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COMMUNITY C0Nl'ROL OF EDUCATION: A
" CASE STUDY OF AN INDIAN SURVIVAL SCHOOL
CD Sophie Arie.lle Bleecker
A the~is submitted to the Faculty of Graduate
Studies and Research in par~ial fulfil~ent
" of the requfrements for the deg~ee of
~Master of ~ts
Department of Admin~stration and Policy Studies
McGili University
"
Montreal, P~Q. March 1982
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.. Community Control of an Indian Survival' School
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ABSTRACT • . . . • ~~ ••••• 0 •••••• . ... . ...... '.\ ..... ; ............ . RESUME •••••• -. • • •••••••••••••••••••••• \e ••••••••
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INTRODUCTION ....................... l, ........................ . The Prob1em. Methodo1ogy.
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II.
. . . . . . . 'Y HISTORlCAL PERSPECTIVE.
The pioneer Period .•••••••••. ~. . . Indian Control ............................. .
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The Kahnawake Surviva1 School. . . . . ~ ............ . . 01" • • . . ..... Administration. Curricu1a ••••• Staff.
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Summary •••• . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . ~ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ~ . . . . . • ~. ~O
.. ~ '. SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS.~O.R INDIAN
Alternative Schoo1s. ~ ••••••••••••••••• ~ •• Surviva1 Schools ••. ~ •• ~ ••••••••••• ~ •••••••••
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Non-Native Teachers in ':Indian Education ••••• ... .1 • · . pioneer Teachers •• ~ •.•••••••
The Integration Pe~~od ••••• · . . . . . · ........ . S~ary •••••••••••.••••••• . .... ," ..
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III~TEACHER SUB-CULTURE ••••• · •••••••••••••••••••• ,; ••••••••• 41 1 •
Demographic profile of Teacners ••••••• : •••••••••••••••• 42 ~~acher Recrui tment and Motivation.' ••• '~ .' ................ ,47 The- First Cohort: Volunteers •••••••••• '. • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 48 TB:e Second'Cohort: Qualified and·Salari,ed ............. ~50· The Third Cohort: "Bi-Cultural Educat~on Specialists". 55 Teacher Group SegmeI1tation ............. io •••••••••••••••• 58 " , S\lIMO.ary III _ III III ........... • , .......................... III ........ ., ~ • • • • • ... 62
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IV; .THE ADMIN:ISTRATION AND COMMUNITY •••••••••••••••••••••• 65 \. 0
on- a. J.ve eac ers ar J.cJ.,pa :Lon •••••• ~ •••••• '.' •••••• N -~ Nt' \~ ht!. 'P t' . t' . 65 Comm.Ull~ ty C ntrol .................. III ............... III .. ~ III • • • • • • • •• 76
FormaI andfInformal Control ••••••••••••••••••••••• 77 Sources of C~\lnity Dissatisfaction ••••••••• ~ •••••••• ~ 78 \ S\lJlIID.ary ............. / ............... " ....................... III ........ 1 • III .. .. .. • • .. .. • .... 8 8
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." CONCLUSION ,AND IMPLICATIONS ••••••• ; ••••• " 'Z" ~ ..... ~ . ' 9 0
/ . LIST OF REFERENJ~S •••••••••••••••••••••• ~ • '. • • • •• ..; .•••••••• ". ' 96
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APPENDIX A: p'ARTrAL LIST OF INDIAN-CONTROLLED SCHOOLS •••••• 106
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IOUS EMPLOYMENT
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ICITY ••• 111
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ACKNeWLEDGEl4ENTS
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l would like to express my thanks to Dr. Thomas O. ~ \
Eisemon for his 'invaluable guidance.
• Thanks also must go to my great family and friends who
aided me in the completion of this thesis. Without their ,
~ hel~t would never have been written •
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• L'IST OF TABLES
1. Administration of Kahnawake<Survival School.for 1979--80 ••.•••.....•.....•.•.•.•... ' .•...... ....••. ~ ........ .
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1l'thnicity of Staff 1979-80."J, ••••.••••••••••••••••••• '"'" •• .... l ' 1)
-~~~ __ Of Native and Non-Native Teachers 1979-80 ••••••••••• ~_ r
4. Teaching Experience of Native and Non-Native .
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Staff 1979-80 ......................................... . .,--;- 45
15. Education of Teachers by Ethnicity •.•• : •••••••••.•••.•••• 46
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study e",,:,i~e.' conrmuniy control of an Indian • Il, Forty-two teachers "at the Kahnawake ,Survival SChool,,:
an Indian-controlled community schoel
subjects and setting for this study.
of Indian eduçation, a discussion of
in 'Quê lec were the
~ h:~orical pe.spective
India:Z~ontrolled schools .
and a demographic profile of the teachers are presented.
was feund that community control profoun41y affected the
school's development. The School's accessibility and \
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visibility made th~ school susceptible to comm~ity scrutiny:
and, criticism. co~unity dissatisfaction stemmed from non-
nati~e~articipation, over-emphasis on Ind~an culture in the li
curriculum and lax student discipline. To maintain community
support, the school was ~orced to decrease hon-native
visibility, modify :its innovative turriculum and de-emphasize 1
its cultural orien~ation. The sChdol's difficulties are
fnherent to 'reliance on non-natives to achieve native
bommunity control of education.
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;1\. RESUME 1
ette th~se examine une .. cole" sou} le contrôle
Les qua ante-deux enseignants' du Kàhnawake Survival Sch a
une êcole seconda~r~ contrôlée par la,réser~e et situé au . v'
Québec, furent les sujets et le milieu ~ cette étude. Une \
perspective historique de l'éducation des indien~ ainsi qu'une\
discussion des êcoles contrôlées par les ~ndiens et un profil
démographique sont pr~sentês. Il a étê trouvé que
l'influence exercée sur l'école. par la réserve a un effet
profond sur so~ élaboration. L'école, était fort susceptible
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au scrutin et à la c~ttique ~e la, réserve par son acc~s et ~ ____ ~
sa visibilité. L~ pabtieiPation des blancs, sa préoccup tion
avec la culture ind~tnni da~s le 'curriculum et le manqu de
discipline furent de ~éo ces du désap~obation de l'éc
par la réserve.6'·r" mai tenir 1 'appui de la
l 'êc(Jle ~" /{duirJ 'la ~i 'bilité des b1anc~ ~édagOgiqUeS~ihsi qu~ ses O~jectits
c turelS. Les probl~mes de\ 1 ~ole----~ à la
~sur-Ies' bl~n-csP~---~ssurer le c(pn~rÔle ~ l'éducat~on par ~a communauté indienne. j
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, INTRODUCTION
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The re-emergence of c?mmunity-controlled ,schools has'been
a fairly recent trend in North American education. One of the·
first was in th~ Oceanhill-Brownsville district in New York
City in the 196~'s. Community takeover there stemmed f~om , ,
parental desires to ,assure quality black education for black
children, by black teachers-. The Oceanhill-Brownsville schools
sought to provide an' education which would respect the cdltural
background of the students and'" be attuned to the pupil' s needs,~
A key feature wàs the employment of black people to teach
blaçk children. The desire for control of their children's
education led the Navaho nation in Rough Rock, Arizona, to
qegin the movement by native people for control of Indian
education in 1965. Encouraged by the Navaho nation's success, --~---other native groups began to establisn their own séhools. One 1
such school was the Kahnawake Survival School, the setting for
Most educators concur that teachers enjoy a great deal of
over their students and that most' of what is taught
pe assessed through formal evaluation.
control is based on recognition of the teacher's
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. prole and influence in the classroom. A primary pbjective of
'community cantrol is the use of teachers from the community
who'will transmit and foster commun~ty ideals, values and
customs.
/ The p~obfem /
The creation of'community-controiled schools has created y 1
entirely riew social situations in which members of the ~
dominant society in the teaching and administrative staff are
no longer in a dominant position but rather in a subordinate
ohe. The creation of a conununity school is predicated on its, ...... f
f-ole oi: offering "re'levant" education to the community's "
children through parental control of what is taught, how and
by whom. One preFequisite therefore, is that teachers be
from the community. However, it has been impossible for
many schools to hire teaching personnel solel~ from "'J'
the community, thereby requiring these schools to go beyond '"
the community for teaching staff. The presence of "intruders"
in a cornrnun~ty school wnich ultimately sgeks to exclude such
individuals gives rise~to a few questions. Foremost, how is
the reliance on external expertise to be reconciled with the
community's desires to assert autonomy and control over their
children's schooling? The present thesis seeks to provide an
answer to this question by examining non-native teaching staff
at an Indian-controlled high school established on a Mohawk
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reserve in the Montréal area in Septernber 1978. Under examination
are teachers, native and non-native, who held apPoin~ents during
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the academ~c year 1979-80.
Method'olocn
The total school enro1lment that year was 246 with a
teaching staff of 42. Data collection was carried out from
September 1978 to April 1980 through participant observation
and informaI interviews with colleagues, the administration and
parents. The researcher was engaged as a subject teacher for . ."
the 7, a and 9 grades. A diary was kept from September 1978
until January 1980 and much of what.was witnessed and
recorded d~a1t with dai1y routine. In addition, teachers'
meetings which took place every Wednesday afternoon from 2:30
until 4:00 were observed and, the discussions transcribed. Other
situations observed were informaI teacher discussions during
recesses and lunch hours. There were two 10-minute breaks for
recess: one ~n the morning and one in thé afternoon, and , ,
lunch was from "tweJ;ve to one. Also, semi-structured interviews
were" qarried out. These sought to elicit information regarding
" the motives of teachers for working at the schoo1 and their
problems with qolleagues, administration, parents and students.
,It is in the ,teachers' lounge that the most sa1ient informati,on
was garnered as it was here that teachers felt mpst at ease and , . ,
could openly express their opinions. In addition to
observations and lintervièws, monthly school newsletter"s sent to ,
the communit~,reports sent to governmental agencies, and
inter-office correspçmdence were °consulted~and studied.
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The establishment of Indian-controlled schools has been
heralded by native parents and educa~ors as a unique solution .
to the problem~ of Indian education. Indian-controlled schools "
have had to elaborate the!r native ideology despite two ,i
censtraints: tqe schqol'so use of non-native teachers and its
high visibility 'ln the corrununi~y. These constraints are the
source of the school's problems. To assure'high academic
standards, Indian-controlled scheols have had to rely on nen-
native teachers because of the scarc~y of qualified natives.
This d~endence on non-natives te further the ideology of
native contrerhas alienated the native community. Non-native
participation has alse fastered insecur~ties of native people
which native control is supposed to resolve. The idealagy
of nativism is also a source of problems for an Indian-controlled
school. These schools seek ta foster Indian identity while
offering a basic academic curriculum. The imposition of t:" "
academic standards and use of non-natives rnakes an Indian-
controlled school quite sirnilar ta white schools. The philosophy
of comm~ity control concretized by the school's location in
the centre of the reserve is" another source of problems fO,r a~
Indian-oontrolled school. It is highly visible and is
therefore vulnerable ta community scrutiny and criticism.
This thesis will discuss the Kahanwake Survival School
and the problern~ it experienced due ta the part~cipation of , , i
non-native'teachers in the development of its Indiah phffosophy <.,V, J,
and ~o itshigh visibility in the community.'- Chapter one offers
an historical pe~spective of the education of Indian children as
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wel.l. 48 a aescription of thef Kahnawake S vival School.
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A discussion of Indian survival schools a d non-native partici-
pat ion in schools for Indian ehild~en is ound in chapter two. "; 1
, Chapter three examines teacher sub-culture at the
Kahnawake surViV<1 School offering first a "demographic
description of ,the teaching staff. ~Three'distinct c~orts of
teachers are identiJied and their motivations for working in
the school are considered. An analysis of non-native teacher~
interaction with native celleagues within the context of an
Indian-controlled school is undertaken in this chapter.
Chapter four discusses the staff/administration relations .
wi~h specifie reference te non-native participa~ion in the
schoolls prograrns. Attention is also given to formaI as weIl
as idtormaT processes of c?rnmunity control. Summary and
conclusions are offered in chapter five.
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HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE /
The Pioneer' period J. /
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Prior to the arrival of Europeans, native education was the
responsibility of the fami1y and community. Chi1dren 1earned
through emu1ation and from oral ~adition; what was 1earned
had application to the world around them. FormaI ~ducation
for 'native people was first offered under the auspices of the
church which sought tq convert the Indians. During the nèxt
two hundred years, the church would be the major force in
" Indian educati'on.
with the passage of the British Nortfi America Act in
1867 and the confederation of provinces into a federal structure, .
came for.mal recognition of the treaties entered into with the o
various Indian nations during the colonial periode Under
these treaties, one of the responsibilities of the Federal
governm~nt was the provision of formal·educ~tion. Mission or
Day schools were the first types of schools established.
Their purpose was to bring the Indian-pèople intd the mainstream
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of white society economic~lly and socially but not pOlitically,
as Indians were denied a political voice under the treaties ..
b~their designation as "wards" of the govermnent. l'his '"
de~nation placed ~he Canadian government in a guardianship ..
position vis-à-vis native people. The paternalistic bent of l'! .t;
aIl federal legislation dealing with native people is clearly
evidenced in its educational policies.
In 1847, Dr. Egerton Ryerson, the Chief Superintendent '"
of Education for Upper Canada wrote that the goal of native •
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education should be to equip the students to be farmers and
J"~ • farm workers, and stressed the need for Christian religious
,t instruction to enable. the Indian to become "civilized"
(Connelly, 1965, p. 13). To this end, he suggested that
"industrial schools be established, whose purpose would be, to
give plain Eng1ish education adapted to the working farmer
an~ mechanic (and in addition), agriculture, kitchen-gardening
and mechanics so far as mechanics is connected with making and
repairing the most useful agricultural implements" (Connelly,
1965, p. 13). The establishment of industrial schools broughtD.
native children together, removed them from their home
environment and sought to facilitate their absorption into
Canadian society.
, During the 1ate 19th cëntury in a period of expansion and
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.settlement of the western provinces, government policies
reflected anpthe~ philosophy t~wards native peop1es; that of \ .
forced assimilation and expropriation of their lands: \
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\ The educ~tion pOlicy, like he land pOlicy, was to undermine the cultur of the '~ Ameriean Indian, by uprooti g him •.• from the home and forcing a disc' plined . ", education in a boarding sch 01 environment .•• (the schools) were ,in ended to strip the Indian chi1d ot his cult re (Sharpes, 1979, .p. 19). ., ,
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The.lndian Advancement Ac~ of 1894 ted the government the
authori ty to eS,tablish boarding or strial schools for
native Americans. Once sent to these chools, native , .
children were r~quired tà attend until fhe< age of eighteen,
for ten of the twelve months of the yea. The governmenn's
perspective on the role of Indian educa ion was diametrically
opposed to that of the religious communi ies and 'there
existed a~similationist and segregated schoo1s respectively.
