty of destinations to choose and had their own terms to settle deals. The current FDI policy

    takes cognizance of this reality. The writing on the wall for India was practically clear by the

    early 90s. A section of the developing countries, represented by the fast-growing economies of

    East and South East Asia, was already following market-oriented economic policies and created

    glitters that dazed. Foreign investments were pouring in large volumes in China and the whole of

    South East Asia. Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (APEC) was formed encompassing

    all these economies. India was left out. Foreign investors openly said India did not belong to

    Asia. On the other end of the spectrum, the low income developing economies in Asia and Africa

    had willingly opened up and even boasted on the speed of their reform process. It is a different

    matter though that they were not getting any foreign investment in spite of their efforts. But India

    was singled out as virtually a closed economy. The developed countries did not quite turn their

    eyes away from India in view of the potential market size and had kept on mounting the pressure

    for opening up. But no developing country was willing to side with India in the multilateral fora,

    particularly in the Uruguay Round of Traae Negotiations. India's resistance to agreement on

    Trade Related Intellectual Properties (TRIPs), Trade Related Investment Measures (TRIMs), and

    General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) hardly had any supporter. On the domestic

    front, the industrial and trade policies were considerably liberalized during 1985-90. There was a

    growing felt need for liberal tie-ups with the foreign manufacturers in the face of mounting

    competition at home. Accordingly, there was a brewing internal pressure for liberal FDI policy.

    And then came the domestic economic crisis, compelling a recourse to IMP'S structural

    adjustment loan. Any objective assessment of India's foreign investment policy has to take into

    account the compelling pressures of the circumstantial forces prevailing at that time. At the same

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    time, it is not correct to say that the present policy was influenced entirely by the circumstantial

    forces alone. There were also opinions gathering in favour of India joining the much hyped

    globalization. There was no objection, ideological or otherwise, to the imperative of higher

    extemalization of the economy through trade liberalization. A positive perspective on the role of

    FDI for Indian economy was very much visible. In other words, the internal support base for

    liberalization of policy for foreign investment was prevailing. And thus it was ushered in. Not

    only that automatic approval facility was allowed for joint ventures with foreign equity

    ownership up to 51 per cent, many other changes were introduced by way of regular amendments

    in the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA)'73. For instance, foreign companies were given

    liberal permissions to open liais on offices and distribution outlets, facilitating, in the process, an

    act of testing the water before taking the plunge. This facility was undoubtedly another mark of

    pragmatism and realistic endeavour to attract foreign investment. Some of the large MNCs who

    have now significant presence in India did take the advantage of this policy before committing

    major investment. Those who do not have good knowledge of India and are still sceptical of

    investment outlook may find this policy helpful and strategic. They can get their feet soaked in

    the Indian waters before taking further steps. Similarly, as has been already mentioned, though

    permission/approval is required, more-than 51 per cent equity is easily granted, so long as the

    investment proposals satisfy the broad criteria. The objective is to enhance additionally of

    physical assets rather than the structure of ownership, an area that has been left to be decided

    between the partners. But the policy, as of now, is much more liberal than this. It grants equally

    liberal permission for setting up 100 per cent subsidiaries. It is basically up to the foreign

    investors to decide whether he should have an Indian partner (majority or minority) or go ahead

    on his own. The entry strategy is entirely up to the foreign investor. He can first test the market

    through limited selling, have familiarity, develop market strategy, and then set up 100 per cent

    subsidiary. Alternatively, he can enter the market with an Indian partner, if he so wishes. The

    policy does save foreign investors the risk of direct plunge into the market, as also the hard

    exercise of finding a local partner.

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    3.3 New Dimensions of Foreign Investment Policy

    One of the new dimensions of foreign investment policy is investment in infrastructure.

