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Exhibit OpeningSeptember 28, 2012

Renacimiento desde las entrañas de mi ser

Rebirth from the depths of my being

by Veronica Castillo Hernández y familia

ATTENTION VOZ READERS: If you have a correction you want to make on your mailing label please send it in to lavoz@esperanzacenter.org. If you do not wish to continue on the mailing list for whatever reason please notify us as well. La Voz is provided as a courtesy to people on the mailing list of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. The subscription rate is $35 per year. The cost of producing and mailing La Voz has substantially increased and we need your help to keep it afloat. To help, send in your subscriptions, sign up as a monthly donor, or send in a donation to the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. Thank you. -GAR

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VOZ VISION STATEMENT: La Voz de Esperanza speaks for many individual, progressive voices who are gente-based, multi-visioned and milagro-bound. We are diverse survivors of materialism, racism, misogyny, homophobia, classism, violence, earth-damage, speciesism and cultural and political oppression. We are recapturing the powers of alliance, activism and healthy conflict in order to achieve interdependent economic/spiritual healing and fuerza. La Voz is a resource for peace, justice, and human rights, providing a forum for criticism, information, education, humor and other creative works. La Voz provokes bold actions in response to local and global problems, with the knowledge that the many risks we take for the earth, our body, and the dignity of all people will result in profound change for the seven generations to come.

La Voz deEsperanza

September 2012vol. 25 issue 7

© 2012 Esperanza Peace & Justice Center

Editor Gloria A. Ramírez

Editorial AssistanceAlice Canestaro-Garcia

Design Monica V. Velásquez

Cover Photo Josie Mendez-Negrete

ContributorsKarla L. Aguilar, Maria Antonietta

Berriozábal, Diana Fernandez, Jessica O. Guerrero, Rogelio Saenz, Pancho Valdez

La Voz Mail CollectivePenny Boyer, Aggie Calica, Maggie R. & Grace E. Chapman, Sara DeTurk, Juan

Díaz, Angela M. García, Esther H-C, Gloria Hernández, Lonnie Howard, Davina Kaiser, Victoria M. López, Victor Leos, Ray McDonald, Medellin Family (Alan, Denisse,

Maria & Ricardo), Angelita H. Merla, Adriana Netro, Mitchell Owens, Jocabed Peña,

Olga Pérez, Becky Reisert, Maria Quezada, Argelia Soto, Carolina González Schlenker, Elva Pérez Treviño, Rose Two-Feathers y

MujerArtes

Esperanza DirectorGraciela I. Sánchez

Esperanza Staff Imelda Arismendez, Itza Carbajal, Verónica Castillo, Marisol Cortez,

Jezzika Pérez, Beto Salas, Susana Segura, Monica V. Velásquez

Conjunto de Nepantleras-Esperanza Board of Directors-Brenda Davis, Araceli Herrera, Rachel Jennings, Amy Kastely, Kamala Platt, Ana Ramírez,

Gloria A. Ramírez, Rudy Rosales, Nadine Saliba, Graciela Sánchez

• We advocate for a wide variety of social, economic & environmental justice issues.• Opinions expressed in La Voz are not

necessarily those of the Esperanza Center.

La Voz de Esperanza is a publication of

Esperanza Peace & Justice Center 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212

(on the corner of Evergreen Street)210.228.0201 • fax 210.228.0000

www.esperanzacenter.orgInquiries/Articles can be sent to:

lavoz@esperanzacenter.orgArticles due by the 8th of each month

Policy Statements* We ask that articles be visionary, progressive, instructive & thoughtful. Submissions must be

literate & critical; not sexist, racist, homophobic, violent, or oppressive & may be edited for length. * All letters in response to Esperanza activities or

articles in La Voz will be considered for publication. Letters with intent to slander individuals or groups

will not be published.Esperanza Peace & Justice Center is funded in part by the TCA,

AKR Fdn, Astraea Lesbian Fdn for Justice, the NEA, theFund, The Kerry Lobel & Marta Drury Fund of Horizon’s Fdn, Coyote Phoenix, Movement Strategy Center Fund, Peggy Meyerhoff

Pearlstone Fdn y nuestra buena gente.

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iména. It was she who stole my heart in Juchitán, Oaxaca and gave me hope for Mexico.

A delegation from Esperanza spent time in Mexico this summer meeting artesanas and political activists

in La Ciudad, Puebla, and Oaxaca. Mexico City’s Centro Historico was alive, as always, but with poverty more evident even as shoppers ignored the poor and infirm asking for help. The organ grinders play-ing familiar tunes now included women and bicycle racks and pedicabs were plentiful.

Vendors on the zócalo were visible on weekends, but during the week were contained to the sides of the cathedral. They would spread their wares on the ground in plastic squares quickly pulling together the 4 corners into a bundle when police came in pursuit. Men sat lined up along the fence of the catedral holding their homemade signs advertising their trades: plomeria, albañil, mecánico, and so on.

In Mexico City we met with women of La Red, a cooperative of artesanas who have ac-quired a space in a hotel to sell artesanía from all over Mexico. We also visited their offices in Puebla and met with some of the artesanas. Issues of health, gender roles, and economics as well as politics infused their conversations as they talked about their lives in their respec-tive pueblos. La Red offered the women the opportunity for empowerment of themselves and their families. We are working to bring a representative and artesanas of La Red to the Esperanza Peace Market.

We also visited clay cooperatives and folk artists in Mexico, Puebla and Oaxaca. As we travelled by bus and car, we experienced no problems. In Oaxaca, the generosity of the Vásquez family provided us with a car that we drove to Juchitán. While in Oaxaca, it be-came evident that the Mexican economy is having trouble sustaining the artisan lifestyle. The Vásquez familia, scattered throughout the U.S. looking for work– is no longer able to dedicate themselves wholly to traditional rug weaving.

Signs of serious economic shifts in Mexico show that the country has moved more toward [foreign] corporate ownership and away from a family-based arti-san economy. Puebla now has malls and shopping centers with stores like THE Home Depot, 7Elevens, Walgreeens, Office Depots and so on. The papelerias and tienditas of Mexico, still alive, are being hit by waves of corporatization. Still, there is hope.

In Juchitán, Oaxaca we experienced the authenticity of Mexico. There, I met Xiména. As she was introduced to us she simply stated, “Tengo corazón de artesana.” A child with the heart of an artisan.

As we rode the bus back to Mexico City, I kept my curtain open relishing the rows of magueys on the hillsides, landscapes of saguaros with arms outstretched and mountains of organ pipe cactus. In one stretch, I noticed a black lump on top of each organ pipe. Looking closely, I saw that a vulture sat on top of each of the hundreds of organ pipe cacti.

We arrived late in the evening knowing that Chavela Vargas had died and was being eulogized at Plaza Garibaldi but we were too exhausted to go. Some of us stayed an extra day to attend Chavela’s Homenaje at Bel-las Artes, but I came home clinging to the hope Xiména had offered me. At the airport, I thought I’d pick up some last minute gifts but when I got to the gate the only option for shopping was The Brit Shop–selling faux Mexican trinkets. -Gloria A. Ramirez, editor

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fter living 6 years in Oregon and experiencing vote by mail, I was curious on my return to Tex-as to see if the voting process had at least got-ten easier. I didn’t expect vote by mail in Texas

but I also didn’t expect a regressive move back to the years of greater voter intimidation. The effects of the poll tax in the 60s are now being recreated in the move to “purge voter fraud.” This would be understandable if there was evidence to prove that voter fraud was prevalent. But that hasn’t proven to be the case. Be-tween November 2008 and 2010 more than 300,000 registered Texas voters were notified that they could be removed from the

registration rolls. An analysis of the data (Lise Olsen, Houston Chronicle) found that in Collin County 70 percent of those who were sent notifications were in fact eligible voters (40 percent in Bexar County, and this represents only those who sent in correc-tions). An outdated software program, inaccurate data, and use of a generic letter sent to many wrong addresses led to the possibility that a million citizens would be purged from the rolls. But more than this, the increased scrutiny of persons who have already proven their eligibility has led to intimidation of those who his-torically have been most disenfranchised. The intimidation alone would keep most from pressing forward and this perhaps was the whole point.