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ResidentiaL, schools control1ed py. the chUFch, dominated t .
native eduéation for over one hundred years. There was
strict segregation of nat~ve children from white chi1dren
for a number of reasons. One impor~ant reason was that
missionaries feLt,that native children had to be shielded from
the evils of white society which'would corrupt them~and " destroy their poténtial for work. Boarding schools broke the
nomadio "tendencies of native people by acalJimati.zi~g children .
to a sedentary existen~~. They had a devastating effect on .. Indian chi1dren, preparing them neither for the white nor for
the native society:
They (the' residential sohools) alienated the child 'fram his way of life without in any way preparing him for a ,differènt
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the child against edudatiqn, prevented him from seeing o~ appreciating the benefits of a real education... (Cardinal; -1969, -~~
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The Federal government hoped that ~hese schools wo~ld destroy . . Indian nations and eliminate·native resistance to Federal
control of their lands.
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~ By th~ end of the l(th century, the att~tudê of the /'
government towards the native people had become increasinglY~
aternalistic. More and more responsibility for the
provision of native.education was being discharged by the
Department d Indian "Affairs. It was the Department of
Indian ~ffa~s that allocated funds for native schools,
establiShe~rograms of instruction, and hired personnel ta
work in thes~ schools.
The Meriam report present.ed to the United States Congress
in 192~, provoked a 're-assessment of the boarding school
approach to Indian education both in Canada and the United '
S~ates. The Meriam report was str~ghtforward in tts
criticism of Indian education and ~he recommendations it
propose~ were visionary. It recommended r~vamping of the sçh~ol'
/ curriculum in favo~ of the Indian child, construction of
better facilities fpr Indian 9nildren, re-assessment of the
qualifications of teaching personnel, and a movement away
from bo~rding schools and,religious control of native /
education. '
After the Seco~d World War, the 'governmen~,concentrated ,1
on building Indian Day schools on the·reserves while c10sing 1 u
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boarding schools. The majority o,f schools ,built during this
'pè,riod Were lay e~ementary school. whiijh meant tha~ for t1eir
seconda~ education, India~ldren had to leav9 the rese,rve' , ... àQd attend residential schools.
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T~ had been gross neglect of native peoples. The 1
paternalist!~'nature of native-Federal government relation~ " " 1
stripped t~e Ind2an communities of their pride and culture; '- ' , \. 'If.
it made them powerless and dependent upon the government.
In 1948, a Joint Committee of the United Statés Sena te and l,
Canadiah House of Commons made a detailed study of Indian
education. One of the Committee's main recommendations was 'a
proposaI to integrate native pupils with non-native' pupils,
and to make their education a provincial responsibility.
~reviously, the'provinces had no responsibility for native
education. • As a result of the Committee's report, the
Federal government encouraged provincial involvement by making
it legally possible for the provincial and locâl educational
authorities to negotiate agreementslwhereby~native pupils
would be permitted to attend schools for non-native pupils
w~thl the Federal government p~oviding funds to these 'schools
,(based on the percentage of native students atte~ding). Q
This marked the beginning of an emphasis on "integratioI}" in
native education.
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Fo.r the Federal governmen~, the move to integrate Indian
children into white schools was stimulated by Indian complaints~ ,CI
about t~e poor quality of native-'éducation. Indians were to
be treated as other Canadian. citiz~ns and as such would enjoy
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aIl the benef~~ of other citizens. ,In this way, native
children would be assured of having the,,, sarne educational ,_
advantages as, ~on-native children. .
The Federal government
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encouraged, parents tO,become involved in their children's
education thr.ough school boards and school coromi ttees. Social ... , ---
integration of native peoples into Canadiàn society wa.s the
goal and school ipb:~~rat~on was titi"me~ns whereby., this wou~d r~ ~,
be achieved. However';this process of integration was seen
as a move on the part of the Federal government t~ divest
., r;) J itse+f of its responsibilities with regard to education which
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had been assumed and affirmed in the treaties with the Indian .".../
natives and in the Britisp North America Act (Cardinal, 1977). 1
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The integrated schools were the responsibility of provin-
cial educational authorities and were financed by the ,
Department of Indian and Northern Affairs established in 19~6
under the Government Reorgani~ation Act. They provided a
higher standatd of instruction than what was previously
offéreà to Indian pupils, as they offered a wider range of
services, programs and resources. The drawbacks of tbis
policy, on the other hand, were numerous. Educational dis-
crepancies between native and non-native children were
neightened. Forced integration underlined the native students'
"cultur~l deprivation" vis-à-vis, non-native culture and
fostered age-grade retardation, i.e. progressive educational
failure as a student passes through the ~uccessive grades. ,
It undermined native children's self-esteem, ~e-inforcing ,.,
ntheir xeelings of inieriority. Invariably, native children'
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were bussed great.j'distances to aottend integrated schools.
In an integrated school off the reservel, thè child ,was
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qu~ckly m~de aware of his minority status in Canadian society: ( .
When they criticize a person,'they say, li Oh, you are so and so n • And they are not just criticizing that person, they are criticizing aIl of us and it' s always like that. Us damn Indians this, us damn Indians that ••. (Student at Kahnawake Surviv~l School, 1979) •
. ' , Indian chtldren encountered racial discrimination in a& ,.,,-r
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variety of,forms: prejudiced teachers and peers, biased ,1
textbooks and culturally inappropriate curriêula and \i
pedagogical methods.
Indian Control
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In the 1970s Indian conununities became increasingly involved
in the education of their youth. In 1972, in response to
growing Indian concern over education, the National Indian o
Brotherhood composed~of provincial and territorial status ~
Indian organizations and representing over 270,000 Indians,
issued a po1~cy statement on educatlon entitled "Indian con.tr~:>1
of Indian Educat:i:on" (National Indian Brotherhood, 1972) • .. The statement established the importance of local administration
and parental responsibili~y for native education. It proposed o
that new curricula be introduced that would enhance possibilities
for maintaining Indian cu1t~ral (including linguistic) traditions.
The report recommended that cross-cultural training programs
be established for non-native teachers, better training
programs be developed·for native teachers, and the use of
native speakers for language instruction. In this connection,
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the report )'asserted the need for Indian contml over the
hiring; and firing- ,of school pers.onnel. Finally, i t advocated ~~
that more f{nariÇi:~~ resources be put at the disposition of \
native people for native education. Summarizing the
rationale for these recommendations, the authors of the
report emphasized that:
o~ aim is to make education relevant tp the philosophy and needs of Indian people. We want education to give our/children a strong sense of identi ty l'li th confi,dence in their personal worth and ability. We believe in education ••• as a preparation for total living ••• as a means of free choice of where to live and work ••• js a méans of enabling us to participate fully in our own social, economic, political and educational advancement (National Indian Brotherhood, 1972, p. 3).
Prompted by the National Indian Brotherhood's stance on.
Indian control of education, a number of In~ian nations "-
"-demanded and obtained control of the schools on their reserves" '"
from the Federal government. (See Appendix A for a partial
listing compiled by ,the National Indian Brotherhood as of
1980. )
Faced with growing complaints over the poor quality of
education Indian chil~en'were receiving, the Federal
governmènt supporte~fforts for native control of education. ~
The first step toward native control of educa'tion was the
creation of Indian school boards and school committees having ~
partial or full power over tbe scheols. serving their \
communities;~ The_obstacles te exe~cising such control are
numerous. First, native_~contrel of educ~t~implies ~he establishment of new
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Indian and N?rthern ~evelopmen~ and provinci~l gevernments
that have acted in 'loco parentis for India:n communi ties .
Asserting community control has been difficult due te fears
9
of violating treaty rights and loss of government funding~
Another obstacle has been the inabilit~of Indian communities
together.to act as one with regard to the assumption of
educational responsibilities for their children. Too often,
political, religious and soci~l factionalisrn within
communities is rife. An even more serious obstacle1is the
.. frequent absence of trained India~ teachers and school
administrators and the consequent reliance on non-nat~ves to ,. make Indian control "work":
In many instances, Indian groups have neither the experlence nor the training for the task (of setting up a school).
-They had had little experience with formaI educationàl structures, and they are net used t'o working with the entire cammu.nity ta accomplish ,a program which is often controversial (McKinley, et. al., 1970, pp. 39-40) •
The scarcity of qualif~~tive teachers and scho~l .~drninis
tratbrs tends ta reinforcfo the dependency on non-native,,, people , '.
by native groups. It is ironie to contemplate a sittla~ion in
which native control must be obtained with non-native
expertise. The presence of non-natives within native-cantrolled
schools is a highly contentious issue.
The Kahnawake Survival School
oissatisfaction with the local white'high school
prampted parents living on a Mohawk reserve iri Ou~bec
to begin their own schea~ in September 1978. T~e parents
'.
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increasingly felt that theyOwere losing control over
the education of their children by sending them to . " '. '. "
Billings High School in Chateauguay. c In ~970, the parents , ,
and students attending Billings High School staqed a walk-out
demanding a high school on the reserve and instruction at
Billings in their language and' culture. Resentment grew~and
in 1971, the Mohawk Band Council supporteQ the'reserve's ...
demands that a high school be bui~t on the reserv.e to assure
native control of education. " Initially the Department of
Indian and Northern Development withheld its approval for the
project. The community was to1d tha~ a high school on the ,
re'serve could only be established in 1985 after tui'tion." <-.
agr~ements with the Protéstant Regional,Schoo! Board of .' l
chateauguay Valley had e~pired. The passing of Bill 1~~ in ,
1977 by the Parti Qu~b~cois was the catalyst for the establish-
" \
~ r ment of a school with funds ~eluctantly,provided by the· .-~-
Department of Indian and Northern Development~ , 1 :. - -
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."
,.Bil1 101, ôr the Charter of the Fr~nch Language, sought,
to assure the supremacy of the French language in the
province. Nat~ve people in.~erpreted the Bill 101 as, stipulating
that native children attending schools, off their reserves
were ta be treated as immigrants to North America. " '-
',\ . They were
required ta obtain a certific~te of eligibility to attend
school in Enqlish. The Mohawk nation was incensed and felt
~hat su~issian to this r~quirement would erode native
rights. A Combined School Committee, composed of 'parents -
elected by the ,communit~ to monitor the activities.of' the L
three Federally-run schools existihg on the reserve, was the
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community's representative in educationa1 matters. The
Committee attempted to neg~tiate with the provincial govern- " ___ "::::'j.;~ ,*--I< _ ... ~ J
ment authorities to have these requirements rescinded, to ';'
no avail. In July 197E, a referendum was held and the
c6~unity voted to start its own high school to bring
education under the control of the Mohawk nation. The Combined
School commi~tee planned the dewelopment of the high school.
'\heir choiee of a name for the:sehool and its designation as q
a "survival ,school" is significa~t.a's they 'sought, to ensure
the survi val of the communi ty 's cul tur~, heri tage and _ . .,. ~ f
uage.
o The Kahrtawake Survival Sohool serves a communi~y of
'- - approximately 3,0'00 anèf is 'responsible to the 'Mohawk nation .... ,; .. , l<1
through the Combined Sehool cammittee. The" 1968 Unificatio~ .c
\ . Agre~ent, sponsored bY,the Band Counqil, united the parent
groups of the t.hi:"ee Federal elementary schoels in existence àn i, c "J (
the reserve into one Combined School commi~~ee. 1he 'agreement
stipulates that the cammittee be eomposed et'-tour Catholic . ,
parents, four Protestant parents and two "tra~;tionalist"
parents. The committee meets with the parents of chil~en
attending the schools monthly at parent-Te~cher Association
meetings. ~t these meetings, the Committee rnakes reports
... It was not unti1 November 1978, two months aLter the
, school was created, that funds were appropriated by the
• . ' .Department of Indian and Northern Development. And i t was
pn1y in the middle of December 1978·that t~e Cembined ~qhool
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Committee was actually able to touch any part of the money.
Once the money haq been received, the Combined School
committee embarked upon a recruiting program to attract
qualified teaching personnel. Their desire for,qualified
Î personnel stemmed from the necessity of having certificated <>
teachers for eventual provincial accreditation, and to reassure l
parents that ilheir children were receiv'ing a "good" education. l
Administrati'on
During the first yeAr, 1978-79, the~hooi's administration
consisted of one General Coordin~tor, a Curriculum Coordinator,
a consultant, a financial officer and two clerks. The , Q
curriculum Coordinator and consultant were non-native. The
General Coordinator's ro~ was to assure the smooth running
of the school and, more importantly, to obtain continued
financing from the Federal government. The curriculum . cpordinator was ~esponsible for the development of,the
c~rricUla and teaching materials to be used at the school. , ,
Finally, a consultant was hired to advise the school on its
dealings with the Department of Indian and Nort~ern Development.
In its second year of operation, the School Cammitt~e
delegated the task of running the school to seven individuals.
These were designated as "coordinators". Of the seven, two
were non-native and five native. There wfs one Gene~al ,
Coordinator, responsible to the School C~ittee and
respon~fble for the activities of the staff. Answerable to
him were the six other coordinators as shown in Table 1. The
coordinators were divided according to whether they were 1
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associated with the deve1opmenta1 or operational function~ of
the schoo1. The two coordinators responsible for developmenta1
aspect~ were the Professiona1"Development Coordinat or and the
Curriculum Deve10pment Coordinator. Both were non-natives and
they occupied the most influential positions within the
administration. Four native coolrdinators supervised the
operation of the school: a Pedagogica1 Coordinator; a Student
Services Coordinator; a Financia1 Coordinator; and, a Site
Coordinator. f!f
TABLE 1
Administration of Kahnawake Surviva1 Sohoo1 for 1979-80
Band Council
SCÂ001 Cornmittee (n)
Operatis:ma1
Pedadog'ical General --...... ---_Coordinator (n)
Developmenta1
Professional Development Coordinator (n-n) Coordinator (n)
c';riculum ~ Development ' Coordinator (n-n) ~
student Services Coordinator (n)
Financia1 . Coordina tor (n)
Site §
Coordina.tor (n)
(Note: n - native, n-n - non-native) ! 1 • . .
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Curricula
The Kahnawake Survival Scheel differs from the majOri~Y of Indian-controlled schools' both philosophically and
administratively in that it seeks to provide an education
which will permit graduates to function successfully in white
society while festering cultural maintenance throQgh an
emphasis in the curricula on the MohawK language and history:
The ~ahnawake Survival School stresses historical conscieusness, that is, an awareness of one's historical »ackground as a mèmber of the cemmunity and, knowledge of the nation. Of great importance for the school is the provision of adequate educational ski Ils which will be needed to continue higher studies and to satisfactorily function in a non-native milieu ••• (Kahnawake Survival School Pamphlet, 1979, p. 9).
It is also un1ike most of the ether Indian surviva1 schee1s
as it is not under the jurisdiction'of either. the Department
of Indian and Northern Development or the local school board.