    The contours of this policy have been dictated by three main factors. First, India's infrastructural

    needs are huge. The quantum of infrastructural gaps and the resource requirements has been

    estimated by theIndia Infrastructure Report (1996). Second, the public sector is no longer in a

    position to meet the requirement all by itself. Third, India needs to have latest technologies in

    order to have modem infrastructural facilities. Technological upgradation in the rest of the

    economy can be facilitated only with modernization of infrastructure. Accordingly, private sector

    participation (domestic as well as foreign) has been a key element of the policy for infrastructure

    development. It has taken some years to evolve definitive policy framework and has not been

    without hitches, which arose out of lack of necessary understanding of the principles that guide

    private investment in infrastructure. However, the policy that has finally evolved is a mix of

    international trend in foreign participation in infrastructure and the country's long-term

    perspective. The policy permits (i) 100 per cent foreign investment in power, roads and

    highways, construction of airports and ports and (ii) 49 per cent foreign equity in telecom. There

    is lack of clarity, or rather indeci-siveness, about foreign investment in the railways and civil

    aviation. In the case of railways, it is not clear whether foreign investment is welcome or not, and

    if welcome, what is the permissible extent of foreign equity. This sector has also managed to

    escape any kind of debate. But the civil aviation sector has been a controversial one. Foreign

    equity participation up to 40 per cent, subject to approval, is what the government may be willing

    to consider, but so far it has not been possible to establish it as a matter of general policy. On the

    whole, it can be said that though the government welcomes foreign investment in infrastructure,

    the policy is rather sectoral than general in character. Investment in financial sector is another

    new dimension of foreign investment policy. Like infrastructure, this sector was also closed to

    the private sector, but has been subjected to gradual reform since 1991. So far, there is nothing

    that can be called a comprehensive foreign investment policy for financial sector, but three

    distinct policy changes have been undertaken. First, the foreign banks are given liberal

    permission to open subsidiaries and expand branches, besides wider avenues in

    the area of banking operations. Second, foreign non-banking financial companies (NBFCs) have

    been allowed to start operations in India, mostly in joint ventures with the Indian NBFCs, though

    there is lack of clarity as to the extent of foreign equity participation. The interest is primarily on

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    capital adequacy and protection of investors' money, rather than equity. Third, the FIIs are

    allowed to invest in the equities of listed Indian companies to the extent of 30 per cent. These are

    the broad aspects of foreign investment policy in the financial sector. The question of foreign

    investment in the insurance sector has been a subject of considerable debate, but lack of

    necessary political support has been a major obstacle to reform. The doors are closed even to the

    domestic private sector.

    3.4 Emerging Multilateral Requirements

    In the background of the past policy framework, the new foreign investment policy

    represents a paradigm shift in our approach to foreign investment and our understanding of the

    role of foreign capital. At least, it is recognized that foreign investment is crucial to India's

    development, and that successful globalization of the economy, which is a key objective of

    economic reforms, cannot be achieved without a liberal foreign investment policy. It is also

    recognized that foreign investment cannot be restricted only to industrial sector as in the past and

    has to be extended to other sectors as well. However, at the threshold of the 21st century and in

    the new (post-GATT) international economic order, where globalization is being thrust upon,

    one cannot evaluate the policy in the context of the past. The issue today is not whether our

    policy''is liberal, or how liberal it is compared to the past policy. The issue is whether our

    policies are compatible with the existing, and/or emerging, multilateral requirements. It is not

    liberalization but compatibility that matters. Also, what is 'liberal' in our perception may be

    inadequate in the context of what we have to, and/or may have to do as a founder member of

    World Trade Organization (WTO). Here, we have a lot of obligations to fulfil. Further, we need

    to recognize the challenges of WTO. A brief mention of some of these may be useful for

    appropriate evaluation of our foreign investment policy. First, let us consider the agreement on

    trade related intellectual properties (TRIPs). The obligation is that we have to amend our Patents

    Act, which we have yet to fulfil. The obstacle to amendment of the Patents Act is primarily

    political, but it is a very serious obstacle. TRIPs is not a purely technological issue, as is

    understood by many. Investment implications of TRIPs are equally significant. The pace of

    inflow of foreign investment in India would be determined, to a significant extent, by our action

    in this front. Failure to amend the Patents Act may affect both the quantum as well as the quality

    of FDI into the country. In other words, if we continue to delay amendment of the Patents Act,