When I began the process to get registered to vote in Texas again, I was encouraged to see that as I went online to obtain my driver’s license I could also register to vote. Getting from there to the voting booth proved to be more frustrating. Because I moved after initially registering to vote in Bexar County, I found myself going back online to update my license and voter registration or so I thought. While I could update my license online, I could not

update my voter registration. I had to fill out a form and mail it in. Why? I decided to call the elections office where I listened through several menus and was placed on hold. I realize that di-rect phone support is becoming obsolete but if there were a real effort to encourage more voters and help them through the pro-cess, then there would be a quick response by phone.

Texas is not alone in this effort to purge voters from the rolls. Florida has been at the forefront and has amassed as many er-rors and inconsistencies as Texas. Georgia and Arizona are in the pack and more are in line. The organization behind the myth of voter fraud is known as “True The Vote” founded by Cath-

erine Engelbrecht, from the Houston suburb of Richmond. At the organization’s summit held in Houston in April 2012, Governor Rick Perry sent a congratulatory note that read in part: “Tex-as is making great progress in protecting and improving the voting process. Last year, Texas lawmakers and I worked hard to pass Senate Bill 14, which requires voters to present photo identi-

fication at the polling place. Unfortunately, Texas is now engaged in a legal battle with the federal government to implement this commonsense protection. It is a battle we aim to win.”

Engelbrecht refers to “the hand of God” in explaining her involvement and the rise of the tea party. Describing herself as “Drudge Report junkie” Engelbrecht claims that “election integ-rity” is behind the move for voter ID. She has risen quickly in the ranks of the tea party movement in Texas and across the country. She uses the True the Vote organization as a training venue for poll watching and other methods for monitoring voter fraud. But for many, the monitoring has become a means of intimidation. After the elections in Houston in 2010, a couple of lawsuits were filed against Engelbrecht based on the actions of the poll watchers. The Advancement Project, a voter advocacy group, calls the True the Vote and its poll watchers “the voter suppression posse.”

Election integrity sounds noble but what are the real motives? Do the facts warrant added requirements? It would be hard to find a system of voting that is void of any fraud. The increase in the Hispanic population, particularly in Texas, translates to a poten-

The Myth of Voter Fraud and the

Suppression of Voting Rights

The Texas Voter ID Law:

The effects of the poll tax

in the 60s are now being

recreated in the move to

“purge voter fraud.”

by Diana Fernandez

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tial increase in voters and power at the polls. To exaggerate the occurrence of fraud suggests other motives such as ensuring that the increased Hispanic population does not also result in increased Hispanic voters.

In his message to the NAACP in Houston this summer, Attor-ney General Eric Holder identified “political pretext” as the rea-son for the move to disenfranchise voters under the Texas voter ID law. He noted that concealed handgun licenses would be acceptable forms of photo ID but student IDs would not. Texas’ history of voter discrimination means that Texas must get approval from the Justice Department before it can change the election laws. The Justice De-partment blocked the Texas law under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Using the states rights argu-ment, Governor Perry countered that the Supreme Court has declared voter ID laws to be constitutional and that the Justice Department is misusing the Voting Rights Act.

As the arguments regarding the legality of the Texas law concluded in the federal trial this July it was clear that the new law was drawn along party lines. The Texas Democrats argued that the ID bill was racially motivated having been steam rolled on the eve of Governor Perry’s campaign for the presiden-tial nomination. Current law allows persons to vote with an ID that does not have a photo such as a social security card or student ID. Those who are eligible to vote but do not have a Texas driver’s license are predominately black and Hispanic. The attorney for the State argued that the data does not support the claim that mi-norities will be denied access by this law. While the arguments tended to focus on data, which by the way was inconclusive, this ignores the real issue of the impact on voters. It shouldn’t be that hard to vote. If the ruling is made this summer, there could be time to implement the new requirements by the November election.

Although I received my voter registration card too late to participate in early voting, I proceeded to the polling place on a Tuesday to cast my vote in the primary. My polling place happens to be a high school and that presented its own difficulties since parking is scarce. There were no signs in the front of the school

so I circled a couple of times before I found the entry to the vot-ing place which was under the stadium behind the school. I was the first democrat to vote in this polling place and was surprised when I was asked to produce my driver’s license. I knew the voter ID law was under review so why were they asking since I had the proper voter card? I produced my license, anyway. I was asked a

second time if I had provided my driver’s license. Did it look like I didn’t belong in this neighborhood or were they just surprised that a Democrat showed up?

Such was my re-introduction to voting in Texas. Not much has changed in six years or for that matter in the 40 years that I have been voting in Texas. Perhaps someday I won’t have to listen through phone menus, circle the school, be asked to produce my license and it won’t be a Tuesday or a Saturday. The ballot will come to me at my home and I will simply drop it in the mail or I will vote online. Now that’s what I call voter integrity.Bio: Diana is a former educator who has taught in South Texas, Dallas and Oregon. She now lives in San Antonio and enjoys freelance writ-ing, photography, and videography.

Editors Note: As we go to press Voter ID laws are being chal-lenged throughout the U.S. However, rulings are not favoring vot-ers and as we approach the Presidential elections we must remain vigilant and be sure to vote with IDs in hand.

. . . concealed handgun licenses would be acceptable forms of photo ID but student IDs would not.

In June of 1987 at the Sisterfire Women’s Music Festival in Maryland, a woman with a slow, sensuous gait and a knowing smile moved towards Graciela and me. She was especially interested in me as an indigenous hermana. I in-formed her that I was Chicana and yes, a sister. She was selling a compi-lation of tapes of Latina women sing-ers from the Americas and the Car-ribean. Mujeres en Fuerza, I & II and Mujeres en Rhumba I & II and later, Las Enamoradas. Asi fue como conocimos a Tatiana de la Tierra. She remained an important figure for us at the Esperanza and for ELLAS, the statewide Latina Lesbian group in Texas that later evolved into a San Antonio organization. Her com-pilations of música de mujeres indirectly inspired our Mujercanto series. Her erotic writings inspired innumerable mujeres to write including the ELLAS women. Tatiana fue única, nunca habrá otra como ELLA. Un pésame sincero para su familia y sus amigas inumerables. QEPD de parte de Esperanza.

April 17, 1919 – August 5, 2012

Chavela Vargas

photo by Amelia M.L. Montes

Adios, mujer divina. Que en paz descanses...

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Democracy is the foundation of the United States, a monument to the most sacred principles that Americans hold dear. It was created by the people, for the people, based on the premise that, in a democracy, everyone has his or her say. And, in the end, the ideas or candidates that gain the greatest amount of support reign.

Despite the ideals of liberty and equality inherent in our de-mocracy, the reality is that some people are more equal than oth-ers, have weightier voices than others.

Many Americans have placed a veil over this secret, protective of our American mythology. Many people continue to believe that it is justifiable for a select few to be more equal than others, holding on to the possibility that they, too, will one day be able to join the select elite. The dominant ruling class protects its interest by indulging such views and espousing the belief that we live in a true democracy where everyone is equal and has identical weight in the political process. And an electorate, substantial portions of which don’t vote, further enables this farce.

As the nation’s demography has shifted dramatically over the last few decades with the disproportionate growth of nonwhites, especially Latinos, the political landscape has shifted. No, not in the way that nearly a decade ago the renowned political scientist, Samuel Huntington, feared Latinos were a menace to American democracy. Rather, anti-democracy forces have engineered po-litical warfare against Latinos and African Americans in an effort to minimize the political influence that, in a perfect world, would accompany their growing presence. And there has been no effort to try to mask this erosion of democracy.