The school does not follow provincial curricular guidelines
and is seeking accreditation with UNESCO.
One of the innovative features of the school is its
curriculum. oissatisfaction with the acad~é program and
treatment of Indian students at Billings Higp School led 1
to the establishment of the Kahnawake Surviva1 School. In
response to parental desires for schooling more appropriate
for Indian students, instruction was project centred. The
curriculum stressed the concrete and practical dn an effort
to make education relevant to the students' lives. The core
of the program was a preject chosen by the students. The
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school rQser~ed 'major blocks of time for the projects wi~h
"academic" and "cultural" s'Objects fitted around them. The
projects required three weeks to comp~ete. Students and teachers
would write evaluations of the projects and students would
then elect a new'project. However, during the~first year of
operation, the administrat~on found that the concep~ of
"project education" was too novel for the younger grades and
decided to split the student body into two distinct groups:
the junior high camprising the 7, 8 and 9 grades; and the
senior high made up of the 10 and Il grade students. The
yOQnger stu~ents had been unable to deal with the great amount
of "free" time given over to students to work on their
"projects". They l"acked self-direction and required much , 1
coaching from the teaching staff. A re-structuring of the program
in January 1979 brought about a dimunition of project time and
the introduction of more structured class periods for these
students.
The cultural component consisted of instruction in the
Mohawk language, history and arts, includ~ng plastic arts and
the dramatic arts of singing and dancing. The history of the
nation was written by a non-native a&ministrator and presented \
to students with a re-evaluation of historical·events from a
Mohawk perspective.
A unique feature of the school was its emphasis on
mastery learning, developed by Benjamin Bloom (1971). Mastery
learning proposes that the basic difference between children
" :LS th9' length of time it takes for a child to learn a
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particular amount of material. Bloom suggested that tests () 1
be used to diagnose and instruct, not to discriminate on the
basis of achievement. In his mastéry approach, and in the
one adopted by the school, edücational objectives were , , '
speclfied and materials developed to assist students to -- j
achieve them. 'lbose having difficulty in gaining mastery were
given additional opportunities and remedial instruction.
Mastery learning was seèn to ensure that each student
worked to his full potential and that competitiveness
charapteristic of white society was reduced.
Staff ,,"\
The teaching stàff of the school was divided into three
groupsi s~ecialists, subject teachers and facilitators.
Specialists were teachers with specialized training in one or i
more vocational or academic fields. The academic; specialists
wererequired to have a college degree or its equivalent~ The -
position was open ta native and non-native alike with
'preference being given to native·applicants. Yet, the .
majority (71%) of specialists in the school's first full
year of operation (1979-80) were non-native. - The academic
speciàlists' role was very broad. They were responsible
primarily for the teaching of English language skills necessary
for the writing ,
project reports. They wer~ also
responsible for nces and, in sorne cases, history,
geography and economics.
-~In the first year there were a numb~r of cou,rses taught . 11 .
, by ,gpecialists from which students could cboose and elaborate
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an appropriate project.
17
The li st of courses included: q
Math and Science~ Cooking and Child Care; Fine Arts,
Photography; Filmmaking; Carpentry; Welding; Auto Mechanics~ . ..
Social,Sciencesi Early Ch~ldhood Educat~on; and Language
Arts. A stuâent who elec~ed to work on a project in Auto
Mechanics, ~~ example, would work with a specialist who would ~ .
guide him in practical wor~ on.automobiles while instructing
him in subjects'related to Auto Mechanics such a~ internaI
combustion.
Subject teachers were required to have college degrees
and to nave taken qourses in curriculum evaluation and
\ educational philoso~hy. Altho~gh an effort was made to hire
Ji
, predominantly n,ative subject teachers,'l1:!.ost (73%) of those
engaged (1979-~O) were non-natives. The subject teachers'
responsibilities included the planning of the semester-Iength
curriculum, the administration of tests and the evaluation
of studÉmts' work. Subje'ct i;~chers taught Math, French,
Mohawk, Social Studies and English (at the senior high level).
The subject teacher was required to establish a course of "
,
study with enough flexibility so that students.' projects
could be incorporated i~to a lesson.
From the beginning, the organizers of 'Kahnawake Survival
School recognized the n~cessity of turning to non-native
people to teach their children until such time as qualified
native personnel could assume this responsibility. It was
de~ed important to have native persons in the classroom who .. would a) prevent cultural misunderstandings, b) learn
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teaching techniques through observation of "qualified" .,.
teachers, and c) promote by their example native education
in the eyes of the native students. Cbnsequently, nativas
were engaged as facil~tators. AlI were required to augment
their formal education through a part-time program which
would lead to a teaching certificate offered by the Université
du Quêbec at Chicoutimi. '-
Facilitators' responsibilities included designing
students' study projects, establishment of the students' work
schedule, and sup~rvision'of instruction by subject teachers.
They were also responsible for maintaining attendance
records, class discipline, contacting parents, and the •
prepa!ation of the pupils' progress reports. The facilitator's
role was ta mediate between the student and his specialist
and subject teachers. Facilitators presented specialists
and subject1teachers with outlines of'the students' projects.
For example, if a student was working on cradleboards, the,
specialist would aid the student in researching the subject of
cradleboards. As part of his project on cradleboards, the
student would have to write a report on cradleboards. His
~ language teachers would give him the necessary vocabulary to
~iSCUSS crad~eboar~s in Mohawk and French: history instruction
would touch on. the significance of cradleboards1 and in art,
the student would make a cradleboard, with the assistance of
his Math teacher who would help him with the calculations
needed to build it.
In iès second year of operation in 1979-80, t~e School
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native, were "facilitators". The term "facilitator" had
acquired a somewhat derogatory connotation"during the'
previous year. Specifically, the term ;mpl'ied a clerical,
watchdog role rather than a pedagogical one. For the most
part, the native facilitators had only a high school
education. They felt insecure in,·their relationship with
educated, non-native te~chers.
Teaching·personnel, and in particular non-native teachers,
were reminded of their students' cultural background and
urged to establish a classroom atmosphere accordingly •.
Traditional modes of interaction were recommended. In Mohawk
tradition, concensus is valued. Thus teachers were encouraged
to foster ~oncensus using peer'pressure. And as in Band
council meetings, students were divided by clans for purposes
of instruction. Traditionally, men and women worked' separately,
ao girls and boys were not forced to work together on a •
project. Mohawk was used and references to Mohawk culture
were made as often as possible, in the classroom . .. The Kahnawake Survival School presents itself as
innovative within the context of Canadian native education
~ in general and with regard to the education otfered the
children at the local whi~e high school in pa~ticular. The
school is Indian-controlled'by virtue of its administration
by the Combined School committee which represents the reserve's
parents in educational matters.
jurisdiction o~ the local school
)
The schooL~ not under the !. '
~oard o~ thl Department of , /
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Indian and Northern Development. Curricular novelties \
include project educatiun ~nd required courses in Mohawk
20
language, culture and history. The school does not adhere to
provincial curricular guidelines. Parental 'desires for
relevant academic curriculum on one:hand~and the need for
cultural maintenance on the other,produce~,an interesting
synthesis, project education implementeq;'by native and
non-native teaching teams.
Summary
comm,unity-controlled schools on Indian reserves are the
most recent p~ase in the evolution of Indian education •. Yet
community-control has required non-comm~ity participation.
This thesis examines how the ideology of the school affects
non-native teachers' interaction with colleagues, the
administration and the community. It also looks at the
school's attempt to reconcile. dependence on non-native
expertise with the community's desires for control over the
education of their children.
Until the establishment of Indian-controlled schools,
education was administered by non-natives. TheOfirst sChoolsl
for Indians were founded by Christian missionaries. In the
late 19th century the Federal government assumed responsibility
for Indian education. The 'Federal government began divesting
itse1f of its resp6nsibilities ,for native education in the
1950s when the provinces were encouraged to provide such
education. The failure of native education offered by
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Federal and Provincial au~:::::~-;;~ .. , evident ip th~ high 21
drop out and ~ow achievement of Indian ~~~dêht~. Parental
dissatisfaction and the politization of Indian"~~~ùni:t~~es o ~
in the 1970s arising from disputes with the Federal and ft
.' . Provincial goverriments regarding treaty rights fostered
community control of native education. The next chapter
discusses the movement for native control of native ed~cation ,
and considers the Kahnawake Survival School in relation te
other Inâian-controlled sohools in Canada and the Unit~d
States.
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CHAPTER II
SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS FOR IND!AN CHILDREN
,', (," - \
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) \ The National Indj,an Brotherhood' s po1icy sta't.emenlt",on \
o. \ ~
-~dian education in 1972 had a great impact on Indian nations
ac~ss Canada. It encouraged native groups t~ také control
of ~e~r chi1dren's educat~on. It defined the go~ls of 1
\ 1
Indian education as, reinforcement of In"4ian identl~ty and the \
\
provision of training "necessary for makiri'g a good 'l,iving" \ ,
(National Indian Brotherhood, 1972, p. 3) a~ outlineci the \/
i / ", /
responsibilities of Indian Bands, of prov.inc'al iovernme~~_
and of local school boards. The Department f Indian and -
Northern Development's responsibi1ity was to provide funding
for the Indian cammunities who wished to start their own
1
schoo~. Community control of schooling was defined, as incl?ding
influence over ~he allocation of funds, curriculum development
and the hiring of personnel to work in the school. The
'. National Indian Brotherhood' s pOlicy statement was the .
cornerstone for virtually aIl of the Indian-controlled schools
estab1ished after 1972.
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Indian-controlled schools exhibit many similarities such
as tenuous funding and a small scale of operation. The average
enrollment is about 60 students. The staff usually ~onsists
of pne or two full-time non-native teachers and two or more
native volunteers. The director of the school often doubles
as a teacher. Virtually aIl Indian-controlled schools receive
their funds fram the Federal or Provincial gbvernments, with
sorne money caming from private institutions or local school·
boards. Non-nativ~ teache~s working at such schools are usually - ~
hired by local school boards and natives are engaged' by th,e .•
school. Non-native teachers are almost always certified
teachers while MOst of the native teachers are note
Typically, the cultural curriculum is developed and
taught by native teachers as weIl as by eIders who are given ,
honoraria,f~r their tirne and e~fort, 9r by volunteers fram
the commurl1ty who will share their knowledge of native language,
history, valu~s and traditions. The students attending are
usually status Indians. (In sorne instances, Indian-controlled
schools will offer instruction to non-status Indians
àn:d",~t;.is as well as to non-native children.) Most sée-k l ,
"~_. to facilitatê---àtrd--promQt:_~ ___ ~_:tive pare~tal involvement .•
-'-~ ___ ~ental involvement may occ;;--~~---~;;-; level.: throU~h a
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SChOO~~Ch is ultimately responsible ~o~ the
school, through participation in the adMinistration of
the school or through involvement in the instructiqnal \
"'-. program. ~
At some schools, parental involvement ls
a uirement for a childls enrollment and continued
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attenâance ~~ a schoo1.
Irtdl~n-contrblled schools may be c1assified as being
either alternative or surviva1. The distinction is attributab1~ • to the importance given to the ,cultural ~r academicOsubjects
in the schoo1's cprricula.
Alternative Schools
Alternative schoo1s give importance to the academic
~~ relegatingcultura1 maintenanceoto.a secondary role.
The curricula used is often that of the local white "schoo1
board. Many alternative schoo1s seek to either prepare native~
chi1dren for white schoo1s or to re-integrate,"dropouts"
into the local white school. The Kumtuks A1ternate Schoo1,
the Ustla-hahn A1ternate Schoo1 apd the Ojibway Alternative
Schoo1 are a11 examples of alternative Indian-controlled
schoo1s (National Indian Brotherhood, 197~).
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The Kum~ûks Alternate School in Va~couver, British
Columb~a was \established in 1976 to deter native students from
dropping out of schoo1. A program is offered for students
between the ages of twelve and fifteen. Funding for the
school is provided by the Vancouver Schoo1 Board and the
Provincial Minist~y of Human Resources. Students are expected
to develop the ski Ils necessary to enro1l and successfully ), . ..""
complete their secondary education in local white schools.
RemediaI and regular classes in Language Arts and Math are
among'the courses the students must take at the school
(National Indi~n Brotherhood, 1979, p.1). The Ust1a-hahn
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~ Alternative School 'in British Columbi~ also ,of'fers an 1 -<;j- ,
1 -education program for Indian children who have qifficultie~
l
functioning in the non-n~~ive school system. It was established
by the Squam~sh Band and the North Vancouver School Board in
197.7 • The $cho.o1's objective is to foster a' "positive attitude - ,
towards educati~n (Nati.ona1 Indian Brotherhood; 1979, p.o; 5") • , . This has been done by creating an acadernic environment favouring
1
self-expression.. The Ojibway' Alternative Scjlool. in Kenora,
Ontario has,peen in operation since May of 1979. Like other
alternativ~_~chools, it is o~iented to the needs of native students , .
who:have dropped out from the Kenora school system (National
Indian Brotherhood, 1979, p. 6). The curriculum focuses on
basic academic ski'lls as well as native culture and history. 4 .-
The Ojibway Crlltural Center and the Kenora Board of Eduoàtion
provide staff for the school. The school hope'S that the~"Kenora
Board of Education will recognize it as a special education
program so that stud,ents may return te-", t~e regular systém. ~-: l "
goal of the school is to foster students' confidence and give j \
them skills necessary to succeed in academic and career-oriented-' J
endeavours (National Indian Brotherhood, l~79, p.' 3).
Survival Schools
"Survival" schools have cultural main~enance as their
prime objective:
The surviyal schoole approach the who1e curriculum in an Indian way, speakingvepenly about the history and achievements of their people. But they also prepare their students t~ face the reality of life in the united
" states- to~ay (Jordan, 1981, p. 28).
The surviva1 schoo1 att~pts to " Indianize" white education
and so develops. its curricula to ref1ect this orientation. '-,
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Aoademic s~jects are elaborated in terms of the students'
cultural background yie,lding such courses as "Native Math",
26
"Indian Science ll, and s.o forth. Ap emphasis is placed on native
language, traditions; history and arts. Native influence is "
sttong in aIl spheres of teaching. The school encourages native
values which include pride, humility, truthfulness, bravery,
cleanliness, and kindness; respéét for th~ elderly; respect for
nature, cooperation and silence at the p~oper times (Rirkness, v
1981, p.449). Its pedagogy fosters these values. Lessons are
viewed as a sharing experience. Concensus is pro~oted. The
sexes are segregated. There is a task rather than time
orientation'to work. Interestingly though, most survival schools
are attached to a local white school board and endeavour to have
a high percent;age of natl.ve teachers and support personnel to
provide role models. Examples of sùrvival schools include the
Plai~s Indi;n Cultural Survival ~chool, the Wandering Spirit
survi val SCh001
J ROUg~ Rock and the Kahnawake Survi val SChob1.-.