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    foreign investment policy may remain largely ineffective, even as it may appear liberal in our

    perception. A very important point that may emerge from this is that the concept of 'investment'

    policy is changing. It is no longer enough to talk of mere investment; instead one has to take into

    account almost everything that has something to do with investment. Policies that build or shake

    confidence in the minds of the investors, policies that determined the rate of return on

    investment, policies that facilitate post-investment activities, and policies that protect investment

    are all important from the point of view of a comprehensive investment policy. The point to note,

    therefore, is that the extent of permissible foreign equity is just only one of the many criteria of

    favourable, or viable, foreign investment policy. In this context, we should take note of the

    debate on Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI). Organization for Economic Cooperation

    and Development (OECD) has already prepared the draft MAI. The WTO is looking into the

    issue. Exact multilateral position on the issue would be clearer after the second WTO Ministerial

    in May 1998. Assuming that the subject is brought under the purview of negotiation under WTO

    and finally an Agreement is reached, we have reasons to feel concerned about the implication

    from the point of view of 'foreign' investment policy. The on-going debate on MAI has certain

    key elements, of which we shall mention only two. First, foreign investors have to be given

    'national' treatment, i.e. there can be no discrimination between 'national' and 'foreign' investors.

    In other words, the investment policy for the nationals and the investment policy for the

    foreigners cannot be separate. Second, the concept of investment has to be enlarged to give a

    wider canvas and scope. While it may take some years before MAI may be a reality, there are

    trade related investment measures (TRIMs) in the offing. The negotiations are yet to be

    concluded, but the implications are known, i.e., the investment measures that can create obstacles

    to trade cannot be applied. In other words, no WTO member can impose such strings to foreign

    investment policy as are likely to, or deemed to, create trade obstacles. A question that arises in

    this context is about the scope of trade (i.e. trade in goods only or trade in goods as well as

    services?). But that is a separate issue. The point is that TRIMs Agreement, when it would

    finally come into force, would significantly curtail freedom to decide foreign investment

    policy. Similarly, negotiations are also on about agreement on trade in services, that include a

    wide range of services including banking and finance, insurance, trade, transport services,

    techno-economic consultancy, etc. Agreement on financial services has come into existence, and

    in due course, all aspects of commercial services would be covered by multilateral agreements.

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    In the case of commercial services, it is important to note that trade and investment go hand in

    hand. What it implies is that, with the coming into force of all the agreements under GATS, the

    entire set of activities falling within the purview of commercial services may have to be thrown

    open to foreign investment. Taken together, all these aspects are likely to exert significant

    influence on any country's foreign investment policy. It is significant to note that under the WTO

    framework, no policy is looked at in isolation from other policies. And, it is quite appropriate

    that an integrated view is being taken. Barriers to trade do not originate only from trade policies,

    but from a host of other policies encompassing investment, competition, price, purchase, finance,

    insurance, transport, technology, etc. Similarly, investment policy also cannot be thought of in

    isolation. The contours of investment policy are widening. Also, it is not going to be a matter of

    choice so far as scope and content of investment policy is concerned. Everything is going to be a

    matter of multilateral obligation.

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    CHAPTER-4

    DEBATE ON FDI

    4.1 Basic Debate on Foreign Investment PolicyThere is, however, very little appreciation and/orunderstanding in India of the emerging

    compulsions of the new international economic order. The question that is relevant, or rather

    important, to ask is whether the policy trends are moving in the direction of fulfilling the

    emerging multilateral obligations. In this context, one can also discuss the relevance of the

    ongoing debate on foreigninvestment policy. Let us first briefly introduce the debate.Ever since

    there was a change in policy in favour of higher foreign equity participation, significant

    developmentshave taken place in India's corporate world. There was, first, a steady growth in

    joint ventures. The Indian corporates did globe-trotting to forge partnerships. The foreign

    partners were not difficult to locate. And alarge number of joint ventures came into existence.