How has democracy been weakened?First,the minimal progress that Latinos and African Ameri-cans gained following Civil Rights legislation has been practically eliminated by the vilification of affirmative action, done under the pretense that this is actually reverse discrimination. The result of this refusal to level the playing field–or to even acknowledge it is uneven–has been too many Latinos and African Americans shut out of the American opportunity structure.Second, the establishment of oppressive drug and immigration policies over the last several decades has led to a massive bal-looning of incarceration in this country, with Latinos and Afri-can Americans becoming the overwhelming majority of people in jails, prisons, or on parole or probation. The United States leads the world in incarceration rates, surpassing the levels in countries we commonly disdain as undemocratic. In many cities around the country, a majority of African American males are in the criminal justice system. Very conveniently, a criminal record is tantamount to disenfranchisement and a life of stigma that blocks people from employment, housing, and social opportunities. Third, as the nation’s youth population is increasingly non-

white, education has be-come a declining priority at the federal and state level. In-stead of investing in our children as our nation’s future, we are undertaking draconian financial cuts in their schooling. In Texas, where La-tino children now represent the majority of kids in public schools, the legislature gutted the state’s funding for public education by $5.4 billion in its last legislative session. This will undoubtedly exacerbate the low educational attainment level and high dropout rate among Latino youth. Again, very conveniently if your intent is to stymie representative democracy, persons with low levels of education tend to be not civically engaged. In other words, they have a low probability of voting.Fourth, states around the country, most notably Texas, have un-dertaken overt gerrymandering efforts with a variety of subterfuge to dilute the political potential of Latinos and African Americans, whose population growth outstrips that of whites. Nonwhites ac-counted for approximately 90 percent of the population growth of Texas between 2000 and 2010. Yet redistricting maps minimized the political influence of Latinos, as well as African Americans.Fifth, numerous states around the country have passed legisla-tion requiring photo identification for voting. The argument has been that there is a major problem with people taking false identi-ties to vote. Empirical data indicate that this is not a widespread problem, involving a minimal number of such cases. It is ironic that in a country where such a small share of the electorate votes, barriers would be erected to keep people from exercising their democratic right to cast a ballot. Very conveniently, it is Latinos, African Americans, the poor, the elderly, and young people who are most likely to lack a government-issued photo identification. Telling is the fact that in Texas, a school photo identification card is not a valid voter ID while a gun-license identification card is a valid voter ID.

These efforts, of course are not new in this country. People in power have long used a variety of measures to keep the marginal-ized from participating in a democratic society. The institution of slavery ensured that blacks were disenfranchised. The freeing of slaves following the Civil War resulted in the construction of Jim Crow laws to guarantee that blacks continued being separate, un-equal, and powerless. Moreover, poll taxes, helped along by such institutions as the Ku Klux Klan and the Texas Rangers, were used to keep out and intimidate African American and Latino voters.

Contemporary efforts to shut out Latinos and African Ameri-cans and, more widely, the poor, contribute only the latest acid eroding our nation’s bedrock of democracy.

Bio: Rogelio Saenz, a sociologist and demographer, is Dean of the College of Public Policy and Peter Flawn Professor in the Dept. of Demography at UT San Antonio . Note: A Spanish version of this article is on page 6.

Changing Demography, Eroding Democracy

by Rogelio Saenz

Artw

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La democracia es la fundacion de los Estados Uni-dos, un monumento con los principios sagrados que los esta-dounidenses abrazan claramente. Fue creado por la gente, para la gente, basado en la premisa que, en una democracia, todo mundo tiene voz. Y, al fin, las ideas o candidatos que reciben más apoyo reinan.

A pesar de los ideales de libertad e igualdad inherente en nues-tra democracia, la realidad es que algunas personas son más ig-uales que otras, tienen voces más poderosas que otras.

Muchos estadounidenses han puesto un velo sobre este se-creto, protegiendo así nuestra mitología americana. Muchas per-sonas siguen creyendo que es justificable que unos cuantos sean más iguales que otros, manteniendo viva la esperanza que ellos también algún día podrán ser parte de la élite selecta. La clase dirigente y dominante protege sus intereses, sosteniendo la creen-cia que todos vivimos en una verdadera democracia donde todos son iguales y tienen idéntico peso en el proceso político. Y un electorado, partes sustanciales de éste cuales no votan, promueve todavía más esta farsa.

Como la demografía de la nación ha cambiado dramáticamente en las últimas décadas con el crecimiento desproporcionado de la población de color, especialmente la población latina, el panora-ma político ha cambiado. No, no en la forma que hace casi una dé-cada el renombrado politólogo, Samuel Huntington, temía que los latinos eran una amenaza para la democracia estadounidense. Por el contrario, fuerzas anti-democráticas han diseñado una guerra política contra latinos y africano-americanos en un esfuerzo para minimizar su influencia política, que en un mundo ideal, acompa-ñara a su creciente presencia.

¿Cómo ha sido la demoCraCia debilitada?En primer lugar, el progreso mínimo que latinos y af-

ricano-americanos lograron después de legislación de derechos civiles, ha sido prácticamente eliminado por el envilecimiento de la Affirmative Action (el programa de acción afirmativa), realiza-do bajo el pretexto que actualmente es discriminación inversa. El resultado de esta denegación a nivelar el campo de juego—o hasta a lo mínimo reconocer que es desigual—ha sido que muchos lati-nos y africano-americanos han sido excluidos de la estructura de oportunidades estadounidense.

Segundo,el establecimiento de leyes relacionadas a drogas y migración en las últimas décadas ha dado lugar en una expansión masiva de encarcelamiento en este país, con latinos y africano-americanos representando ahora la mayoría de personas en cárce-les, prisiones o con libertad condicional o bajo palabra. Estados Unidos es líder en el mundo en tasas de encarcelamiento, superan-do los niveles en países que comúnmente desdeñamos como an-tidemocráticos. En muchas comunidades en este país, la mayoría de hombres africano-americanos están en el sistema penal. Con-venientemente, la existencia de antecedentes penales es equiva-

lente a la privación del derecho al voto y una vida estigma-tizada que bloquea el acceso a oportunidades sociales y económicas in-cluyendo el acceso a empleo y vivienda.

Tercero,como la población de jóvenes en los Estados Unidos está cada vez más compuesta por personas de color, la educación se ha convertido a una prioridad decreciente al nivel federal y estatal. En lugar de invertir en nues-tra población infantil y adolescente como el futuro de nuestra nación, estamos llevando a cabo recortes financieros draconianos en la educación. En Tejas, donde niños latinos ahora representan la mayoría de estudiantes en las escuelas públicas, en su última sesión la legislatura actual destripó con $5,4 mil millones el finan-ciamiento estatal para escuelas públicas. El desprecio por educar a los jóvenes latinos y africano-americanos, es convenientemente favorable para el deterioro de la democracia representativa, ya que personas con bajos niveles de educación tienden a no estar cívicamente comprometidos. En otras palabras, estas personas tienen una baja probabilidad de votar.

Cuarto,estados alrededor del país, más notablemente Tejas, han realizado esfuerzos (conocido por el término gerry-mandering) para dividir zonas electorales en favor del partido dominante en el estado con el resultado siendo la dilución de la fuerza política potencial de latinos y africano-americanos, cuyo nivel de crecimiento demográfico es superior al de la población blanca. Personas de color representan 90 % del incremento de la población de Tejas entre 2000 y 2010. Sin embargo, los mapas que establecen los distritos electorales basados en los cambias de la población durante este periodo, actual minimizan la influencia política de latinos, así como de africano-americanos.