The Plains Indian Cultural Survival School, opened in
1979, in Calgary, Alberta, ls a prototype for Indian surv:~val
schools in Canada. The founders of the school were treaty and
non-status Indians. Emphasis is placed on Indian cultural
studies with traditional academic skills having' secondary
importance (Gree~ , 197.9, p. 2). Importance i s a t tached to
creating an educational environrnent which will develop in the ,
native,students a strong Indian, identity as weIl as the rnotiv
at~on to learn. Informality is deerned to be necessary. Teachers
are called by their fi~st names. Students are allowed to receive
personal te~ephone calls. in the -elasses.
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Rules are made by' the st dents and teachers when they becorne
necessary. No classes a e regularly scheduled (Green, 1979).
Students are evaluated / in terms of their own progress and are
not assessed in relatibn to the performance of other students. A
The "pass-incomplete" system i5 used to assure a school
without fail. The school's academic component follows the
~urriculum guidelines of the Calgary School Board. The basic
school subjects taught are: language arts and English,
matherna~ics, social studies, science, physical education, and
business. A new curriculum for Language Art~, Social Studies
and Art was written giving importance to Indian subjects such
as hide"tanning, tipi making, beading, native songs and dances ,
as wel~ a~ instruction in Indian languages (Bruneau, 1979,
p. 2). ,.
Another example of an Indian survival school is the
Wandering Spirit Survival School in TOronto, Ontario.. iThe
school operates under the jurisdiction of the Toronto Board
of Education and was founded to foster native cultural heritage
(Wandering Spirit, 1979, p. 1). It has been in existence since
September 1976. In the beginning, the school was funded by
the Native Canadian Centre of Toronto. In Feb~uary of 1977,
it was recognized by the Toronto Board of Educ.ation and moved
to WinchestefPublic School.' The school offers a program . '
of learning and experiences "in keeping with the child's
emotiona1, physical and inte11ectual growth" {Wandering Spirit, ( l' "':--- \
1979, p. 3). The curriculum is establishéd by the Ontario
Board of Education but instruction is centred around the seasons
1
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28
of the year stressing the spiritual and cultural aspects of
native life. The day begins with a Cree Indian ceremony. Boys
and girls sit apart "to stress their <:lifferent raIes" (Wandering
Spirit, 1979, p. 2). Active parental involvement in the school
is a prerequisite for enrotlment and for continued attendance.
In 1979, the wandering Spirit Schoo,l enrolled twenty-nine
children (four of whom are non-native) in grades onè through
eight, with one full-tirne teacher supplied by the Toronto Board
of Education. Parents and visitors work as volunteers to teach
. 1 1
1 nat~ve spiritual values and tradifions (Wandering Spirit, 1979,p. 4) . f
Arnong the Indian survival schools in the United States
and Canada, R6ugh Rock is the best known as it was the first
"demonstration" of what Indian control over education could
achieve. Rough Rock's reputed success.influenced a nurnber of
Canadian native communities in the early 1970's. TwO hundred
and fifty Navaho children attended the scheol when it first opened
in 1966 on the Navaho Indian Reserve in Chin1e, Arizona. The
teaching staff and support personnel in 1966 included ten . ful1-tirne classroom teacbers, a remedial reading specialist,
a speech therapist, an art teacher, a librarian, two T.E.S.L.
(Teaching Eng1ish as a Second Language) teachers, in addition
~I to two recreation leaders and fifteen volunteers ,from VISTA.
Of the 91 employees, 46 were Indian, 35 of whom were from the
Rough [Rock cemmunity.
The board responsible for the running of ,the school
consisted of five Navahos. Only one had attended an
educational institution: ,
1 1
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- ~-
- \ The members of the new school\board were enough to elevatè., the eyebrows of· any. educator: four sheep herders, and a medicine man!· Only one, in fact, had
, ever been to a school -- for three years. He spoke English, the others Navajo. One member signed his name with a ,thumbprint (Tunley, 1971, p. 15).
The schoel began with combined funding from the Bureau of . ,
Indian Affairs, the Office of Economie Opportunity and the
Donner Foundation. Thè annual budget came to $636,000
29
-- virtually two'to three times the amount normal1y al10cated .,.. .
for a bearding school the size of Rough Rock (Szasz, 1977,
~~. 156).
,\
Its first director, Robert Roessell, was a non-native,
yet he stressed that the school wou1d not have sucçeeded had
f ~ .
it not been or the constant support and ~nput of the
community (Erikson, 1970, p. 78). The language of instruction
at the school is Navaho with English designated as a second ~
language. Elders from the cornmunity instruct the children
in Navaho ways. The curriculum developed by native and
non-native teachers emphasizes Navaho history, language, art '_
and culture.
In 1968, a committee established by Office of Economie
Opportunity headed by Professor Donald Erikson from the
University of Chicago evaluated the progress of the school.
His report made sorne harsh criticisms, par~icularly with
regard to the extent of cemmunity participation in the
administration of the school. Erikson analyzed the minutes
of the Navaho school board and interviewed scheel, bbard members,
parents and teachers-. He concluded that "community control
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was more irnagined than real" (Erikson, 1970, p. 76). "The
board," Erikson noted, "gave little time or oenergy to most "
matters of basic educational poÎic.J." (Erikson, 1970, p. 77).
He found that the board was Qot involved ~n the hiring and
firing of profess'!lonal staff members: "nurnerous teachers were
fired without approval from the board" (Erikson, 1970, p .. 77). Nor
did the board control the budget. Projects established by the
director were given funding whilst those suggested by'the
board were not:
The members suggested that a éertain building should be repaired (but the director, who had eften used large surns of mo~ey for purposes not originally budgetted, sirnply ~nounced that the building could not b~epaired because, 'there were no funds so allocated. ' More than a year later', the saine pattern was repeated. The "mediCld-ne man school", possibly the most important single project in the board's eyes, was curtailed by the director with a stat~ent to the board that funds had run out (Erikson, 1970, p. 77).
i
The school board was depicted by the Bureau of !ndian Affairs
information brochures and the director as having a major
influence in the school curriculum and related activities.
Erikson found this was not the case. The white director
stymied projects put forth by ~he board, using the argument
that it was contra~y to Navaho culture:
On numerous occasions, members of the board complained about widespread pupil absence and argued for stricter attendance pOliciès ••••
• The pOlicies continued unaltered ••.. Teachers and consultants complained that the director had outlawed "coordina1;:e bilingualism" •••• l could find no evidencé that he consulted the schoel board in this regard •.• numerous curricular and extracurricular components were verboten for basically the sarne reason •••. It was not .publicized that the dlrector
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discontinued certain Navajo studies for several weeks at one point without consulting the board (Erikson, 1970, p. 78).
31
The cèmmuni~ education m~etings that were supposedly
to occur monthly but were held more infrequently, were
poorly attended. In ~he school records, Erikson found that .. the few meet~~~hat were held were staged for the benefit
, of important persens visiting the school:
As for board meetings themselves, they were held in the directop's inner office .••• It
. was not widely known among Rough Rock' s' Navaho teachers, let alone 'among the ~ uneducated local people, that board meetings were open' to the public. No local Navajos {other th an board members)-Were present at the meetings we witnessed (Erikson, 197~, p. 80).
,. In addition to the inaccessibility of the meetings and the lack
of information on their scheduling, the minutes were kept in
English onl~ and embarrassing information deleted.
Erikson observed that few parents were willin:J to c:riticize the
white director despite their réservations about the school.
He speculated that their reluctance was based on the fact
that the white director had done much to help the cornmunity
and was instrumental in obtaining the necessary funding for
the school from Washington:
Since the school was funded annually, each year brought about a new fiscal crisis, punctuated by,days and nights of proposaI writing, ernergency trips to the East Coast, appearances before congressional committees and foundation officiaIs. only two of the mernbers could speak even halting English.' None could write proposals, influence congressmen, issue impressive press releases, manipulate levers of power (Erikson, 1910 1 p. 80).
l 1 1 1 1
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32 , Rough Rock was begttn by parents so that they might control
the education of their children. However, the community's
reliance on non-native expertise in,the schooI's administration o •
soon made community control,at the school illusory. The
school was not serving the community's interests but rather
those of the non-native administrator. Erikson concluded
that, regrettably:
A relatively small group of white leaders,. mostly anthropologists, (will establish) itself as the unquestioned authority on what American Indians need. Doubtless 'they mean weIL, but they often seem unwilling to tolerate criticism or •.• to give the Red Man a voice injhis own future (Erikson, 1970, p. 2) • . '
Although Rough Rock had been established by native people,
-. their inexp~rience in setting up such an institution forced
1'''-
them to turn to non-native assistance, in this case, the
director as weIL as non-native teach~rs, which resulted in the
loss of community control over the school.
Most Indian-contr~led schools have not been evaluated
this thoroughly. Yet the difficulties associated with non
native participation at Rough Rock may not be unique. The
emergence of native schools, whose objective is to provide
native educati~n by native people, WO~d seem ~o pr:clude
non-native involvement. This has not been the case. Non-
native teachers are present in a high proportion of Indian-
c~ntrolled schoolsr . Invariably, these teachers are
responsible for the academic component of the school~s
curriculum. The development of Indian-controlled schools
has by many native people as the solution to
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the many problems.\~heir children faced in white schools. II
\ ,
By extension, it h~~-ba~n felt that problems associated wi1i
non-native teachers would also be solved within the context
of an Indian-controlled school.
Non-native Teachers in I~dian Education 1
\ ,- j Non-native involvemen~ in Indian education has been for
\ : the most part unsatisfactor}r ~or non-native teachers and
Indian children alike. Th~ high rate of teacher tà-nover at l' \
native schools due to teacher alienation is a facet o~ Indian
education that ha~ plague~schools ~erving native chil~en ,
since their establishment. '-Major factors atfecting teacher , '
alienation are cited in stud~S of Indian schools and
include demanding working cond~tions, isolation, harsh c1imate'
and low salaries (Berry, 1968; B~lenback, 1961; Cosgriffe,
1956; Daniels, 1973; Fuchs and Hav~ghurlit, 1972; Sorkin, 1971).'
Student apathy also accelerates tea~her attrition.
'Pioneer Teachers
" Difficulty in recruiting and retaining\non-native personnel
during the 19th èentury can be traced to the 'uncertainty of
remuneration for services rendered and the desolate conditions
and isolated location of Indian schools. These conditions
led to the recruitment of unqualified personnel and staff
Whidhchanged so often that 1ittle continu~ty or stability
was possible. J. Graham, an Indian superi~dent in Winnipeg,
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34
wrote in 1881 that it was virtually impossible to obtain
competent teachers for isolated areas aven at a reasonable
salary "owing to their having to pay th.eir own travelling
expenses, the cost of obtaining pro~isions at those points,
and no mail communication accessible to them" (Daniels, 1973, -
p. 170). Graham added tl\at "the difficulty ••• of indücing
persons to accept the position of school teacher on an Indian
reserve is very great, and frequently for a length of time
it is impossible to obtain the services of a suitable
teacher" (Daniels, 1973, p. 170).
The life of a ~on-native teacher working at an Indian
school was difficult. This description of the exigencies of
reserve life illustrates what teachefs encountered:
Under the present system, the teacher often gets to his Reserve only by the loans or gifts of friends. He then finds hirnself thrown helplessly among the tents and huts of the Indians. For his future maintenance he 1s cast ? on the resources of the"Indians, uncertain for themselves, or perhaps at a great distance or on his own fishing and hunting •.• (Daniela, 1973, p. 171). 1.
Conditions of teachers had changed little sixt Y years later. ~
In bis diary, Reverend \fo Allard describes the mission
• house, Fort St. James, where from 1917 to 1922 he had been
"chopping out water-holes during the winter, q,learing heavily
timbered land, harvesting crops, building the winter wood~ile,
waking at odd hours to patrpl the building and to inspect
fire hazards" (Connelly, 1965, p. 20).
Living and teaching conditions ha4 scarcely improved ~or
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teachers working in an Indian schoo1 by 1951. In a report to ,
the House of Commons the Minister of Indian Affairs noted
that: , ,
•• ".most of our s .. chools are one::--room and any of-you who ar~ teachers ar~ only too .
- weIl acquainted with the added problems 1
invo1ved in teaching ~hirty' odd pupils scattered from qrade one to eight. ,There is also the fact that most of our' teachers are forced to do .their own housekeeping, draw wâter, go long distancèS-~ food, etc. (Connelly, 1~~5, p. 174). ----~
Such conditions did not encourage teacher permanence and the'·
turnover rate continued to be high.
. ~~ The Integration Per~od j
Attempts to stern the high teacher turnover rate have
inc~uded improved salaries and working conditions, and closer
contact between the schoolsf'school boards, and the Department
of Indian Affairs and Northern Oevelopment. Teachers who
now work ~n Indian schools are Federal civil servants. As
such, they benefit from the terms and conditions of ernployment
to which teaching staff in Provincial schools in
Canada are -subjec~. The conditions include insurance, tenure,
travelling expenses, isolation and related bonuses and living , ,
accommodations. Such teachers have aiso obtained the Fight to
organize employees' associations 1 vacations similar to those
of provincial schools; cumulative s~ck, special and retirement
be~efits similar to those of other public servants; and
education leaves of absence •. programs to acclimatize the
new teacher to the Indian surroundings have also been
implemented (Adkins, 19551 Connelly, 19651 Cosgriffe, 1956).
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Nonetheless, teachers continue to leave Indian schools
in large numbers each year. The principal reasons cited by
departing teachers include: uncompetitive salaries, student
apathy, irrelevance of curriculum and lack of support from
the community or the Departrnent of Indian Affairs (Wilson,
1978, p. 157). In a report on non-native teachers working
for the Bureau of Indian Affairs between 1964-67, Sorkin
(1971) emphasized thÇ1t the high turnover rate was "bound ta . adversely affect the qua1ity of education" (Sorkin t 1~?1,
p. 46) and that the high turnover rate "reflected teachers'
dissatisfaction with the schools and students" (Sorkin, 1971, B. 46).
A study of the education of Indian children conducted
by McKinley et. al. of the Bureau of Indian Affairs schools "
on six reservation~'in 1967 produced a profile of the type
of ~eacher usqally fourtd in such schools:
The teachers at "~e scheels have a number of characteristicS'~'n cemmon. They are either quite young 0 qui te old, with very few in the age ra e between 30r and 45. As a result a large~umber of teachers are either inexperienced, or else teaching according to precepts and me~ods learned at a time when educational philosophy was radically different from today (McKinley, 1970, pp. 9-10).
Their inability to adjust was evidenced in the withdra~l ef
non-native teachers from the Indian community to the
securityof their compound (McKinley, 1970).