    But, the subsequent developments were rather unexpected. It was thought that higher foreign

    equity would help in forging long-term partnerships, enable access to latest technologies,

    develop export capabilities inhigh value-added items, and foster healthy competition.Instead, it

    was found that the Indian companies wereincreasingly losing control over their enterprises and

    joint ventures had started falling apart. It was also observed that the new FDI policy was not

    creating much of new capitalassets, but was giving rise to de-stabilization anduncertainty. We

    are not going into 'why' and 'how' of thisdevelopment as it is not the objective of this paper.

    However, it is this kind of development that gave rise to serious concern about the growth

    prospect of indigenousindustry. This, in brief, is the genesis of 'swadeshi' sentiment that favour

    protection to indigenous industry.Given the long experience of colonial rule and the cult ofself-

    reliance cultivated since the beginning of economicplanning, the spirit of swadeshi goes well

    with the Indianpsyche. There are also ideologues who questioned the direction of FDI flow.

    According to them, foreign investorswere found to be interested mainly in low-tech consumer

    goods such as potato chips, bubble gums, cornflakes, soapsand toiletries, and were not keen on

    exposing India to theworld of high technology. The argument typically is that India does not

    need foreign investment in the field of massconsumption goods. What it needs is investment in

    'micro' chips and other state-of-the-art technologies. Another line of argument is that it is

    primarily in the area of infrastructure that we need foreign investment as the need is felt

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    primarily due to the resource crunch. But, in otherareas, there is no justification for allowing

    majority foreignownership.The debate has certain untenable assumptions as itsbasis. One such

    assumption is that formulation ofeconomic policies is a purely national affair, i.e., it isentirely

    up to the nation concerned to decide its policy.This is no longer so. The WTO regime, whether

    one likes itor not, significantly curtails a nation's degree of freedom with respect to economic

    policies. Objectively speaking,effective multilateralism cannot be established withoutnecessary

    compromises on national level economicpolicies. A nation unwilling to make necessary

    compromises may have to stay out of multilateralism at a heavy cost to its national economy.

    But, India has taken aconscious decision to support multilateralism by being afounder member

    of WTO, and thereby made an unwrittencommitment to fulfil the multilateral obligations. As it

    appears from the debate, we are either not aware of theimport of our multilateral obligations or

    are not ready torecognize the obligations.The second assumption is that we can influence the

    investment choices of the foreign investors. Perhaps this ispossible to some extent and under

    certain circumstances,but not always. It is not entirely up to the recipient country to decide

    where the foreigners should invest. It is notdesirable to do so either. If we open up, say, only

    powersector (because that is where we have resource gap) and notthe power consuming sectors,

    there may not be anyincentive for investment in power sector, as perceivedpower projects may

    not be found viable due to lack ofmarket. We cannot have a foreign investment policy thatmay

    create investment as well as market imbalances within the economy A similar argument may

    hold good with respect to foreign investment and choice of technology. Choice of technology

    and also area of investment in a joint venture is determined by a number of factors, and

    particularly by thejoint decision of the partners. More specifically, it is usuallydecided by the

    market, and not ideological considerations.The current debate, however, assumes that the market

    is an unimportant factor. But the fact is that the market plays a key role in determining the

    direction of private (domestic orforeign) investment in a deregulated environment.So far as the

    state of indigenous industry is concerned,it has been a case of expectations belied which resulted

    from a lack of experience of competitive globalization of the domestic market. It can be best

    described as a situationthat one is likely to face in the initial phases of a learningcurve. What is

    important to note, however, is that foreign investment does intensify internal competition. In a

    country that has a long tradition of industrialization based on development of indigenous

    enterprises, the impact of suchcompetition is likely to be more pronounced. This, however, does

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    not mean that the interest of domesticindustry may be overlooked. What it means is that along

    with liberalization of foreign investment policy, necessarysteps need to be taken to take care of

    the initial impact andresponses. Initial responses to opening up do usually reflectmany signs of

    immature actions.Clearly, the debate on foreign investment policy lacksperspective, and there is

    an urgent need to put theperspectives in place and take due cognizance of the emerging

    international scenario as a founder member of WTO. Looked at from the point of view of

    challenges andobligations of multilateralism, the following observationsare pertinent:

    India's foreign investment policy has, no doubt, become

    more broad-based, but is far from complete.