Quinto,numerosos estados han promulgado leyes requi-riendo identificación oficial con fotografía para votar. El argu-mento ha sido que existe un problema significativo con personas tomando identidades falsas para votar. La evidencia indica que esto no es un problema muy extendido, involucrando un número mínimo de tales casos. Es irónico que en un país donde solamente una porción pequeña del electorado vota, se edifiquen barreras para impedir que la gente ejerza su derecho democrático a vo-tar. Convenientemente, son latinos, africano-americanos, gente pobre, ancianos, y jóvenes quienes tienen más probabilidades de carecer de identificación oficial con fotografía. Es extraño—pero dice mucho—que en Tejas, una tarjeta estudiantil con fotografía de identificación no es credencial válida para votar, mientras que una licencia para llevar arma representa forma de identificación válida. Últimamente, los tribunales federales decidirán la consti-

Cambiante Demograf i a , Erosiva democracia

by Rogelio Saenz

. . . Cambiante, continued on pg. 11

As a result of business unionism, the percentage of private sector union members is at an anemic 6.5 - 7%. Public sector worker unions represent 30-35% of public sector jobs and will soon have less if labor doesn’t do a quick about-face and get into fighting mode. By that I mean ending the fatal dependency on the Demo-cratic Party, use of the NLRB, the electoral system and judicial system. Our history began in the streets and at work sites, but it is on its way to end in the elections/political patronage, administra-tive hearings and in the courts. Such practices and places are alien to us just as land is alien to fish. These practices/places are good only when we have workers in control of the electoral process, the administrative process and the court systems. This can only come about through viable people’s political parties.

To clarify, let’s look at the recent situation in Wisconsin. Last year many public workers such as nurses, firefighters, school-teachers, librarians, and others were pushing for a general strike in opposition to Governor Scott Walker’s blatantly anti-labor leg-islation and his corrupt ties to the fascist minded Koch brothers. Instead of utilizing the general strike, public worker union lead-ers defused the situation and began the ill-fated recall campaign against Walker. While they were successful in obtaining more than enough signatures for the recall, workers depended on the Democratic Party for support and learned the hard way of why depending on politicians and corporate funded political parties is not a wise decision. The Democrats went through the motions of running Tom Barrett against Walker. Critics in Wisconsin cite the poor participation of the democratic leadership and the failure of President Obama to travel to Wisconsin and lend support. The moral of the story is NEVER trust politicians to fight our battles. Their support can be good, usually when forced to do it. To put all our eggs in one basket proved disastrous.

On the local labor scene UNITE HERE continues it’s organiz-ing of hotel and restaurant workers on the Riverwalk. While the struggle has been long, both union staff and rank & file members feel confident that victory is inevitable. At present a campaign has begun at the Grand Hyatt as hotel bosses are resorting to stealing tips earned and intended for wait staff, kitchen and housekeep-

ing staff. One example is when the Dallas Cowboys stayed at the Grand Hyatt. They were charged a 22% “service charge.” Players were under the impression that the $3,000 on the bill was going to housekeepers who kept their rooms tidy. (Football players are not the neatest people).

Instead, Hyatt management pocketed the money and not one single rank & file workers received not even a dime from that tip. UNITE HERE will be pressing the San Antonio City Council to enact and enforce a local city ordinance to address this ugly ver-sion of wage theft.

At the C.H. Guenther, aka Pioneer Flour Mills, members of Teamsters Local 657 are going into their 19th month of strike. While strikers persist, there appears to be a lack of community and other moral support. There also appears to be no plan to end this bitter struggle without significantly losing the strike. Attempts to secure needed international labor support does not appear to have succeeded as production continues uninterrupted by scabs. The company is not feeling much economic pressure to return to the bargaining table. I respect the persistence of these dedicated men and women and request from my Creator intervention to success-fully end this battle.

Closely connected to the organizing campaign of hospitality workers is the effort of local taxi drivers, pedicab drivers, river barge and horse carriage drivers to organize, also. What makes this drive unique is that some in this targeted area are considered to be independent contractors while others are traditional employ-ees. Whether or not a significant number are willing to unite and fight for better pay and working conditions remains to be seen.

Nationally, organized labor is in a serious crisis as it continues to be attacked and weakened by the right. In Indiana the reaction-aries succeeded in securing so called right to work legislation. Similar legislation has been introduced but not passed in Michi-gan, Minnesota and Ohio. Despite these vicious attacks far too many labor leaders believe that labor’s interests are the same as the corporation’s interests. In my opinion, based on 40 plus years of labor activism, the American labor movement must move left to go forward. This means revitalizing the use of the strike, boy-

State of the Unions, or Can Labor Recover from Rightwing Assaults?Labor Day 2012:

E ugene Debs, founding member of the Industr ia l Workers of the Wor ld, and a socia l is t and pres ident ia l candidate knew from exper ience the betrayal of business unionism. Busi-

ness unionism is supported by labor “ leaders” who are paid s ix f igure incomes, who mistakenly bel ieve that the interests of capi-ta l ism and labor are ident ica l and go out of the i r way to avoid doing anyth ing controvers ia l l ike speak out against war, g iv ing workers a t rue voice in the i r un ions or who support the idea of a genera l st r ike, l ike what was needed last year in W isconsin.

by Pancho Valdez

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. . . Labor Day, continued on pg. 11

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or twenty years, from 1955 to 1975, I rode the bus in San Antonio— first going to school, then to work. During those years, the view through the window gave me more than a classroom education on the chang-

ing urban landscape and socio-political pressures impinging on our neighborhoods.

The bus route I took each day ran in front of our house on West Martin Street. During the 1950s and early 1960s, the neighbor-hoods I traversed were humble but stable. Most houses were small, well-kept wooden structures with attractive front yards where some mamá or abuela’s green thumb was evident in the brightly colored roses, crepe myrtles, and bougainvillea. Once we crossed Zarzamora Street, the size of some of the houses increased, some even grand looking. One house, in particular, captured my imagi-nation. It was large and white with a front porch and bay window. I could make out the lace curtains hanging on the interior as my bus rode by. In the front yard a sign advertised, “Margarita Rocha, profesora de pia no.” I imagined a very educada and muy propia Mexican woman living in that beautiful house, teaching little ones piano lessons. That image inspired me each day as we drove by the house. A couple of blocks over the railroad tracks there was an industrial area with Scobey Mov ing & Storage, the Carpenter Pa-per Company, and Pro Plus Mills, whose huge silo-like structure hovered over the trains that blocked traffic, unexpectedly making you late for school or work every once in a while.

As we got closer to downtown, but before we reached the Rob-ert B. Green Hospital, the county hospital that served low-income people and was always bustling with activity, we passed through a

multi-ethnic area with thriving small businesses, featuring color-ful storefronts. One I remember in particular was the Pizzini store, which sold fancy olive oils, cheeses, and other Italian delicacies. Nearby, St. George’s Maronite Church and St. Anthony de Paola Catholic Church stood guard right before we made the turn into downtown. Surrounding these churches were Italian and Lebanese neighbor-hoods that, together with our Mex ican-American barrios on the Westside, provided a strong market for downtown depart-ment stores.

When I was in school, and later when I worked at The Salvation Army, I got off the bus on Hous-ton Street and St. Mary’s, in front of the Hertzberg Jewelry clock, and walked east, past the Majestic Theater. Busy storefronts and people-filled streets greeted me as I caught my transfer bus at Walgreens Drug Store on Navarro Street. Downtown San Antonio was thriving; it was everyone’s downtown in those days.

Admittedly, all was not perfect on the Westside––nowhere

Maria, Daughter of Immigrants

Analysis on the BusEditors note: Maria introduced her book, Maria: Daughter of Immigrants, at Esperanza on November 6, 2010 celebrating the Centennial of her father’s and her Rodríguez grandparents’ crossing of the U.S.-Mexico Border. An excerpt on her immigrant roots and the crossing, Empezamos de abajo, can be found in the October 2010 issue of La Voz. See esperanza@esperanzacenter.org

an excerpt from

Over the years, I saw from the bus

the enormous stress placed on

neighborhoods near those that

were eliminated by urban renewal.