~) King (1967) interviewed the teaching staff of a
residential school at Mopass in the Yukon and drew attention
ta the isolation of the teachers from the surrounding Indian
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community. "Teachers," he remarked, "are not expected to
hecame personally involved with the children beyond normal
classroom~ relations.: .• ,The t~chers are in the school but
are not part of it. They conduct classes frorn 9:00 a.m. to
3:00 p.rn. and partake in any adult social events according
to their inclinations, but do not participate in the other
activities of the sChool, except as a teacher in a public
37
school rnight be asked to help with a Christmas party or a
church affair" (King, 1967, p. 64). The turnover ratj at this
school was quite high, with four of five teachers being
replaced during one year, as weIl as the principal. Native
and non-native interaction was characterized as strained with
tension prevailing between the tea~hers and support staff. \
The teaching personnel was wholly non-native and the clerical
staff was completely native. Teachers according to the staff,
did not understand native children. Factionalism within the •
teaching' staff focused on divergent educational philosophies.
TWo teachers were "traditional" and two "per.missive ll• The
\
traditional teachers subscribed to strict discipline and an
emphasis on the teaching of basic skills. The permissive
1
teachers sought to foster a more creative and relaxed classroom. ' -1
i The fifth teacher vacilitated betwéen traditionalism and
e permissiveness. There was little cooperation between the
,."
teachers. Rarely did they discuss educational methods best
suited for Indian students. The traditional teachers seemed
to he far more isolated ,from the native support staff' and r
children than the permissive teachers. Conflicts among the
teachinq staff at"the school were a source of teacher -
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38
resignations, as well,' as resignations of native support staff, \
one of whom wrote upon leaving'that: • 1
These people here have finally succeeded in driving me around the bend. They are aIl the sàme and they make life sa miserable for us (Indians) and themselves.... l pit Y the se poor little children who have to grow up in such a horrible atmosphere (King, 1967, p. 71).
In the National Study of Arnerican Indian Education carried
ô~t in 1968, Havighurst (1970) found that many parents and
students felt their schooling adequate. Havighurst's study
indicated that non-native teachers were generally sensitive to
their students' needs, background and particu1ar educational
problerns, and that they enjoyed w~rking with native children.
(When asked~how they felt about teaching Indian children,- 64%
of the 468 teachers interviewed said that they liked Indian
students and enjoyed teaching them. Only. 3% said they preferred
to work with non-Indian children.) However Havi~hurst
acknowledges the discrepancy between an individual's words and
actions noting: "It may be that the: teachers of Indian \
chi1dren are morè 'en1ightened' in their verbal ~ttibÛdes
than in their actual classroom and community behaviour" 0
(Havighurst, 1970, p. 18). He observed that teachers had
limited contact with the students and the community outside the 1r
school. With regard to parent-teacher relations, he fo~d that, \, \ '\
rnost teachers had met with only ~bout one-third of the pupils' ;-
parents.
A recent study conducted by Hutchison (1979) cornparing
the perceptions of non~native teacners with native parents
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and students indicated that ohere were "persistent 'differences". (.
The views of parents and 'students differed'from those of ,
teachers pa~ticul~ly.wt~h regard to their ~xpectations of
schooling:
~ ..... --~---. ,
The teachers expressed concern 'that astudents are not being prepared for
college or the world of work, while the majority of the students and
o parents think that they are being prepared adequately (Hutchison, 1979, p.39). '
. . The discrepancy between the perceptions of native parents and
non-native teachers underlines their isolation fram one another in
'l' regard to the role ~! the school. Non~~ative teachers ftre often
seen as transient intruders by the native community. Wolcott's
study (1967) of a Kwakiutl village in British Columbia underlines
the teacher' s transient ,', ,intruder status. He observed that the 1 -
Indian community had corne to regard tHe teacher as "a stranger who
will reside only'temporarily in the village, parhaps not
aven for the entire school year •••. Even thé youngest pupil
has already seen a procession of teachers come and go" Il
(Wolcott, 1967, p. 80) • Through the estaolishrnent of ,
'"
,communify schools, parents hoped ta stem high-teacher turnover . ,
characteristic of Indian education.
. \ Summary \ '
The emergence of Indian-control~ed schools is the most
recent develo~en~ in Indian education. Most Indian-run
schools are small and receive funds ~rom the Federal or ---\ \~~
provincial government. 0
AmO~g Indian-controlled schools, two differing types of
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schools can be distinguished: alternative and survival. The
distinction is based on the emphasis placed either on the
cultural or academic component of the curriculum. Alternative . ' schools ~lace heavier emphasis on the academic component,
seeking to prepare students for re-efitry into white scho~ls
and, implicitly, assimilation into white society. Survival
schools stress instruction of Indian language and culture.
Their objective, is to develop the students' identity as Indians
in the hope of retaining them on the reserve.
The movement for native control of native education arises
from the unhappy history of non-native inyolvement in Indian
education. Non-native teachers have been transient intruders
on Indian reserves. The harsh working conditions under which ~\
they taught included social and geographic isolation, low
salaries, poor living accommodations and indifferent students.
The creation of Indian-controlled schools which seek to resolve
the rnany problems associated with Indian education would by
extension, also solve the problems associaüed with reliance
on non-nativ~ teachers. ~/
" - -- ---~---- . . t
- ~-"'~~----- .... - .. _---,
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i
CHAPTER III
TEACHER SUB-CULTURE ,
The present chapter discusses teacher sub-culture at
the Kahnawake Survival School with particular attention to
the role of non-native teachers within the staff. Normally,
'the teacher group in a school acts as a cohesive soc.ial unit /
in its relations with students, school administrators and
parents. Within it, however, segmentation occurs on the
basis of: age level taught, subject taught, classes taught,
seniority and ethnicity (Boocock, 1972; Corwin, 1970;
Greenberger and Sorensen, 1970; Martin and Macdonel1, 1978).
At the secondary school level, for instance, teachers in
the various departments will most readi1y gravitate into
subject suh-groupings ~reenberger and Sorensen,
1962). The teaéher group at the Kahnawake Surviva1 Schoo1
was not a cohesive group. A number of suh-groups existed and
the constant fighting amongst them thwarted any cohesive
action the teacher group might have taken to enhance
its position vis-à-vis the administration,-students and
the ~ommunity. Teaoher conflict was exacerbated by the
41
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school'. I~~an philosophy and objectives which fostered
42
.' ins~curity among natives and non-natives. Native teachers
perceived non-native,teachers as intruders. This perception
was supported by the school's philosophy. The school was
Indian. The community desired the creation of an Indian
school and wished to secure its Indian character and
orientation. The administration, sensitive to commsnity
desires, sotight to enhance the school's "Indianness" by
supporting and emphasizing Indian teachers' needs, opinions
and actions. This chapter analyzes the teaching staff of t~e
Kahnawake Survival School, beginning with an examination of
the teachers' motives for working at the school. It also
considers factionalism within the staff and how staff
tensions reflected the administrative and organizational
characteristics of the school.
Demographie Profile of Teachers
Of the 78 people who worked at the school in 1979-80,
only the School ~ammittee was not rernunerated for their ....
time and effort. A total of 68 people were on the school's
payroll. Of this number, 61% were teaching staff and 39% '\
support personnel. As Table 2 shows, twenty-five out of ~he
forty-two full and part time teachers were native (60%) and
seventeen were non-native (40%). The administrative
person~el was drawn from the reserve except for two non
native administrators (the Curriculum and Professional f
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Ineve10pment Coordilliltors). \ \
TABLE 2
Ethnicity of Staff 1979-80
Native Non-Native Total N- N-
School committee 10 10
Fu11-time teachers 25 16 41
.part-time teachers 0 l 1 -('
Library and Reading ~ Centre Staff 4 2 6
Secretarial and Clerical Staff 6 0 6
Administrators 5 2 7
Resource personnel* 0 3 3
Maintenance personnel 2 0; 2
Unknown status 2 0 2
Total 54 24 78
* (Resource personnelassisœd students_~ith their proje9ts.)
The teachers' ranged in age fram seventeen years to sixt y- 0
two years (Table 3). It i~ interesting to note that near1y
half (43%) of the teachers were between ~he ages of 20 and 30
and that the majority (67%) of teachers in this age group
we~e non-native ~12 of 18). In contrast, Most of the native "
teachers (72%) were over thirty.
r 1 1 g
- -~ --~--~~
(
Age
15-19
20-29·
30-39
40-49
50-59
60-64
Total
• TABLE 3 . .
Age of Native and Non-Native Teachers 1979-80
Native
1
6
6
5
6
1
25
%
4
24
24
20
24
4
100
Non-Native N =
o
12
3
a
l
1
17
%
o
70
18
a
6
6
100
44
Total %
1 2
18 43
9 21
5 12.
7 17
2 5
42 100
The youth of the teaching staff is ref1ected in the 1imited
teaching experience most individuals possessed (Table 4).
Only one person, a part-time non-native teacher, had 4 or
more years' experience. Most teachers (60%) had only two years'
teaching experience. Native teachers possessed more teaching
eXp~ience 'than non-native teachers (88% had s~e teaching l '
e~erience compared to 76% of the non-native teachers).
t
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TABLE 4
Teaching Experience of Native and Non-Native Staff 1979-80
Years EXEerience Natives % Non-Natives % N= N-
O 1 4 0 0
1 3 - 12 7 41
2 19 76 6 35
3 2 8 3 18
4 0 0 1 6
- Total 25 100 17 100
Of the forty-two teachers, 15 (35%) were male and 27- (65%)
female. Among nati,,\e teachers, ~~,~re was a higher represent-"",
ation of male teacher~ (40%) than among non-natives (20%). .' :..
About two-thirds of thé teaching staff (67%) were married.
Whereas four-fifths (80%) of the native teaching staff were
married, the majority (53%) of the non-native teachers were
single. Prior to their employment at the school, the majority
of native people were either homema~ers, 8 of 24 (32%) or
teachers, 6 of 25 (24%). The majority (82%) of non-native
teachers had 'been either students or teaching elsewhere .
(Appendix B). AIl of the native teachers lived on the reserve
with the exception of one native Potowo~ami who lived ofr the
reserve. In conjunction with their classroom experience,
native teachers werè taking courses during the summer and
in the evenings leading to a teaching certificate. Of the
twenty-~ive native teachers, twenty-three, or 92% were
! 1
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\ enrolled in such a program. only three of the native
teachers held a'university degree (two obtained a B.A. and
one a B.F.A.). One native teacher was not enrolled in any
in-service teacher education program and had-no university
46
degree (see Table 5). Of the non-native teaching, staff, all
had a university degree. Five teachers (30%) possessed a
B.Ed. degree, six (35%) had followed a B.A. or B.Sc. program " with a specialization in cross-cultural education at an
American ~iversity and ,six (35%) o~tained a B.A. or B.Sc.
and a Diploma in Education from a Canadian university.
TABLE 5
;
Education of Teachers by Ethnicity
Native Non-Native Total N- N-
M..A. 0 1 1 ~
Bachelorls Degrees. 3 16 19
Certificate program for Native People 21 0 21
No Degree 1 0 1 1
Total 25 17 , 42
To summarize, the non-native teachers were mainly young,
married wamen with university degrees who had litt le or no
experience in teaching. The ~ajority of native teachers were
older, married,females with no post-àecondary education, who \
had had no experience in t~a~hing.and who, for the most part
had.been homemakers prior te working at the scheel.
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Teacher Recruitment and Md\tivation \
The school' was defined by the communi~y through the ,
device of local control and its locAtion on the reserve as
an Indian scheel. It sought to prov~de an education \
that recognized the children's cultural background. As
47
such, it attracted native people who, although they had no
teaching experience and often a weak academic background,
sought to share their knowledge as native people. Their
"Indianness" compensated for the lack of formal training.
Native people perceived the school as an institution which ~
would meet the needs of t~ir community.
For non-native teachers, the scheel presented an opportunity
to participate in a novel experi~ent. Its desperate need for
. qualified personnel and the âbsence of qualified native people
encouraged many non-native teachers to donate their services.
After the receipt of federal funding in November 1978, teache~J
were recruited with the promise of salary support and seniority
recognized for a permanent teaching certificate. The motivations
of staff for seeking a position at the school varied with the
time of their initial appointment but were similar for
individuals within each cohort irrespective' of , \
teacher was pative or non-native. \
\ \
Teachers were recruiten fer ~he Kahnawakè
whether the
Survival
~ School in September 1978 and again in August 1979. The first
cohort of teachers were 51 "volunteeJ;"s", 17 of w:pom were non
native and 34 native. The second ~ohort was recruited in
1
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48
December 1978 when funds fram the Federal Government had
been received and salaries were offered to prospective employees.
In this group, 20 were non-native and~ were native. The
third cohort was hired prior to or during the 1979-80 year,
and inc1uded 11 ~on-natives and 8 natives, 3 of whom were
hired during the course of the year. A1most half (6 out of 11)
the n~-native teachers engaged at this time came from the
united States and were eith~r interns in, or had graduated
fram a cross-cultural education program in which they
specia1ized in native education.
The First Cohort: Volunteers
The non-native staff who joined in":September 1978 had
1earned of the school through friends who lived on the reserve
or through the newspapers. The newspaper advertisement sought
volunteers to work in a "new.and independent Indian school"
(The Montreal Gazette, 1978). The School Cornmittee
wanted resourceful, independent people who could work under
unusua1 conditions and without remuneration. A variety of ,
individuals presented themse1ves for emp1oyment. Included
among the non-natives who applied for teaching positions ·were
two writers, a cosmo1ogist, a farmer, a social worker, a
univ~rsity.professor, a photographer, an anthropologist and
several graduate students. Thé majority of applicants.were over
• the age of 35 and only two of those offered positiŒlS were in possession
of a teaching certificate. However, they brought great energy
\'
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49
and idealism to the school. AlI were participating in a
people's dream: the creation of an Indian school for Indian
children. A non-native teacher recalled that she thought it
was:
••• just great what they're doing here. l think that they need aIl the help we can give~them. It's about time they took matters into their own hands (November
". ., 1978) • .
Native people who joined the schoo1 as vo1unteers exhibited
simi1ar idealism:
We're always talking about white-man this, white-man that and we know what we don't like and don't want and now we have a chance to do something on oûr own. We've got to do this, it's our own people. We have to make this school work, no one e1se will (October 1978).
In September 1978, there were over fort y native volunteers.
AIl perceived that their participation in the school's
establishment would help to assure the school's continuation.
Most of those who volunteerep were very anxious to "bring
the kids home" to the reserve from Bi1lings High School. An
Indian school on the reserve meant that chi1dren wou1d no
longer be bussed and the chi1dren wou1d be more accountable to
the community and to the parents. More importantly, it
expressed the parental hope that the reserve would remain a
culturally distinct cammunity, hence its designation as a
survival school. Many children, were unable to speak their
native tongue. Nor did many know traditional legends, songs
and dances or other historically important features of their
Indian culture. A native teacher observed in this regard that:
-
1 ( l '
In the white schools there's nothing about Indians. Now he could learn his own language. Even in schools where there is a big number of Indian children, they don't teach Indian language. l guess they don't think it's important. l figured that the school needed my help because if we don't help who will? (November 1978) • ..