    It lacks comprehensiveness and consistency, keeping in view a

    wide range of sectors that we may have to expose.

    Approach to foreign investment policy is yet to reflect our

    concern about the emerging global scenario.

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    CHAPTER-5

    STRONG ARGUMENTS, LIMITED EVIDENCE

    UNCTAD (1998: 108 ff.) argues that globalization has led to a reconfiguration of the ways

    in which MNEs pursue their resource-seeking, market-seeking and efficiency-seeking objectives.The opening of markets to trade, FDI and technology flows has offered MNEs a wider range of

    choices on how to serve international markets, gain access to immobile resources and improve

    the efficiency of production systems (see also Dunning 1999). Reportedly, MNEs are

    increasingly pursuing complex integration strategies, i.e., MNEs "increasingly seek locations

    where they can combine their own mobile assets most efficiently with the immobile resources

    they need to produce goods and services for the markets they want to serve" (UNCTAD 1998:

    111). This is expected to have two related consequences regarding the determinants of FDI:

    Host countries are evaluated by MNEs on the basis of a broader set of policies than before. The

    number of policies constituting a favourable investment climate increases, in particular with

    regard to the creation of location-specific assets sought by MNEs.

    The relative importance of FDI determinants changes. Even though traditional determinants

    and the types of FDI associated with them have not disappeared with globalization, their

    importance is said to be on the decline. More specifically, "one of the most important traditional

    FDI determinants, the size of national markets, has decreased in importance. At the same time,

    cost differences between locations, the quality of infrastructure, the ease of doing business and

    the availability of skills have become more important" (UNCTAD 1996: 97). Likewise, Dunning

    (1999) argues that the motives for, and the determinants of FDI have changed. According to

    Dunning (2002: exhibit 5), FDI in developing countries has shifted from market-seeking and

    resource-seeking FDI to more (vertical) efficiency-seeking FDI. Due to globalization-induced

    pressure on prices, MNEs are expected to relocate some of their production facilities to low

    (real) cost developing countries. Nevertheless, and in contrast to FDI in industrial countries, FDI

    in developing countries still is directed predominantly to accessing natural resources and national

    or regional markets according to this author. It would have important policy implications if

    globalization had changed the rules of the game in competing for FDI. The policy challenge may

    become fairly complex; host country governments would have "to provide and publicize a

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    unique set of immobile assets, pertinent to the types of economic activity they wish to attract and

    retain, vis--vis those offered by other countries" (Dunning 1999: 17 f.). Arguably, policymakers

    can no longer rely on the previous empirical literature stressing the overriding role of some

    clearly defined factors shaping the distribution of FDI.

    Among more traditional FDI determinants, market-related factors clearly stand out. In a

    frequently quoted survey of the earlier literature on FDI determinants, Agarwal (1980) found the

    size of host country markets to be the most popular explanation of a country's propensity to

    attract FDI, especially when FDI flows to developing countries are considered. Subsequent

    empirical studies corroborated this finding.6 Even authors who dismissed earlier studies as

    seriously flawed came up with results supporting the relevance of market-related variables such

    as GDP, population, GDP per capita and GDP growth; examples are: Schneider and Frey (1985),

    Wheeler and Mody (1992), Tsai (1994), Jackson and Markowski (1995) and, more recently,

    Taylor (2000).7 Chakrabarti (2001), while questioning the robustness of various other FDI

    determinants, finds the correlation between FDI and market size to be robust to changes in the

    conditioning information set. Against this backdrop, the obvious question is whether the

    dominance of market-related factors no longer holds under conditions of proceeding

    globalization, while less traditional FDI determinants have become more important. Recent

    empirical studies on FDI determinants in developing countries hardly address this question

    explicitly. Yet, some of these studies offer at least tentative insights, e.g. on changes in the

    relevance of market-related and traderelated variables. As concerns market-related variables,

    Loree and Guisinger (1995) find per capita GDP of host countries to be a driving force of FDI

    from the United States in 1977, but not in 1982.9 The authors presume that this rather surprising

    result is due to a shift from local market-seeking FDI towards more world marketoriented FDI.