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near! Substandard housing and horrible streets abounded beyond Martin Street and families in poverty were the rule, not the exception. This daily bus ride, however, reflected the stability that was still present in the working middle class families, providing a human scaffolding that held everybody else up.

As the years passed, I began to see changes while traveling that route; some were gradual, others seemed to appear overnight. Urban Renewal, whose purpose was “to remove urban blight” and “deliver a decent home and suitable living envi-ronment to every American,”2 was changing our neighborhoods. When the razing started a few blocks away from West Martin Street as we neared downtown, I saw how the stability of all the surrounding neighborhoods was threatened. Some of my friends who lived close to Immaculate Heart of Mary Catho lic Church had to leave their homes; others left businesses. Pizzini’s was among other stores that closed shop and left; so did the Maronite Church. Saint Anthony’s lost its congregation. In time, that kind of ero sion would also impact our stable Christ the King barrio.

In accordance with eminent domain’s requirement that a public need be met for destroying public property, something should have been created on the carcasses of those barrios. But for years they remained barren.3 Mexican barrios were de-stroyed and it was painful to see that no value was given to the sense of commu-nity that was eliminated. Destroyed were tienditas, yerberias, small mom-and-pop stores, entertain ment venues and, most of all, that sense of community that helps poor people get through life’s challenges because in tightly knit neighbor hoods, neighbors help neighbors.

Over the years, I saw from the bus the enormous stress placed on neighborhoods near those that were eliminated by urban renewal. I saw the impact on San Anto-nio’s downtown as the large surrounding market of people dwindled. White flight from other areas of the in ner city and the advent of shopping malls further drained population from the city’s center. Eventually, when I saw Margarita Rocha’s house vacated and the piano-teacher sign go down, it was a powerful symbol to me of the deterioration that had taken root. The house that had so inspired me had become one of many abandoned houses dotting our neighborhoods with weedy yards and faded paint, giving them that old-wood look.

This was the view from the bus. But other changes, not so evident to a young girl, had also been taking place in my city while I was riding the bus. Starting as early as 1951, when I was still in grade school, our city government began to change. That year a reform-minded group of men got rid of the former political-machine city government. They wanted San Antonio to take its place as a Sunbelt City with a good economy. The goal was laudable enough but the impact on our barrios definitely not. By 1955, the group had a name: the “Good Government League.” It would control city politics for the next two decades.

The board of directors of the Good Government League (GGL) constituted “the economic and social elite of San Antonio.”4 A new city charter was created that maintained power in the hands of a few — those with money. There would be nine councilpersons elected at-large and a city manager, hired by the entire council, would run the city. There would be no strong mayor position. The charter allowed for a stipend of $20 per meeting for council members and $50 for the mayor. This, of course, meant that a majority of the people in our economically poor city would not be able to run for City Council.5 These changes to the city charter enabled the reformers to pursue what they saw as the pri mary function of city government, “growth and economic expansion.”6 Thus, it was “not a quirk of the market” that the particular growth and expansion that occurred was one “where the east, west, and south sides of San Antonio were left out.”7 It was intentional policy.

While we achieved some progress in eliminating the overt po litical machine of the past through the GGL, we exchanged it for an other, subtler, machine. In the ensuing years, the GGL would field its own City Council ticket and win all the elections. A critical feature of the new city charter was that elections would be “non-partisan.” This was a significant provision because by 1955, the Mexican-American community was gaining some power in the Democratic Party. But if city elections were non-partisan, the Mexican-American community would not benefit

Saturday, September 22, 2012

5:30pm @ OLLU Thiry Auditorium

(entrance on W Commerce St)

Our Lady of the Lake University’s Center for

Mexican American Research and

Studies & the Center for Women in Church and Society present a

Community Celebration of

Event is free. Open to public.

Reading, Book Signing, & Reception

Coming in October, 2012!María will be at Esperanza sharing

more about her book and the political awakening she experienced as a

candidate and City Council member of San Antonio.

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from that political party power.The GGL’s priorities of growth and ex-

pansion meant that scant, if any, attention was given to the social issues that plagued the Mexi can-American community. The focus on economic growth was not on economic growth for all; the people behind the GGL were about new growth, not investment in the central city or other areas where minori-ties tended to live. Much of the growth of the period was through an nexation, a government tool used for expansion. Investment was then focused on these newly annexed areas rather than on the housing needs or decaying infra-structure of our downtown neighborhoods. GGL council candidates were white, with one or two Mexican Americans and one African American as a token gesture for minorities in the city. The GGL’s minority candidates, for the most part, worked for the status quo and most lived on the city’s affluent Northside.

But during these years, a generation of children grew up who would become beacons of change for our community. They came of age witnessing the effects of the closed po-litical system and began to act, creatively ad-dressing issues that had been unaddressed for decades. Top among them was self-determi-nation, inclusion in decision-making, social reform, civil rights, and provision of public services to minority communities. Chicana/o youth started to go after not only the GGL but also the Democratic Party, demanding change. The Chicana/o youth did not see the benefit to our communities of a growth-and-expansion agenda, whether promoted by the GGL-run city government or the Democratic Party, that did not take into account how our minority and low income communities were faring. Simply put, it was wrong for our community not to be represented in our local government where deci sions impacting our future and welfare were being made.

In 1969, a group of young Chicanas and Chicanos organized the Committee for Barrio Betterment (CBB), fielding candidates for City Council from our precincts. My neighbors, family, and I strongly sup ported Mario Compean, Dario Chapa, and Candelar-io Alejo for City Council that year. For the first time, we saw a new kind of compe tition—brown vs. brown—in a few political races, as CBB-sponsored Chicanos ran against Mexican-Ameri-can insiders sponsored by the GGL. Our Westside precincts vot-ed overwhelmingly for the CBB candidates, but with the at-large system of voting, the votes from the Northside— GGL votes—

won each time. The CBB tried again in 1971. This

time, in another “first,” two Chicanas ran—Rosie Castro, a brilliant young activist (now mother of San Antonio Mayor Julián Castro and State Representative Joaquín Castro) and attorney Gloria Cabrera. Willie Benavides also ran for a council seat and Mario Compean ran again. Although each of these candidates lost their races, they gave powerful expression to the na scent Chicano Movement they had created—a movement that would eventually change Texas politics. Thanks to their efforts and the grass roots pressure that the Movement brought to bear, the GGL and the big-busi-ness establishment behind it saw the writ-ing on the wall. After years of “tumultuous transition,”8 and through invocation of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the GGL’s control over local government through the at-large system was brought to an end. In 1977, we began to elect our City Council members by district.

This victory, defeating the political sys-tem that had dominated San Antonio for years and oppressed minorities and poor and work ing class people, came on the heels of an unprecedented flourishing of political engagement by young Chicanas/os and others in the Mexican-American com-munity. Finding ways to work around the oppression of our local and state political institutions, a generation of young people birthed a host of new institutions that were to make a mark not only in San Antonio

and Texas but nationally. The 1960s and 1970s saw a litany of activism born out of our community that has few parallels.

The courageous struggle, creativity, and dedication of hun-dreds of individuals in the Chicana/o and Mexican-American community of San Antonio created a critical mass of activism and wisdom that edu cated and raised consciousness in our community, fomented pride, and forced doors to open – doors that others, like myself, would later enter. Neither my victory in 1981 nor that of Henry Cisneros, who was elect ed mayor of San Antonio that year, would have been possible without it.

The extraordinary years of struggle and their impact were not lost on me. If I was going to run for elected office, it could be for no purpose other than to carry forward that legacy of dedication to the community through my service on the Council, representing District 1.

The focus on economic growth

was not on economic growth for all; the people behind the GGL were about new

growth, not investment in the

central city or other areas where minori­ties tended to live.