Federal funding removed the on us of volunteer work. ,
50
A high attrition rate was evident among native volunteers as
20 of the original 34,left the school in November 1978. Many
native teachers held jobs elsewhere and worked at·the
Kahnawake Survival School as their other responsibi1ities
permitted. Those who previous1y had donated their services
no longer fe1t the obligation to do so unless they were
remunerated. Non-natrve teachers who had other,employment
withdrew their services as well when tpey realized that their ~
volunteer work was no longer needed. Of the original 17
non-native volunteers, 4 left in November 1978.
Teachers were now employed with the promise of a fixed
sâlary. In accordance with Mohawk tradition, a verbal
contract, not a written one was agreed upon. The school and
employee enteréd upon an agreement to which both would adhere
and be~~eld accountable. Teachers would be'pJid $290.00 per
week and teach the curriculum presented to them.
The Second Cohort: Qualified and Sa:l'aried
The second cohort of teachers was hired in mid-Oecember ~{ , , '
1978. This recruitment program brought in thirty-six new
teachers, 21 of wham'were non-native and 15 native. AlI of
the non~native teachers had comp1eted post-secondary education. <..
'1 ! l î
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None of the native teachers had done so. The native staff"
engaged were enrolled in a university program leading to a
teaching certificate. The new non-native and native teachers
expressed more conventional and less idealistic motivations
for seeking employment at th~ school. For one non-native o .. . '
teacher hired in December working at the school meant gaining
teaching experience and a salary. She noted:'
When I found out that the y were looking for teachers I couldn't believe it. l'd been looking for a job since l had graduated (in 1977) and l couldn't find anything. l'm so happy too because my husband just lost his job. We're certainly going to need thïs incorne now (Decernber 1978) .
Employrnent opportunities for teachers were in decline and f there were many unemployed teachers and recent graduates of
teacher'education programs seeking positions. For recent
graduates, obtaining recognition of their teaching experience
at Kahnawake Survival School was a central concerne ~xperience
and the license to teach gained by working at the school would
aid in obtaining future ernployrnent as they have become
prerequisites for employment in Montreal schools. Many
teachers recruited i~ Decernber 1978 indicated that unless ~ ,
their experience teaching at the Kahnawake Surv~val School
was recognized by the province as the School Committee had
pro~ised, ~hey wouid resign:
••• 1 don't think l'd stay. I m~an, it's crazy for me to work here if we don't qet it ~ecognized. If it doesn't qet recoqnized then l'd rather get unemployment which is just a few dollars less than ~hat we're makinq here with a lot less hasslés •••• l'd also look for' another job (November 1979). .
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The non-native teachers hired at this time had no previGus (-. 1
1
teaching experience. The major!ty ot 'them were under the age
of thirty, whereas most teachers in the "first cohort" had
been over the age, of thirty-five.
The school hired teachers with ~rovisional certificates
and the y , therefore, expected "professional" W'ork from them. , . Conversely, the teachers expected to be treated "professionally"
" by administration~ colleagues, students and the cammvnity. '\ ...
! '
The Kahnawaké Survival School did not base its sa1ary' scale
on education 'or teaching experience. AlI non-natives.
received the sarne weekly salary as did all of the native
teachers. In a school board native teachers wou1d be
classified at step 14/2 signifying fourteen years' scholarity
(the lowest.level) and two years' experience. The majority of
non-native teachers had seventeen years' scholarity with
either one or two years of teaching experience. They would
be designated as being either at step 17/1 or 17/2 in a school
board. For the 1979-80 school year, the native and non-native
teachers.at Kahn~wak~ Survival School earned $11,180 and
$13,643 respectLv~ly. The salary differentia1 between
nàtive and non-native teachers was due ta the adm~nistr~ion's
paymerit of a teacher's taxes. Since native people are not
subject to taxation, the administration did not have ,to
pay taxes for native teachers. Thus, aIl received the
same net sa1ary. Comparatively, sal~ries for teachers in .
Protestant schools in Ou~bec for 1979-80, established by the
Collective Teachers' Agreement in 1978, were higher.
Salaries for staff at steps 14/2, 17/1 and 17/2
- ... -- ....... .... . ..
f !
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were $13,183, $16,438 and $17,005.
1'-
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By June 1'·1979, a-t.otal of 34 teachers., (20 non-native and 14
native) from the first ànd second cohorts had left the school. " f
The reasons cited for the departure of these teachers
inc1uded low salaries and better employment o~portuniti~s
elsewhere, anti-white sentiments and disillusionment with the
development of the sch09l. Two non-native teachers in the
first cohor~ and two in the second left the school to take
pos;ts in loca,l school boards. ,One of these commented:
l'm really lucky ta be getting out of here. l have my son to take care of and l can' t afford te work here: Newat least l'll be pa id what l'm worth (January 1980).
. ... (, Four non-native teachers from the first cohort and f1ve fr?ID
1
the second cohort cited anti-white feelings as the reason for i
their departure. One'teacher mentioned the students' and L - .
cammuniby's hostility towards non-natives as a major factor
for his resignation: "1 don't lik~ aIl the racism that l
see qrowing.at the school. It makes me feel like a necessary
evil" (June 1979). Many non-native teachers resented the
constant reminder of their intruder status. They realized
that ~heir presence at the school was due to, the lack of o
qualified native personnel. They a1so realized tbat !
as soon' as qua1ified native people could take their place, 1
they would 10s,e their positions. The native. communi ty 's grudqing
acceptancè of non-native teachers oreinforced n\n-na~iV~ teachers', ,
feelings of being a "necessary evil~·. Other departing teachers ,'.
'. •
'c:s
l
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.../
were disillusioned with the developrnent of the school and
expressed growing cynicism. A non-dative teacher explained
why he resigned:
l am just starting to realize to what extent they (the community) are selfish. They would never do what we are doing. They would rather go on welfare. It's not worth the effort, to them ...... '.t'here are exceptions of course -- those on the School Committee and the native facilitators, but aside fram them, most of the others are selfish'l The pay's too ~ew, the conditions of work abysmal -- of course they wouldn't work here. l find it disgusting (Febrpary 198~).
• 1
54
Another non-native teacher who resi1ned at this time mentioned
student indiscipline and lack of support from the administration
as reasons for his disenchantment:
You know, when l used to go up to the administration to complain about 'a kid they'd put the blame on me and say that l am not good enough as a teacher. They'd give me the lecture instead of
,the student. Kids r'd sent up to the administration would soon come back with a note saying, 'They didn't say anything to me, just to come back to class and behave.' The students realized that they could get away with;~ything and they did (June 1979).
Sorne native teachers shared these feelings, one of them J
noting that insofar as the students were concerned:
All they want They éouldn' t They say, '·We close s down.' Indian (March
to do aIl ,day is get stoned. care less about the scheol. don't care if this place
l find' it depressing as an 1980) •
The indifference of the Indian students towards tbe schopl w/as
particularly distre~sing to him. !
sIx of the native staff fram the firet cohort were
c
55
released for "not being able ta understand or implement the
philosophy of the, school" (Letter of di~missal, May 1979).
Pive of the non-native staff fram the'first cohart were
released for the sarne reason. An individual's inability to
understand and implement the.philosophy of the ~chQol was used
as a catchali by the administration and referred variously to
for reasons a teacher's difficulty in using project education,
understanding the Mohawk culture and/or his inability to get
along with native students and school personnel.
The Third Cohort: "Bi-CUltural Education Specialists"
ù In August 1979 five native and eleven non-native teachers
were hired. During the course of the year, three additional
native staff were hired. Of the eleven non-native teachers" '. six were from the United states. All nad completed or were '-
currently enrolled in a cross-cultural ~ducation program which . \ ,
focused on native people. The head of ~he program at the
Arnerican university was aiso a consultant 'for the Kahnawake
Survival School an4,she had taught the six Am~rican teachers.
In mid-April 1979, she had sent out letters to her students
describing the school and stating. that it would be recruiting
teachers for the academic year 1979-80. In August,' the
School Cammittee visited the university to meet wLth prospective . candidates and choose the six teachers and. one library interna
, This group of teachers sought ta gain experien,ce in
'working with native people. A number had taught in the
'southwestern ·part of the U.~.-on a reservation prior to their , '
" . '.
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C'î
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56
employment at Kahnawake Survival School. They were described
-as-~"experts" in native edu,cation by the administr,ation which
hired them withou~ obta~ning the necessary work permits from
the Depar~ent of Manpower and Immigration. They had a .. . longstanding personal and professional cammitment to their
work with native people.
The American bi-cultural education teachers were anxious
to put'their specialized training into practice. They also
evinced a desire to be a part of an experiment for reasons of
self-gratification. One teacher cammented:
l'm really excited about this place. (A university professor) told us all about it. l've never worked with this nation before. l have aIl these ideas and l want to see how the kids will feel ab~ut them (August 1979).
The native education specialists had a romanticized view of
participating in the school. Most hoped they could live on
the reserve, learn Mohawk and become part of the cornrnunity.
The spirit of righting past wrongs was an important
motivating factor in the decision of these teachers to work
at the school. The American teachers wexe seen by natives and
Canadian non-natives as being a group separate from the other
non-native teachers. The American teachers interacted very
-~ittle with the other non-native teachers. Rather they
remained together as a group and'supported 'one another.
There were a number of factors defining their
distinctiveness as a group. The first was their arrival
"en bloc" in the third recruiting drive at the beqinning of
,.
, 1
c- •• -_.~-- -----g---.-. "'_'''~_4,_. '. "
(
, : 57
the school's second year. Their ambi~uous status in Canada
festered cohesiveness as did the res~tment other teachers
expressed towards them. The administration's touting of the
Americans as specialists in native education was galling to
many teachers both native and non-native. The more
experienced staff telt that the administration's implication ,
was that the bi-cultural education specialists would alleviate
manY,of the school's problems that teachers had not been able
te solve the previous year. \. Of the eleven non-native
teachers in this cohort, only four had left by June 1980
(including three of the American bi-cultural specialists) andl
none of the native teachers had left the school. This third
cohort was more stable than the two previous 'ones. The
groupls comparative stability reflects the increased stability
of the school at the time of their employment. Their teaching ~. -
responsibilities were more clearly defined as were the
expectations of the administration towards its teachers.
Teachers' motivations for working at the school varied
enormously. The first cohort was composed of volunteers who
wished to help in_the establishment of an Indian-controlled
school. The second group of teachers was- primarily "made up of
individuals motivated by professional and pecuniary factors.
The non-native teacher group in the third cohort was comprised
mostly of American bi-cultural education specialists who
were' moèivated by the des ire to p~t their university training 1
into practice.
, 1
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/ 1
Teacher Group Segmentation
58
Segmentation of the teacher grouping was mainly along
ethnic Iines and exacerbated by the tenuous and unconstructive
interaction between native facilitators and non-native subject
teachers or specialists. The professianal and social
insecurities,of native and non-native teachers respectively were
constantly reinforced. The administration foresaw this
situation and used the concept of team-teaching ta lessen
teachers' insecurities. However, the forced interaction of
native and non-native teachers in the team-teaching situation
served ta exacerbate native and non-native insecurities and
foster canflict between teachers. The isolation of the two
groups was due to perceived inadequacies vis-à-vis the other
group. These feelings of inadequacy were consciously reinforced
by the administration.
Non-native teachers were constantly reminded of their intruder
status as non-natives. Non-native teachers were instructed not
ta meddle in community affairs. The administration felt non--' -
natives could not discipline Indian children given their .,.
ignorance of native culture and values. They' would be
unawa.re, for instance', of the traditional division of the
sexes, the clan social structure or of task orientation of
native children ta class and homework. For these reasons,
"non-native teachers were required to take a Mohawk history
course and team teach with native people.
Natiye teachers, .on ~hè other hand, weFe reminded by the
school'adminis~ration that the y too were students and, thu~, ~re \
( 1
59
paired with a "qualified teacher". It was emphasized te
them that they were te observe and learn f~em the non-native
teachers in the classreom:
The reason we've get yeu in there is so thqt you can learn fram the regular teachers so that yeu can have your own class sorne day (November 19~).
lirl Because they lacked pest-secendary education, aIl native
téachers were enrol-led in a special teacher training program.
This emphasis on their lack of training reinforced their
insecuri ties:
We're not dummies. l don't have to sit in a classroom aIl day watching people teach. l had ten kids. l know hew to handle children, I know wha~ l want my kids to learn and l know l can teach that (November 1979).
Paradoxically, th\ "team teaching" situation strengthened
native insecurities and resentmen~ toward non-native teachers.
The native "facilitators" became clerks. AlI of the
important tasks in the classroom such as preparation of class
materials, development of evaluation instruments and final
assessments were the responsibilities of non-native teachers.
The less important cler~cal duties such as collecting homework,
attendance, collection of permission slips, etc. were assumed ~
~
by the facilitator. ,
There was little actual sharing of work.
member gave a lesso~, the ether left the room. ~
While one team •
Significantly,
no.facilitato~-specialist teams ever sat together at teachers'
meetings Gr met after school hours on a social basis. ~ The , ' ~
insecurities of each team member undermine~the team teaching
partnership. Non-native teachers' desires to control their
1
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61 .
Facilitators resented being watchdogs and clerks for the " .
non-native teachers. One facilitator refused a non-native
teacher's request for detention supervision:
She didn't ask me, she told me, "You can keep thèrn here for detention because I have two other classes". _I told her
,no, l'm not anybody's servant to be ordered around. If she can't control her classes so that she gives so many detentions is her fault, she's doing something ~ong. It's not ~y fault she can't control her classes. She's too domineering. It's a running battle between her and the kids in rny class.
!lShe can't go/around ordering us aIl around. We have feelings too (May 6, 1980).
To obtain greater influence in the classroorn facilitators
often spoke in Mohawk to students. Derogatory references to
non-native-,people wete made in front of non-native teachers.
One native teacher adrnonished his noisy class saying,
"You're acting 1ike a bune'Il of whites" (Decernber 1979).
Students felt that the presence of two adults in the clas~-
rooms signified that non-native teachers were unable to
handle the students alone. Students often rernarked to their
teachers that "you can't handle us alone". One non-native
teacher obsex:ved in this connection that "the whole concept
of facilitator seems to assume that there'll be problems
i~ the class between native kids and the white teacher which
the white teacher can't handle" (February 1980).
Non-native teachers were keenly aware that the facilitators
who attended their classes were also members of the community
they were serving. AlI that would be said and done by non-,
natives would be shared with the community. The sentiment of
1 -1
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62
"not knowing who to trust" was prevalent amongs-t non'-native ~
teachers and discussion of native facilitators was carried
out in hushed tones.