    This reasoning suggests that the motives for FDI may have changed well before globalization

    became a hotly debated issue. However, data constraints prevented Loree and Guisinger from

    testing this proposition.

    Moreover, industrialized host countries constitute about half of the sample analyzed in this

    study. Hence, it remains open to question whether the presumed shift in FDI motives applies to

    both industrialized and developing host countries. The results of Tsai (1994), whose sample

    consists of developing countries almost exclusively, indicate that the relevance of market-related

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    variables did not decline in the 1980s, compared to the 1970s. Econometric tests performed by

    UNCTAD (1998: 135140) reveal that, in some contrast to UNCTAD's reasoning elsewhere in

    the same World Investment Report, market size-related hardly address this question explicitly.

    Yet, some of these studies offer at least tentative insights, e.g. on changes in the relevance of

    market-related and traderelated variables. As concerns market-related variables, Loree and

    Guisinger (1995) find per capita GDP of host countries to be a driving force of FDI from the

    United States in 1977, but not in 1982.9 The authors presume that this rather surprising result is

    due to a shift from local market-seeking FDI towards more world marketoriented FDI. This

    reasoning suggests that the motives for FDI may have changed well before globalization became

    a hotly debated issue. However, data constraints prevented Loree and Guisinger from testing this

    proposition. Moreover, industrialized host countries constitute about half of the sample analyzed

    in this study. Hence, it remains open to question whether the presumed shift in FDI motives

    applies to both industrialized and developing host countries. The results of Tsai (1994), whose

    sample consists of developing countries almost exclusively, indicate that the relevance of

    market-related variables did not decline in the 1980s, compared to the 1970s. Econometric tests

    performed by UNCTAD (1998: 135140) reveal that, in some contrast to UNCTAD's reasoning

    elsewhere in the same World Investment Report, market size-related The findings of Tsai (1994)

    are surprising in another respect. According to the simultaneous equation model applied in this

    study, FDI and the growth of host country exports were positively correlated in the 1970s, but no

    longer in the 1980s. One could have expected the opposite pattern as the motives for FDI are

    widely supposed to have shifted towards more world market-oriented FDI since the 1980s. The

    estimates of Tsai (1994) may rather suggest that host countries' openness to trade represents a

    fairly traditional determinant of FDI. The analysis by Lucas (1993) of determinants of FDI in

    East and Southeast Asian countries tends to support this view. FDI in 19601987 is found to be

    somewhat more elastic with respect to aggregate demand in export markets than with respect to

    demand in the host country. Lucas (1993) suspects that the importance of local market size is

    overstated in various empirical studies because they omit export markets as a determinant of FDI

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    More recent studies typically consider trade-related determinants of FDI:

    Singh and Jun (1995) find export orientation to be the strongest variable forexplaining why a

    country attracts FDI. Yet, it is somewhat heroic to conclude that their findings are "in line with

    the secular trend toward increasing complementarity between trade and FDI" (ibid.: inside

    cover). Surprisingly, the study also supports the tariff jumping hypothesis, which is in conflict

    with the authors' conclusion.

    Gastanaga, Nugent and Pashamova (1998) address the tariff jumping hypothesis in the context

    of a panel analysis on the effects of host country reforms on FDI. While cross-section results

    suggest that FDI flows were motivated more strongly by tariff jumping than by potential exports,

    the effects of import tariffs on FDI tend to be negative in a time-series context. These authors

    conclude that "over time in individual countries trade liberalization has become the more

    important motive for FDI".