CALL FOR ENTRIES!!! Mujeres, submit your International Woman’s Day visual art, poetry, prose and phrases! Selected submissions may be used on T-Shirts, flyers, press releases and other materials as outreach for the 23rd Annual San Antonio Int’l Woman’s Day March & Rally. For submission guidelines, themes, vision statement, y más check www.sawomenwillmarch.org or call 210.533.2729 | Email submissions to

sawomenwillmarch2012@gmail.com by Oct. 7th or drop off by 5pm, Oct 8th @ P.E.A.C.E. Initiative.

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cotts and, if needed, civil disobedience, a useful weapon against the increasing use of lockouts that employers find convenient to use. When union of-ficials know about an upcoming lockout, workers must be prepared to occupy the factory, hotel, etc. and sit in. Current labor laws are set up to control and hinder us, not help us.

Consider this: had the minimum wage kept up with the pay CEOs receive, we would have a national minimum wage of around $23 per hour! The current $7.25 per hour is a very low given today’s outrageous cost of living.

While some are excited about the so-called Affordable Healthcare Act, the fact is most of the provisions don’t go into effect until 2014. The only saving factor is the prohibition of de-nying consumers coverage for pre-existing conditions. We need Medicare for All/Single Payer Healthcare, something over 400 U.S. labor organizations petitioned for and were conveniently ignored by both Richard Trumka and Barack Obama.

Labor must get serious and join nationwide efforts to orga-nize and build a genuine people’s party free of corporate influ-ence. Reforming the Democratic Party is futile as evidenced by more than 75 years of attempting to do so. Trade unionists must also demand that their leadership cease all ties to the The Ameri-

can Center for Labor Solidarity, a front of the CIA. Until this oc-curs, our labor movement will remain weak, continue to lose ground and never explore viable political alternatives –much less oppose current and future wars of imperialism and/or cease relations with the pro-Zionist AIPAC. We must all come to re-alize that the role of the ACLS is a dirty one and has severely hampered growth of the American labor movement. Bio: Pancho Valdez is a veteran of 47 years of civil rights, labor and peace activism. He can be reached at 210-422-8000 or mestizowar-rior59@yahoo.com.

Edward Carey Kenney

Our condolences to Mary Kenney and her family on the recent passing of her father, Papa Kenney, 98 years of age. Edward Carey Kenney, a decorated WWII veteran, fondly known as “The Colonel,” created The McDonogh School’s visual arts department in 1947 in Owings Mills, Maryland and ran it until he retired from full-time teaching in 1980. He set the standard for McDonogh art teachers and was also a noted professional artist. Both Mary and her partner, Robin Kessler were part of the Esperanza community that filed a lawsuit against the City of San Antonio in August of 1998 when arts funding was denied by City Council. The all-women legal team that Mary was part of won our case in 2001 with a resounding validation of our first amendment rights [See articles in La Voz, June 2001]. Both Mary and Robin have since lived in Baltimore, Maryland but continue to live in the hearts of the Esperanza community. Thinking of you in this time of transition.

tucionalidad de esta ley. Estos esfuerzos, por supuesto, no son nuevos en este país. La

gente en el poder siempre ha utilizado una variedad de medidas para prevenir la participación de los marginados en una sociedad democrática. La institución de esclavitud aseguró durante esa época que personas negras fueran privadas del voto. La liberación de es-clavos tras de la Guerra Civil dio lugar a la construcción de leyes de Jim Crow que garantizó que personas negras continuaran separadas, desiguales, y sin poder. Además, impuestos para votación (conocido

. . . the American labor movement must move left to go forward. This means

revitalizing the use of the strike, boycotts

and if needed, civil disobedience

por el término “poll tax”), juntos con instituciones tales como el Ku Klux Klan y los Rinches de Tejas, fueron utilizados para impedir e intimidar africano-americanos y latinos de votar en aquel entonces.

Esfuerzos contemporáneos buscando a excluir a latinos y africano-americanos y, más ampliamente, a la gente pobre, representan el más reciente ácido que erosiona el lecho de roca que simboliza la democracia en nuestro país. Bio: Rogelio Sáenz, sociólogo y demógrafo, es Decano del Colegio de Políticas Públicas y Peter Flawn Profesor en el Dpto. de Demografía en UTSA. Una versión en Inglés aparece en p. 5

. . . Cambiante, demografia cont’d from pg 6

. . . Labor Day 2012 cont’d from pg 12 votehyattworst.org | Artwork: Mary Agnes Rodriguez

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at 7:30 am, workers arrived at one of three Levi’s Strauss Co. plants located at Zarzamora St. and S.W. Military Dr. in the Southside of San Antonio. Veteran employees of three to thirty years were immediately called together to hear,

for the first time, that the plant was closing. Shock rippled through the crowd, and sounds of distress could be heard throughout the room. Some stood in amazement at the news that their livelihood was suddenly halted. A total of 1,150 mostly immigrant women workers found themselves abruptly without jobs throughout the closures, including some women with husbands who also worked at Levi’s.

“Before the closing, it felt like family there, at the Levi’s plant. The harder I worked, the harder they asked me to work, but they paid… We were there for each other... We helped each other com-plete our work and meet the increasing high demands of the com-pany that we thought was taking good care of us.” –Petra Mata

Workers who were laid off formed Fuerza Unida in an effort to gain just benefits and compensation for their years of labor and their unfair termination. Some called them Las Arguenderas del Levi’s de Zarzamora and blamed the closing of this and other Southside plants on their injury claims. Others credited them with inspiring improved local policies on plant closures in San Antonio.

Since then, the mujeres of Fuerza Unida have created a fierce example of enduring resistance to injustice and of constant work for lasting change in our community. For the last 22 years, they have provided worker support, advocacy, a food pantry and other services to immigrant and Spanish speaking communities includ-ing 100s of their members. They’ve participated in countless efforts for environmental and economic justice and the empowerment of women locally, plus connecting with cooperatives throughout the Southern US and in Chiapas, Mexico.

On Saturday, September 29, 2012, Fuerza Unida will launch a Capital Campaign to raise funds for a larger space for their headquarters and sewing cooperative, El Hilo de la Justicia. A dinner and program will highlight the living history of Fuerza Unida with words from Maria Antonietta Berriozábal, Sandra Cisneros and Patricia Castillo plus an art installation by David Zamora Casas. A new line of denim apparel for San Antonio will be introduced with a Fashion Show featuring local novice fashion designers.

Las mujeres of Fuerza Unida inspire many because, “We do what we do because we have to do it, con todo el corazón y por la necesidad de nuestra comunidad.” –Viola Casares.

Whether we remember a sinking feeling in our stomach at the news of the Levi’s plant closures, or whether we’ve met them since, our city’s collective memory holds the women of Fuerza Unida very dear to our hearts and to our demands for justice. Buy a ticket or a table and/or volunteer for the Sept. 29th event (210.927.2294) and support the ongoing impact of la Fuerza Unida, que jamás sera vencida!!! v

llegaron trabajado-ras de la planta, Levi’s, de la calle Zarzamora y S.W. Military Dr. a las 7:30 am. Tenian de

tres a treinta años trabajando por Levi’s. Al entrar, mandaron las trabajadoras a la cafeteria donde anun-ciaron que la planta se cerraba. Muchas se quedaron en shoc al darse cuenta que sus ingresos derepente se habían paralizado.

“Antes del cierre, nos sentiamos como una famil-ia en Levi’s. Aunque trabajabas duro, mas duro nos pedian que trabajaranos –pero, nos pagaban… Nos apoyabamos unas a otras y nos ayudabanos con el tra-bajo para cumplir con la alta producción que pedía la companía que nosotros pensabanos nos cuidaba muy bien.” –Petra Mata

Fuerza Unida se inició de la lucha por recompen-sación justa después de la despedida de 1,150 traba-jadores, la mayoria mujeres inmigrantes, en San An-

tonio, algunas con esposos tambièn despedidos de Levi’s. Las mujeres de Fuerza Unida han mantenido una organización que ha servido como modelo entre grupos por la justicia social y como parte integral de un movimiento que ha realizado mucho cambio social.