Facilitators' resentment of non-native teachers was
quickly transmitted to the community. Criticism of a native 'l
teacher by a non-native teacher implied criticism of the
c0mmunity. The opinions of native teachers carried more
weight, as they presumably had the support of the community.
This reinforced the non-native teachers' tenuous position
within the school. Non-native teachers had to gain the
acceptance and respect of the native teachers, and community
to successfully function in the school. Continued isolation
by the native teachers fostered non-native teacher alienation
and ineffectiveness, and contributed to the high turnover
among this group.
Sununary
This chapter described the teacher sub-culture at t!e
Kahnawake Survival School. The first section offered a
demographic profile of the teacher group at the school. The ..
non-native teachers were mainly young married women with post-
, secondary degrees who had little or no e~erience in teaching.
The majority of native teachers were older, married females
with no post-secondary education, who had no teaching experience7
and who, for the most part, had been homemakers before working
at the school.
- " The second section of the chap~er dèalt with recruitment
(
63
and motivations of teachers. There were three cohorts of
teachers. The first group, hired in September 1978, consisted
of volunteers, most of whom were over the age of 35.
working at the school expressed their idealism and concern
for the survival of the Mohawk culture. The second group,
recruited in December 1978, was attracted to the school for
professional and/or financial considerations. The non-native
teachers who joined at this time were qualified teachers.
Native teachers were enrolled in a special teacher education
program. The third group differed from the other two in
that the majority of non-natives were graduates of a
bi-cultural' education program and were "sI?ecialists ll in native
education. -
The final section of the chapter dealt with the
segmentation of the teacher group. Segmentation of the
teachers was primarily along ethnic lines. The community had
established an Indian school. The school required qualified
teachers. Since there wer~ no qualified native teachers,
the school had recourse to qualified non-natives. To assure
Indian involvement and cont!ol in the classroom, the scheel
inserted the native facilitator in a team-teaching situation
with npn-native teachers. The facilitators'role was
twofold: they were te be a link between native students and
nonrnative teachersi and, they were<to learn how to teach
by observing the qualified non-native teachers. This served
to s~ultaneously exacerbate non-native teachers' feelings
as "intruders" and native teachers fears of prefessional
insecurity. Th~se insecurities adversely affected the
, J
i l
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\ 1 , 1 1 1 ... ,
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f "
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œ
--- ( --
quality and frequency of native and non-native teachers'
interaction and were evident in the classroom. Students ....
64
perceived the friction whiçh existed between native and non-~
native teachers. The authority of the non-native teachers ~n
the classroom was uhdermined as was the eredibility of native
,teachers.
1
'f 0 o
o 0
~-----_ .... _..,~~'
,
' ......... JI lm , t 1
CHAPTER IV
• .J.. __
r THE ADMINISTRATION AND COMMUNITY
The Kahnawake Survival School was established as an Indian
school. Thus, the hiring of non-native teachers to work in
an Indian school was ,controversial. The location of the
school on the reserve and presence of native facilitators
made it subject to daily scrutiny and criticism fram the
community. To the community, non-native participation put
in question the integrity of the school's philosophy and
goal~. The administration's response to community complaints
was te decreas~ the visibility of non-native teachers. This
was achievéd in two ways: by circumscribing non-native .....;.
participation in the school and by emphasizing the tenuousness
of their employment.
Non-native Teachers' Participation
At the time of its es~ablishment the school recruit~d
creative, individualistic staff who co~ld function effectively ,
in conditions of ambiguity. Yet once the school acquiréd
a semblance of structure, teachers who were hired because of
65
\)
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,-
their independence were asked to relinquish it. This was
p'arti~ularly the case among many non-native teachers who had
first joined the school with the e~pectation of putting their
ideas into practice. Ma~y were bitter,'feit that they had
been used as stopgaps unti1 qualified native people cou1d - ,
take the~~ positions.
Tea~her's meetings were instituted by the administration
fram the onset. Wednesdays were shortened with classes endin~
at one o'clock, to permit teachers to attend (he meetings.
Attendance was mandatory. Topics of discussi:?:? in september/
and October 1979 included schoo1 po1icy on swearing, rock ~
throwing, attendance and what was perceived as a lack o~/
pride and interest in the school by studentS. Although these
topies were discussed at every meeting during the 1979-80
academic year,' the administration did not act on teachers'
requests. These requests inc1uded a school po1icy on
discipline; homework, curriculum, attendance and on drugs
and a1coho1 at the schoo1. Teachers a1so wanted a standardized
report card, a school ca1endar, a prepa+ation room and a
schoo1 psycholqgist or guidance counse110r. The administration
fe1t that non-native teachers, in particular, comp1ained tao '.
much. Native teachers let the non-native teachers take the
role of spokesmen for the teacher group. Many teachers,
both native and non-native, were hesitant to air their
qrievances, make suggestions or criticize the administrat-ion
during these meetings. Often, prior to the teachers'
meetings, non-natives would seek native approva1 for their
..
..
~ " ~ - ---- \ ------~ ,,{
(
, .
~ __ r loi __ • _~"" _ .... 3W __ '_~_ .
6i
position on a certain topic and urgé 'them to participate in
the meeting. Invariably, native teachers would remain . '
silent, ca~sing many non-nativè teachers to resent the native , ,
teache'rs. A non-native teacher remarked in this regard·that: , .' . "
l don't understand it. Outaide the meeting, they're the ones who camp1ain the most. But'once they're confronted with (the administration) they clam up. We (non-natives) look like the only complainers (December 5, 1979).
To Most native facilitators, their job at the schoo'l was
very important in terms of academic and pr9fessional advance
ment. They were anxious to maintain thei,r position at the 1 • '
school. Fea~ of administration ~eprisals in the form of
instant dismissa1 discouraged most faci1itat0rs fram voicing ; ... ",
their complaints. Native teachers could not ~e~ch e1sewnere.
Non-native teachers had other options and were 1ess affected
by possible sanctions of the a&d.nistration{";-They perceived
it as their professional responsibility to kdentify '"
problerns which hindered the efficient runni~~ of the school.
The administration seldom responded to their
complaints:
You can be sure that nothing we mention will ever be corrected. But, if an Indian ,complains about the sarne thing, weIl' then the administration will do sometfiing about it (Fe'l::lruary 1980).
The administration could not acquiesce to non-native demands
wlthout generatinq suspicion that the school had succumbed to, \
non-native control.
,
Most decisions in which the administration solicited the '.
adv~ce of the teaching staff,were inconsequential such as
.' ~ ' ..... , ,'" , -,- .. ~ ,.. ..... ~
\
"
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68
the purchase of supplies and equipment, settin~ up of cl~s
and dances, the invitation of guest speakers. "Tabaa"
subjects included staff vacations, teachers' salaries, teacher
probation, student drug use, the hiring of guidance counsellors
and teacher participation in School Committee meetings. The
administration's refusal to discuss these matters is linked to . the ~act, t~at these'were prirnari1y non-native concerns. The
administration was reticent to discuss salary and vacati9ns , /
----, because both were lower, in arnount and duration, than in '>
•
other white schools. To have made them comparable to white
schools would have important implications for the school's c
In?ian character. Higher salaries would entail reducing the
number of native facilitators. The School Committee felt,
that the ~each;ng staff was weIL paid. "If they don't like
the.salary, le~ t:hem quit" said one School Conunittee member,
"W'e .,work for free" (October 21, 1979). More vacations meant
les~ time devoted to the development of Indian-based'curriculum
quring the~rnonth of July. <,
Non-native teachers' requests for â schoo~ psychologist "
1
or guidance coun'sellor ~nd the introduction of a drug abuse , .
pro gram were twc highly sensitive issues. The administration
stressed to non-native teachers·tbat these matters were not
their concerne Non-native teachers wère engaged to deal with
the academic aspect of a student's education, not their social,
cultur.al or psychological deve19pmen~. Non-native complaints , :;,
about ~tudent drug use were interpreted as d~sparaging , ,
aaaeasments of Indian childien "OUr chi1dren don't need these
1
1 -~
" ' \ \," \ J
1 • ~ • l'li': ~- \ \ ~~ _ ,'r - ~ .. r.: .;.. .. \~_ ......... _-,. .. __ ~ .... ~ _____ ~~~~~p~-.. - .... ~ .... ~ ...... ~~~, .,"'~~ • .-..~-,.' ..... ~,..~ .. ~;~ .... ~_ ... ~~}\~&::~;.,.'/. .. f'Jf,~~~->J;t,"-I,. ~ ... c, ~ ~i'-~ .. ;l":"·~.11~' tt>. ~~1"'-~·~""r.~+~ .. :_ ...... \.";,-~)-.<,,,,,,~~·~-,,,,,,,'"t ... • ... ~.:::;::p;!Wf.' .f(~" Cl; , .B4
.:,. ...... '!.,\. -.... ~--;, .. "," .. ; • .;:0. .... ,'> .~ ~\ • ,.! . .:':·\.: .. :~t't t.r .. ,'1';! ........ ,; • ~ • ,\" "t ... ~'. "'~I ri ~. "".,"! .V.1(- '.f>t. ~.,f ..... .~_. l ',' ~
(
_ ~ _ • w_ ... _~~ .. ___ _....4.~;\-___ f'.::..
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._-- --....,...,.--- .. ----------~.~--~------ .. ---~ _ .'
69
things any more ••• they're among ~~eir Qwn. people now, " a
native remarked (September 21, 1980). More importantly, such ~, '
complaints were recognition that an Indian school did not "~
solve all the problems that natives.experience in white schools.
Non-native teachers' requests to attend School Committee
meetings were flatly rej~cted. Non-native teachers,argued
that their exper~ence and training' could be of ~:e to the'
School Commit tee in curriculum development and in the formulation
of school policies. Indian control of education. precHided . . . . PQn~ative invblvement at the School Committee level.
The administration sought to discredit non-native teachers'
complaint~ defining thern' in terms of non-native teachers' .
inability' to adjust to a cultura11y differènt milieu. Non-
native teachers were told "You can't understand what we ~
want because you're not I~dian" (September 27, 1979).
In short, ~~~ administration's r~spo~se to complaints from . -
non-native teachers was to remind them of ignorance of " .', ,.
native cultur~ ~nd their s~ordinate role in thg school.
'.' "'-. 11° OnEl.o~-.tne innovative .features of the 'school was the- ,
inclusion of native courses in its curricula. These were . ,
Mohawk language~ Mohawk history and Mohawk fine and'performing
arts. Tne first two courses were the most im~ortant and
were offered from grad~s seven through e1even. Mohawk
language classes were given five times per wee~ in periods .. Q
of 40 ~inutes, Mohawk history classes three periods per week,
-..-.,..----- .. .... ,,4 _ ki.\ ""'" \ ... ~,&""'-
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70
and Mohawk fine and performing arts classes one 40-min'ute
period per week. The successful completion of the language
and history courses was a requirement for graduation or
advancement into the next grade. The inclusion of these ~-
courses taught by native teachers and their prominence in the
àchool's curricula was pointed to by the scheol as evidenèe ,
of the school's Indian character.
The administration seught to "Indianize" the traditional
academic curricula whenever possible. Teachers were urged to
refer to native people and situations for Mohawk math (i.e.,
Kateri Two-Axe has twenty arrews and four friends. , .. , etc.) • .y \
In English, native authors were studied. In French, native
chi1dren were presented doing ~ndian activiti~s while, speaking
French. This incorporation of Indian places, activities and
people into the traditiona1 academic curricu1a was used as
evidence by,the administration of the schoo1's native
orientation despite the use of non-natives te teach these
subjects.
Non-native teachers faIt themselves to be the most
appropriate sources of curriculum deve1ppment/in llght of - 1
their training and exp~rience. Theirexc1usion by the ~
administration in this area was a major source of non-native "
discontent. The curricula was developed in isolation from
the teachers. A consultant hired by the school te assess the r
.chool's problems in 1980 urged increased invelvernent and
consultation o~ aIl teachers in cUrriculum qevelopment by l'
r •• ,
)
-A
il • -
the administration:
l urge that teachers and staff meet to continue a dialogue and the development of ••• Curriculum. (The adminlstration's) role in this,teacher development of curriculum is to be one of support, encouragement, and to provide materials and the refinement of a curriculum ••. l found a great deal of energy waiting to be tapped and individuals wiIIing to work and develop a curriculum for use in the school. AlI alonq the way, the staff should be supported by allowing them time for the development of the curriculum, having ~esources to develop the curriculum, and having the approval and support of the Curriculum Co-ordinator. Time and effort on the_part of the teachers' and staff is to be recognized and supportfod.... Teacher develo ed curriculum is the ke for teacher sta mora e an ~nvo vernent Eva Report, February 18-22, 1980).
71
The absence of non-native participation in curriculum
development wa~ attributable to the administration's ~fforts to circumscribe their invo,lvement in the school. ' The
administration could not and would not permit non-native
involvement in curriculum development given the school's ./
manciiate.
The admipistration/s effort to create an Indian school _, r
wa~ interpreted by many non-native teachers as a Iack of
professionalism. This was manifested in a lack of a written
contract, litt le or no consultation with teacher~ in regard
to class assignments, the absence of a work are~ to prepare o
classes, probation, and teacher evaluations and firinqs.
The administrat~on souqht non-native, saIari~d, "professionals". ,
Yet according to non-native teachers, it did not deal with
them as such. The school was an Indian school. Dealings
vith non-natives, they were told, would be conducted ()
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according to Indian law and custam. The absence of written -
confirmation of a teacher's employment at the Kahna~ake
Survival SChool was a ~~eat source of non-nativ~ frustration.
A native administrator clarified the Indian approach to
agreements:
Written contracts are whitè man's ways. We don't work 1ike that here. For us, the verbal contract is enough. That is the Indian way. We stand by our word (September 18, ~979).
The verbal contract was broken a number of times by the
administration, in the arèas of salary, transportation and
the teaching package. A non-native teacher noted' in this
connection that "If it were 1eft comp1ete1y up to the school
committee we'd probably hàve longer hours, no pedagogical
days, a lower salary, and an even shorter'vacation. They
figure that since they. do all of their work free, their
dedication to .helping us should be P?yment enough" (OCtober,22t.
1979) • Each time teachers'complained, 'it was pointed out
-\ ~that the School Cammittee worked long hours, had no salary, \ , ~o vacations, and no transportation allowanees either. In
\
8~ort, teachers were told that they were'hired by the School
C~mmittee for a specifie assignment under conditions previously
ag~eed to in the verbal contract. Teachers had not been
,hi~ed to teach what they wished. Campelling non-native \ l,
to deal with the administration according to Indian
eus am would demonstrate to the community, the sehool's Indian' a
acter and its control river non-Indian staff. use of the
"verbal contrac,t also removed ari~ possible instrument by
which non-native teachers could-obtain a measure of autonomi
" ----- ~- ... -- - - ..... -- ~ , i\1\--~~.---- -_____ ~ _____ '-----~ ____ k._.!.r..~ ___ ~
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73
and exercise influence in the school: Lack ot a written
document weakened their position vis-A-vis the administration.