    According to the sensitivity analysis of Chakrabarti (2001), openness to trade (proxied by

    exports plus imports to GDP) has the highest likelihood of being correlated (positively) with FDI

    among all explanatory variables classified as fragile. Asiedu (2002), using the same proxy for

    openness, comes to a similar conclusion when separating Sub-Saharan host countries from host

    countries in other regions. Africa differs significantly from non-African sample countries with

    regard to other FDI determinants, whereas the promotional effect of openness to trade on FDI is

    found to be only slightly weaker in Africa. The problem with essentially all these studies is that

    they use trade-related variables that are seriously flawed.14 Import tariff rates capture at best part

    of the trade policy stance of host countries.15 The ratio of exports plus imports to GDP suffers

    from a large-country bias and may, thus, lead to unreliable results. We are aware of just one

    recent study on FDI determinants which takes a different route, as we do below, in assessing

    openness. Taylor (2000) refers to survey results (from the World Competitiveness Report) on the

    degree to which government policy discourages imports. This measure of openness to trade is

    shown to be positively related to FDI undertaken by MNEs from the United States. By contrast,

    alternative measures tried as proxies of openness (tariff rates, coverage of non-tariff barriers)

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    turned out to be insignificant when correlated with FDI. Taylor (2000) resembles most other

    studies in that he does not assess changes over time in the importance of openness as an FDI

    determinant. His results do suggest, however, that a globalization-induced increase in the

    relevance of openness cannot be taken for granted. The positive correlation between openness

    and FDI is restricted to the manufacturing sector, whereas the correlation is insignificant for FDI

    by MNEs from the United States in the services sector. Considering that the recent boom of FDI

    in developing countries is largely because of FDI in non-traded services (see Section I), the

    relevance of openness even may have declined. Finally, the study by Noorbakhsh, Paloni and

    Youssef (2001) offers insights on non-traditional determinants of FDI in developing countries,

    though not with regard to trade-related variables.16 The focus of this study is on human capital

    as a determinant of FDI. Most importantly, "the results ... are suggestive of an increasing

    importance of human capital through time. The estimated coefficients of the variables used as

    proxies for human capital as well as their t-ratios increase in magnitude across the consecutive

    sample periods". The authors attribute this finding explicitly to the process of globalization.

    Limitations of this study are twofold: The period of observation is restricted to 19831994, and

    changes over time are not studied for FDI determinants other than human capital.

    Current Challenges and Improvement Areas

    As explained above, India is definitely a lucrative place for FDI, but there are certainly

    some challenges and areas for improvement still present. Until, these areas are honed to

    perfection, India will not become the number one place for FDI. Some of the key areas are listed

    below

    a) Political risk: Amongst the top items is the political instability of the country. On one handthe fact that India is the worlds largest democracy does add a sense of pride and security, but

    the hard reality is that there is insurmountable instability present. Just the fact that the past

    two governments have been based on coalitions between a few parties is reason enough to be

    skeptical. Moreover, each new government has certain policies which are different from the

    ruling government and if there is frequent change in government, this will lead to changes in

    policy and increased uncertainty. Just take the example of the last elections in 2004, where

    by a sudden change of event the Indian National Congress was able to come into power by

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    forming a coalition government, by soliciting the vast majority of the poor people of the

    country, surprising the incumbent government which was relying heavily on a fast growing

    economy, increased privatization and a thriving middle class.

    b) Bureaucracy: Another very important factor that affects Indias competitiveness on theworld standing is the Bureaucracy. Particularly in the FDI process the Indian Government

    has already invested a lot of time and effort but there is still a lot of room for improvement in

    the identification, approval and implementation process e.g. creating more centres for

    assistance, more user friendly processes, effective use of technology, being as clear as

    possible leaving no room for interpretation, assisting in identifying new areas for investment

    etc.

    c) Security risk: Another important factor that needs to be handled with care and worked uponis the ever present security risk. This risk includes the geopolitical risk with Pakistan and the

    ongoing dispute over the Kashmir issue, which on numerous occasions has brought these two

    countries armed with nuclear weapons to the brink of war. The other security risks would

    include incidences of domestic terrorism, not only in the Kashmir valley but also in Assam,

    Manipur and Nagaland, where numerous separatists group operate.