El sábado, 29 de septiembre, 2012 Fuerza Unida lanzará su nueva línea de prendas de mesclilla en un desfile de modas. Este será un esfuerzo de recaudar fondos para el sueño de Fuerza Unida de mudarse a un edificio más grande para su cooperativa de costura, El Hilo de la Justicia, y para poder profundizar su im-pacto en la comunidad. Maria Antonietta Berriozabal e invitadas especiales acompañarán a las mujeres de Fuerza Unida en recaudar fondos para mantener el im-portante trabajo que hacen. Apoye nuestro esfuerzo y compre su boleto y/o apùntese como voluntaria/o para el evento 210.927.2294. v

by Jessica O. Guerrero

www.lafuerzaunida.org/show.html

Since 1992, and every 4 years thereafter, the Peace and Dignity Journeys have organized spiritual runs to heal indigenous nations from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego, Argentina. Through spiritual running and network-ing, indigenous peoples reclaim peace and

dignity by honoring indigenous values and life-ways. Inspired by the ancient Mayan prophecy of the Eagle and the Condor (which speaks of the unification of the indigenous peoples of Turtle Island), dedicated warrior men and women representing their communities across the Americas make this prophecy now a reality.

San Antonio has the honor to receive the 2012 Peace and Dignity Journey from the 19-22nd of September as they gather them-selves to cross into Mexico through Eagle Pass where they will be met by the Kickapoo nation and safeguarded as they run though northern Mex-ico. The main sacred staff that has been on each of the previous 5 international runs will be coming through San Antonio to amplify our prayers for the water, to honor and unify our elders and tradi-tional people, and to promote peace, justice, respect, and dignity between all people.

When asked about the signifi-cance of the run in our time, Gustavo Rodríguez, a runner from 2000 says, “We talk about different ceremonias like sweat lodges and teepees but we forget that running was the first, the most basic. It’s very ceremonial; it’s an offering requiring great sacrifice.” While running for 6 months, they re-awaken the seeds of our ancestors who used these inter-tribal spiritual runs along trade routes to har-monize our peoples across nations. To commem-orate the 2012 start of a new Mayan time cycle, the run will end this year in the Petén jungle of Guatemala.

Bastrop resident, Antonio Carrasco, a native of Arizona and PDJ runner from 1996 says, “the most important thing about the run is that it spreads the message of 500 years of resistance of indigenous culture and sustaining our traditional relationships through running as our ancestors did long ago.”

Wednesday, September 19th at 6pm the runners, who began their trek on May 1st, will arrive at San Pedro Springs, (a.k.a Yana-

guana), where they will be received with Danza Azteca and bless-ings from elders in the community. Thursday, the 20th, they are scheduled to do “barrio runs” through the Eastside of San Anto-nio. Friday, the 21st, they will participate with locals in ceremony.

During their visit in San Antonio, the runners will be doing “barrio runs” where they will be speaking at schools

and community centers highlighting the issues connecting the barrios, pueblos and native reser-

vations. “We want to spread peace and dignity to all people, all races, and to the city of San Antonio, bring the message of the protection of the waters and how it affects our lifestyle,” adds Carrasco.

Previous runs have been dedicated to el-ders, youth and children, the family and wo-

myn. Throughout the Americas the focal point of the 2012 run is water, that which binds all of

life on Earth. From exorbitant mining projects such as the tar sands, to natural gas fracking and moun-

tain-top removal for coal extraction, our thirst for natural resources is becoming increasing-

ly devastating to water supplies. Blackfoot nation representatives speak of their elk and deer with large tumors, not to men-tion the cancers and illnesses prevalent where these projects are being carried out. Companies which carry out these resource extraction projects measure the costs by attorney fees and lobbyist salaries, not in the mothers or children they contaminate and kill–much less the earth they raze. As we organize to protect the water, we also pray through

these runs which further help us organize the People.

Those interested in participating in the grassroots organizing of this first run through

Texas are welcome to come to Fuerza Unida on September 4th, 11th and 17th from 6:30pm to 8:30pm

for our planning meetings. Some areas of need for the runners include gently used running shoes, new socks, toilet-

ries, feminine products, gas money/gas cards, drinking water, and cash donations of any amount to support the run. Monetary do-nations are tax-deductible thanks to the partnership with the San Marcos based Indigenous Cultures Institute. Folks can donate via PayPal at www.indigenouscultures.org click on the Donate Now button on the top right of the page and make note that the donation is for the Peace and Dignity Journey. a

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by Karla L. Aguilarphotos by gustavo rodriguez

Running for Life:

September 19, 2012@ San Pedro Springs

(aka Yanaguana) San Antonio, Texas Stop

Want to get involved? Write satxpeaceanddignity@gmail.com

www.peaceanddignityjourneys.org

Peace and Dignity Journeys’ Prayer for Water

Amnesty International #127 meets at various sites during the year. Contact Arthur Dawes at 210- 213-5919 for details.

Anti-War Peace Vigil every Thurs-day (since 9/11/2001) from 4-5pm @ Flores & Commerce Contact Tim Duda at 210.822.4525 or timdu-da@aol.com

Bexar Co. Green Party info@bex-argreens.org or call 210.471.1791.

Celebration Circle meets Sundays, 11am @ JumpStart at Blue Star Arts Complex. Meditation, Weds @ 7:30 pm @ Quaker Meeting House, 7052 Vandiver. 210.533-6767

DIGNITY S.A. mass at 5:30 pm, Sun. @ Beacon Hill Presbyterian Church, 1101 W. Woodlawn. Call 210.735.7191.

Energia Mia meets every 3rd Sun-day, 4 - 5:30pm @ Oblate School of Theology, 285 Oblate Dr. Call 210.849.8121

Fuerza Unida, 710 New Laredo, Hwy. 210.927.2297, www.lafuer-zaunida.org

Habitat for Humanity meets 1st Tues. for volunteer orientation, 6pm, HFHSA Office @ 311 Probandt.

S.A. International Woman’s Day March & Rally planning meetings are underway! 210.533.2729 or www.sawomenwillmarch.org

LGBT Youth Group meets at MCC Church, 611 E. Myrtle on Sundays at 10:30am. 210.472.3597

Metropolitan Community Church in San Antonio (MCCSA) 611 East Myrtle, has services & Sunday school @ 10:30am. Call 210.599.9289.

PFLAG, meets 1st Thurs @ 7pm, 1st Unitarian Universalist Church, Gill Rd/Beryl Dr. Call 210.655.2383.

PFLAG Español meets 1st Tues-days @ 2802 W. Salinas, 7pm. Call 210.849.6315

Proyecto Hospitalidad Liturgy each Thursday at 7 pm at 325 Courtland. Call 210.736.3579.

The Rape Crisis Center, 7500 US Hwy 90 W. Hotline @ 210.349-7273. 210.521.7273 or email Dro-minishi@rapecrisis.com

The Religious Society of Friends meets Sundays @ 10 am @ The Friends Meeting House, 7052 N. Vandiver. 210.945.8456.

San Antonio’s Communist Party USA meets 2nd Sundays at Bazan Public Library Meeting Room, 2200 W. Commerce. Contact: juanchos-tanford@yahoo.com

S.A. Gender Association meets 1st & 3rd Thursdays, 6-9pm @ 611 E. Myrtle, Metropolitan Community Church, downstairs. www.sagender.org

Shambhala Buddhist Meditation Center classes are on Tuesdays at 7pm, & Sun. at 11:30 am. at 1114 So. St. Mary’s. Call 210.222.9303.

The Society of Latino and His-panic Writers SA meets 2nd Mon-days, 7 pm @ Barnes & Noble, San Pedro Crossing.

S.N.A.P. (Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests). Con-tact Barbara at 210.725.8329.

Voice for Animals Contact 210.737.3138 or www.voiceforani-mals.org for meeting times

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¡Todos Somos Esperanza!Start your 2012

monthly donations now!Esperanza works to bring awareness and action on issues relevant to our communities. With our vision for social, environmental, economic and gender justice, Esperanza centers the voices and

experiences of the poor & working class, women, queer people and people of color. We hold pláticas and workshops; organize political actions; present

exhibits and performances and document and preserve our cultural histories. We consistently

challenge City Council and the corporate powers of the city on issues of development, low-wage jobs,

gentrification, clean energy and more.

It takes all of us to keep the Esperanza going. When you contribute monthly to the Esperanza you are

making a long-term commitment to the movement for progressive change in San Antonio, allowing Esperanza to sustain and expand our programs.

Monthly donors can give as little as $5 and as much as $500 a month or more.

What would it take for YOU to become a monthly donor? Call or come by the Esperanza to learn how.

¡Esperanza vive! ¡La lucha sigue!

Call 210.228.0201 or email esperanza@esperanzacenter.org for more info

Be Part of a Progressive Movement

in San Antonio

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Notas Y Más Brief notes to inform readers about happenings in the community. Send announcements for Notas y Más to:

lavoz@esperanzacenter.orgor by mail to: 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212.

The deadline is the 8th of each month.September 2012

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October is Domestic Violence Aware-ness Month. For info on local “Domestic Violence: It Ends with Me!” events contact P.E.A.C.E. Initiative @ 210.533.2729.

San Antonio’s Communist Party USA meets Sunday, Sept. 9, 2:30-5:30 pm at the Bazan Library Meeting Room, 2200 W. Commerce. Ann Braden: Southern Patri-ot, will be screened with fimmaker, Anne Lewis present. Contact: juanchostanford@yahoo.com.

Join the US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation September 21-23 at the 11th Annual National Organizers’ Confer-ence at St. Louis University. See www.endtheoccupation.org/2012 conference or contact Ramah Kudaimi at membership@endtheoccupation.org or 202-332-0994.

The American Foundation for Suicide Prevention is sponsoring the 2012 Out of the Darkness Walk on Saturday, Septem-ber 29, 2012 at Brackenridge Park. Check: www.afspsanantonio.org for details.

The 2013 Lozano Long Conference, Re-fashioning Blackness: Contesting Racism in the Afro-Americas on February 20-22,

2013 will be held at UT–Austin. Send pro-posals by September 30th to Drs. Juliet Hooker & Frank Guridy at refashioning-blackness@gmail.com.

The 2012 Recovering Hispanic Literary Heritage in the U.S. Conference, “Litera-tures of Dissent, Cultures of Resistance” will be held October 19 & 20, 2012. Con-tact Dr. Villarroel in Houston 713. 743.3128 or at artrec@mail.uh.edu

University of Cincinnati College of Law’s Center for Race, Gender, and Social Justice 2012 Conference, Social Justice Feminism is Oct. 26th & 27th. Contact: 513.556.1220 | kristin.kalsem@uc.edu

The Scholar: St. Mary’s Law Review on Minority Issues is soliciting articles for its Spring 2013 symposium on the topic of immigration. E-mail submissions to kate-meals@gmail.com by October 31. See: thescholarlawreview.org/ for more.

The Tejas Foco of NACCS (National As-sociation for Chicana and Chicano Stud-ies), Chican@ Studies, ¡Ahora! focusing on Community Based Pedagogies, Schol-arship and Activism will be on February

21-23, 2013. Proposals are due December 1st to mas@utpa.edu. See:www.naccs.org/naccs/Tejas.asp

Overeaters Anonymous has a program that may be able to help you. Visit www.oasanantonio.org or call (210) 492-5400. Meetings in English occur daily & in Span-ish on MWF. Comedores Compulsivos Anónimos tiene un programa de recuperación que podrá ayudarle. Visite www.oasanantonio.org o llame al (210) 492-5400. Hay reuniones en Inglés díario y en español lunes, miércoles y viernes.

Parents need to be aware that required vac-cines for children CAN be “waivered” by filling out a form or, as in Texas, by sign-ing an affadavit stating that the parent or guardian declines a vaccine for reasons of conscience. For Texas info see: http://www.nvic.org/Vaccine-Laws/state-vac-cine-requirements/texas.aspx Pediatri-cians and GMOs by Carolyn Nance in Food Freedom News gives more details on the dangers of vaccines. Find the article at: http://foodfreedomgroup.com/2012/07/17/pediatricians-and-gmos/

City Council has voted in favor of selling the land North of the historic Hays Street Bridge to Eugene Si-

mor, developer of a proposed microbrew-ery. Council also voted to give him an in-centives package worth $794,000 and they approved one-time licensing agreements that allow him to use 23,191 square feet of land beneath the bridge for events, to place tables and chairs on the bridge deck at an area of 1190 square feet (about 11 ft by 108 ft), and to attach a skywalk to the bridge approaches. What the City’s vote amounts to is the privatization and corpo-rate gatekeeping of an historic structure and public right of way.

AN interesting detail to emerge, how-

ever, was Councilwoman Ivy Taylor’s con-firmation that the land North of the bridge had, in fact, been intended for development as a park up until the developer pitched his proposal to the city. Given what the Resto-ration Group and allies have maintained, it is all the more shameful that the city went forward with the land sale and incentive package, not to mention the $189,000 in local matching funds used to acquire fed-eral funding to restore the bridge plus the work the Restoration Group did in secur-ing the donation of both the land and the bridge for the city.

As such, we maintain that the actions of the City continue a long history of cor-porate welfare, land grabbing and an ap-

propriation of public resources for the pri-vate gain of a single corporate entity.

It is important to understand the kind of social forces and political dynamics that produce these kinds of struggles over land use, so we can mobilize our community to resist. It is also important to understand contemporary struggles over land use in the context of colonial histories of settle-ment and displacement. We will continue using the bridge as a public space to further conversations through performance, film, and cultural events as much as through community organizing.

The license agreements which would permit Simor to use the bridge deck and underside and to attach a skywalk to the bridge’s concrete approaches are still con-tingent on approval by the Texas Historic Commission, the Texas Department of Transportation, and the Federal Highway Administration. In the short term, the struggle is not over. o

Whose bridge? Our bridge!

Hays St. Bridge Update:

excerpted text from www.esperanzacenter.org/haysstbridge

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8pm @ esperanza$5 más o menos

Homenaje a Chavela Vargas

de esperanza

23rd Annual

Available September 1at www.esperanzacenter.org or stop by Esperanza 210.228.0201

Noche Azul

“When the ceramicist has contact with earth, water, air, fire – she has the blessings of the elements of life. She seeks to give form to the earth and express feelings that are found hidden in the deepest reaches of her being.” - Veronica Castillo Hernández

Renacimiento Desde las Entrañas de Mi SerRebirth From the Depths of My Being

Friday, September 28, 2012 • 6pm @ Esperanza, 922 San Pedro210.228.0201 • www.esperanzacenter.org

“La alfarera cuando tiene contacto con la tierra, agua, aire, fuego – tiene la bendición de los elementos de la vida. Logra darle forma a la tierra y expresa sus sentimientos que se encuentran escondidos desde lo mas profundo de su ser.”

Join us for an exhibit of new ceramic creations by Veronica Castillo Hernández y familia. A native of Izúcar de Matamoros Puebla, Mexíco now residing in San Antonio, Texas...

Dia de los Muertos activities - Save the Date(s)!

Saturday, September 15

Honor the dead in the Nov. issue of Voz with

a Literary OfrendaA poem, a photo, a

story, memory or tribute(175 word limit)

DEADLINE: October 1st lavoz@esperanzacenter.org

call for calaveras, satirical poems making

fun of living personalities, politicos or friends

Due Oct 5th! Read calaveras from past November Voz issues @

www.esperanzacenter.org

Día de los muertosMujerArtes sale

October 20-27M-F 10-4pm &

Sat. 10-2pm

1412 El Paso210.223.2585