    d) Cost advantage: One of the attractions of India is the lower cost advantage as compared tomost western economies. The Indian Government would have to work on creating an

    atmosphere where this advantage can be maintained else it might result in India not seem as

    attractive. One of the key drivers would be to try and control inflation because if there is

    increased level of inflation then there would be increased costs and reduced returns. Other

    factors which would act in similar respects would be increased tax incentives and reduced

    tariffs.

    e) Intellectual Property (IP) Rights & Piracy: With the increased instances of Piracy aroundthe world and the extreme importance placed by Investors on maintaining their IP rights, this

    is definitely an area which needs improvement in India. India has begun instilling intellectual

    property rules and regulations into the country but there is still a long road ahead. The main

    area for improvement in this respect is the enforcement, which is the most crucial part but the

    weakest at present in the country. The enforcement of IP rights included the increased

    crackdown in the market on pirated and knock-downed good.

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    f) Privatization and deregulation: Increased privatization of various sectors would definitelyenhance the attractiveness of India as an FDI destination. India has already taken steps to

    privatize areas such as electricity, telecommunication etc. and increase the foreign holding

    capacity in sectors such as banking and insurance which is a first step.

    g) Infrastructure: It definitely is an added bonus to the investor if there is adequateinfrastructure present in the country. In India there is substantial lack of robust infrastructure

    around the country, e.g. proper roads, highways, adequate supply of clean water,

    uninterruptible supply of electricity etc. But there is a flipside to this lack of Infrastructure.

    Quoting the prime minister Dr. Manmohan Singh on a recent speech at the NYSE1,

    When I talk to business people, they tell me, Well, Indias infrastructure is a problem. I do

    agree with them that infrastructure is our biggest problem and also the biggest opportunity. In

    the next 10 years we must invest at least $150 billion to modernize and to expand Indias

    infrastructure, and we have major investments needed in energy sector, in power sector, in oil

    exploration, in roads programme, in modernizing our railway system, food system, airports.

    This is where, I feel, we need a new experimentation with public-private sector participation

    because the public sector may have a role, but by itself it cannot meet all the requirements.

    As I see an expanding and very profitable role of foreign direct investment in meeting the

    challenge of modernizing Indias infrastructure.

    So the lack of infrastructure can definitely be seen as a blessing in disguise and be a

    substantial source of FDI, but nevertheless if this FDI does not materialize, the Government will

    have to invest their own funds into it and try and attract other investments.

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    CHAPTER-6

    CONCLUSION

    We have to accept the challenges of formulating an appropriate and result-oriented foreign

    investment policy. The challenge is to reconstruct foreign investment policies in such a manner

    that we should be able to fulfill multilateral obligations while still promoting the cause of the

    national economy and industry. But, this needs serious deliberation at the policy-making levels.

    The problems are two-fold, namely (i) over-hang of the controlled regime and (ii) persistence of

    the old mindset. Both seem to be creating obstacles in the form of political resistance to objective

    thinking and pragmatic actions. We have already experienced this with respect to reforms in the

    insurance and civil aviation sectors. Unless there is improvement in the quality of debate andcircumstances that influence policy formulation, we are likely to confront serious difficulty in the

    near future. What needs to be appreciated is that by 2005 when all the GATT Agreements are

    likely to come into effect, there would be a tremendous burden of multilateral obligations on us.

    There is, thus, some urgency about the reform process, particularly, further liberalization of

    foreign investment policy. We may have to do so in the areas so far untouched, namely

    agriculture, the entire gamut of commercial services (including retailing and wholesale trade),

    real estate development, tourism, etc. So far, we have not given any thought to the possibility of

    allowing foreign investment in these areas. But, tomorrow, there may be pressures as well as

    obligations.

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    Bibliography

    1) INTERNET:-

    WWW.GOOGLE.COM WWW.SCRIBD.COM WWW.ECONSTER.ED

    2) REFERENCE BOOK

    FOREIGN DIRECT IVESTMENT IN INDIA (Policies, conditions and procedures)

    - Niti bhasin

    3)

    NEWSPAPER

    TIMES OF INDIA

    http://www.google.com/http://www.scribd.com/http://www.scribd.com/http://www.google.com/