The only recourse open to non-native teachers wno wished to ).
show their dissatisfaction was to resign.
Teaching assignments in most schools are generally for
an, entire year unless'spec~fica1ly stated at the outset of\a _____ - V'
teacher's contract. This was not the case at the Kahnawake
Survival School. The high turnover rate of tèaching personnel
fostered a stopqap approach to teaching assignments, and a
number of non-native teacpers found themse1ves transferred
fram one class to another. A non-native teacher complained: l
l was really upset when they t01d me that they'd moved me out of 'the seventh grade and into the eighth grade. l'd just developed a good feeJing with these kids when it had to end •. 1 l don't think it's fa~r, not to me or~to the kids {Janu~y 9, 1980).
AJJlocation of"the 'number of periods a teacher would teach was also
done without consultation of non-native teachers. The seemingly
arbit~ary assignment of non-native teach~rs to classes either
/agai~st their wishes or without their consultation emphasized
the"impermanence of their appointment.
creditipg their teaching experience at the school toward the
requirements' of certification was a primary concern to non-native
teachers. For'receqt ~tes of a teacher-training program, the . ,
issue of opnXatian was particularly sensitive. The 1979-80 academic'
year was the first or second.year of teaching for many non-
nativ~ stàff. However, the school's administration did not·
~nform Provincial auth ities of the teachers' probationary ...
status. It anticipated community criticism and feared that /
.. ,. .. '-'-:-~ , .. :'"; , '1< 1 -:~::~--. ~ ...
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74.
~ffor1;s to recognition of their teaching experience
would be ci ed as examples of non-native influence and future
permanence 'n the school. A norr-native adm,inistrator explained
the adminis~ration's perspective:
TJe school~ommittee couldn't give a damn out your probation. It has no meaning r them. This is a Mohawk school. ey don'tocare wha,t goes on in the
p ovince., So just look upon your time pent herè as experience (November 20, 979):
1
SiqnificantlY, the Kahnawake survival School made no
provisions for a teacher preparation or work room. Native
teachers w~nt 'home for lunch and prepared their wQrk the~eo The 1ack of. an adequate preparation roam and lùnchroom
heightene~/ non-native teachers' feelings of impermanence:
Where do they think l can prepare? l can't believe that they think l can adequately
_ repare my les~ons if l have nowhere to sit,
;
'work quietly, pang my hat or keep my thiftgs. It's getting' 80 l'Il have to use my car as an office (December 1979).
, Despite tte administration's requirement that teachers remain
at school until four o'~lock, Most native teachers went home'
at 2:30 + they had easy access to the school and could - _
return At, a moment's notice. Non-native teachers could not
do thiSoJ Non-native teachers started,leaving earlier than ,
four o'e ock. To assure teachers ' presence at the sehool
until
as a
used it
D , building was found on the reserve to serve
lounge as of January 1980. Non-native teachers / refuge:
(Our- lounge) i5 a place where we :.(non-natives) can commiseratfo You feel so isolated in this sea of· na ive people. Here, we're
. '" '.
9
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,~ .- n- .-______ .... J1:,
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not put down by the kids or administration becàuse we're not native (January 24, 1980).
The admin~stration's approach to teacher evaluations
and dismissals was also indicative of its preoccupation with
exercising control over non-native staff. Teachers'
75
anxieties with respect to jop insecurity were fostered by the
administration:
••• this is just a temporary job for many of you and that you'll be moving on, to somethinq different (November 20, 1979).
, ,~
The administration was anxious to communicate to non-native
teachers that an Indian school needed their services until a
native person who was.qualified could assume their teaching
responsibilities.
Durinq the school's second year, the administration
conducted teacher .-evaluations. The evaluations were done by
a non-nàtive administrator who had neither educatio~al
training nor teaching experience. He had never assiste~ any , '
of the classes qiven by the non-native teachers evaluated.
No interviews~were conducted, no evaluation, of lessons was ~
carried out and no request to review plan books, work plans,
. '" or -teachinq . mater;Lal was made. The administrator assessed ~, ' .
the non-native-teachers on the basis of interviews with the it
-native facilitators. It was on the basis of these interviews
that non-native teachers were re-hired or let go. The r '
administration 1 s justification. for such an appr'oach to teach~r
evaluations ~as based on the faœt that faciiitators were in
the clas8roam al1 day. They were in the best position to
f !.... .. ~
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76
assess performance of teachers in terms of les son preparation
and presentation, classroam management and general rapport '\
with students. Native t~achers were being trained by non
natives whom they evaluated. This approach to ~on-native
teachers' evaluations was in keeping with the school's objective
of Indian c.ontro'l.
Community Cont~ol
The Kabnawake Survival School was the realization of
community desires to establish an institution which parents
felt would foster their children's Indian culture and
heritage and provide a sound acadernic training. paren~ ~ (,
expected the school to elirninate many of the difficult!es that
their children experienced in white schools. A successful
community-controlled school would serve as a showcase, and
establish the capacity to obtain control of the threë
elernentary 8chools on the reserve then under the administration
of the Department of Indian and Northern Development. The
.school's administration was very sensitivè to the Band Couné'i1's
concerns:
The Band Council is very concerned with the , success of the school as one day it hopes
to take over the other schools on the reserve. They are afraid that if Kahnawake Survival School fails, the Department of Indian Affairs will say, "WeIl, you had your chance with Kahnawake Survival School to take control of your own education and you failed. You're not ready yet to take control of the Federal schools on the reserve. " This is why they are so concerned':r.' (January 9, 1980). .~
comourilty concorn dirocted the aè~iniatration'9 formulation
and tmplementation ~f school policies. D
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Formar and InformaI Control
Community control of the school was effected through the
Combined School Committee. It established the school's
philosophy and goals, hire~ personnel, located classrooms
on the r~serve, solicited funds and teaching rnaterials and
developed its curriculum. The Committee was required to
report to the Band Council on the school's activities to
,obtain Band Couneil support through Band Couneil resol~tions
for pOlicies affecting the operation of the school. The'
Committee acted as a link between the commupity, the Band
Council and the Kahnawake Survival School. The community and , .
Band Council expressed their desires and complaints, and the
Combined School Committee transmitted them to the school.
In turn, the Combined School Committee would explain the
K~awake Survival School's positions, innovations and
problems to the Band Council and community •. This was done
through monthly meetings with the community and weekly rnè'etings
with the Band Council. The school's General Coordinator ,
,was th, link betw,en the'School Committee and the ,school •.
He collected monthly reports from the six other coordinators
and met wi th the combined School Commi ttee weekly'. ,School
Committee"rnembers attended the weekly coordinators' meetings ,
when they wished. Cambined Sc~ool Committee approval of all , <
curricular and pOlicy innovations or modifications in the
scnool was required. AIl personnel appointm~nts were reviewed
by the Combined School Committee.
The school's location in the centre of the reserve and
........... ' -_ .. _.-. --:-- --- -- . ~ .-
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parental participation as fac!iitators made it highly
susceptible to cornmunityoscrutiny. Ther~ was no .demarcation
of where the school began a~d where the community ended.
Classes were scattered throughout the reserve. The school
was in the community and the community i~Othé school. The \
78
scnool's openness made its .problems highly visible and subject r
to community criticism. The administration feared cammunity
censure wÀich would man~est itself in decreasing enrollment.
Sourc.s of Community Dissatisfaction 11
When the childr~n had been ·att~nding white schools off
the reserve, parents were not aware of thel~ high absenteeism.
Parents would send their children to school, not see tq~tall v
day i!Ilnd assume that they were in cla:ss. Wi th the Kahnawake"
Survival School's location on the reserve, the presence of
students on the s~reets dtiring school hours, made truancy
very evident. Parents could not ignore the attendance problem.
Many parents placed blame on the school and communic~ted
their discontent to the Band Council. A native administrator
met with the Council and élabor~ted on-parental.concerns
and the school's response:
(l
They're (the Band Council) very concerned with the school. They feel that we're failing, that we're not doing a very good job. They say that they're receiving about a half dozen calls a day complaining about the students roaming around town. What the parents and adults of this' oommunity don't ~ealize is that their children cut classes as much and- even more at the white school. The major difference is at the white school, the students stayed away from town and went lnto shopping malIs. Parents didn't see their children in the streets of the reserve and so figured the y were in"
~'''J'' __ ----~---- -·' .. ~·----lIIIId"'44_", __ ·. ::.. ----- ---------
(
c
school while really they were hanging around shopping malIs. Someti~es when they were kicked out of class, they just hung around the halls. Again, parents couldn~t see that they were out of class ••• (JanuarY 9, 1980). "
More ove r, parents·cou1d not differentiate between students
, 1
79
'r skipping classes or working on a school project. The concept
of "project education" which sought to use the reservation as
a resource exacerbated parental concerne Often students
were allowed to go out on their own to do field research.
Parents interpreted this as '''cutting classes" and did not
consider such "activities educational. The lack of sPFlce for
physical education classes fQrced teachers to use the fields
adjacent, to the,school buildings. This too was misunderstood:
./
We provide kids with activities by taking kids skating, play baseball, but the eommunity sees the kids playing outside and thinks they are not worki~g. This seriously affects the school, how the
1 "
cammunity sees the scheol (January 22, 1980) •
,Many pe~ple in the community ca1led the Band Couneil and
-'! school to complain about students trespassing on their property. , 1.'
Responding ta rumors thatc the ~'tudénts were skl.ppinq
class~ the administration explained project education and the .
presence ef students on the streets in the schoo1's monthly
newsletter:
Al.l of our classes are involved in projects te sorne degree: grades 7, 8, 9 qp}projects 10% to 30% of their tirne" while g~~des 10 and Il are involved 50% in projects. Projects are no less "l-earning time" than ~he math and language arts classes. In fact, projects allow our students te learn by doing, a method which guarantees that students wilr remernber what they havé learned longer than if they had learned in a conventional ~ay (Newsletter, November 1979)." '
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Increasinq complain~s forced the administration to de-emphasize
project education by allotting fewer periods to project time.
The need for "certified" teachers compelled the school
to h!i.ré non-native individuals. The community while resenting ,
non-native presence in the school, reoognized the need for ,
certified teachers. To attract non-native staff tO a school
which offer~d te~chers below average remuneration and poor
working cond~tions, the schoo1 had to offer a unique experience
ta non-natives: that of participating in the creation and
development of a school. Hpwever, the cammunity did not wish
non-natives to participate in its affâirs. This aoncern was
emphasized to the school administration by the Band Counail 1
.' and shared with non-native teachers:
You know, we (the administration) were raked over the coals. We had to justify every teacher's presence. You know, they wondered why'even you (non-natives) were ... hère'. They wondered why we hadn 't replaced all of the non-native staff with native staff yet. We had to explain why, that our native staff is not ready to take over yet ••• (January 17, 1980).
Fearful of misunderstandings, the administration circumscribed
"non-nat!ve teachers' visibility by isolating them from the
community. An extreme example was the exclusion of non-,
native teachers from most of 'the monthly Parent-Teacher
Association meetings held by'the Combined School Committee ç ,
following an' incïdent including a non-native teacher. A '", ~
remark mâde by the teacher to an Indian parent caused great ,
difficulty. "The remark," the administration noted in a
memorandum' to the Band Council:
, '1' 1
'1· ... 1 •
, v
o
() ",.
.... was made in good spirit to an Indian woman at a public?meeting discussing a Survival School matter. It wa~ not made, as interpreted by MrS. N., as a statement from a teacher to a political'personage in (our community). Thè remark was \ interpreted in the worst possiblé way, assUming maximum malice on the part of the teacher. When these at~itudes are prevalent, and èommunl~ation is continu-
'ously'misinterpreted in this way, further communication becomes increasinqly difficult. The teachers have already coromented upon how incidents like this seriously damage the morale of the staff. , ,
We are working ~nder severe conditions, please give US the benefit of the doubt. We are doingjour very. best (Meme of February 4, ~980). '
The incident confirm~d ~o the school's administrati~n,t~~t its. anxieties concerning the visibility of its non-native
,\ 1
staff were well founde~. 1
81
Rumors about the JahnaWake Survival sch~ol were rampant. J
The administrat~on devfted much energy to defending its
philosophy, curriculumt the academ~c and disciplinary
pelicies as well as its non-native personnel. Parental 1
dissa~isfaction with t~e quality of t?e school's program was ' ~\ . dm' i . t of great cJ~cern to t~ admini~tratio~. A nat1ve ~ 1n stra or
reported that: ,~
\ \ '
Some parents have called and said that their child told them that students can do whatever they want, that they can be rude to the teachers and that no one ever does anything about i~. They said that the child reports that students fool around all day in class and that no one does any work and that no one gives any homework, that Survival School is just a place to fool around in (January 9, 1980).
i>. ' ,
)
~ \ The instruments used by the 'school to defend itself against
~~-_.~
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. .. " these rumors were 1ts.newsletter, the Combined School
Committee's Newsletter, open houses ~nd circulars to parents.
In an attempt to dispell rumors d~aling with the school's
alleg~~ly low standards, the Curriculum Development
Coordinator sent a circular to parents prior to report card
day which reads i~ part:
The Kahnawake Survival School is almost two years oid. To many people, a new school rnay be difficult to get used "to because of a reliance on' other established educational systems. .
- - "\. Ouring 1978, rnost of the people àssociated with the school, were forced to deal with daily problems that seemed to jeopardize the actual survival of the school. (You may recall that the Survival ~chool started off with NOTHING). These daily\ problems left litt le time for developin~ a cwrriculum. The term "curricu,lum" refers to a course of study determined by the school .•.• To develop a unique and completely innovative curriculum in any school, usually takes between five and eight years.
l would like to inform you that the Kahnawake Survival School does have an outline of study with specifie requirernents fot"' a student to complete before passing a grade or- receiving a graduation diplorna. v
. Because STUDENTS ATTEND SURVIVAL SCHOOOl, THIS OOES NOT êONSTaTUTE AN AUTOMATIC PASS 6R GRADUATION. stu ents must meet the academ1c requirements of the school. Our next report day will be on February 25, 1980. l strongly urge you to see your son or daughter's facilitators to disc~ss the mid-term report (Memo, February 14, 1980).
This memo did have sorne effect a~ most facilitators and
specialists reported having a higher,turnout of parents on
report card day. Yet, friction between the Band Council and
'commqnity on'one hand and the school, on' the other, continued.
1
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In-May 1980 the sch~ol~adeocopies of the stuaent . discipline,code, punishments and contract available to the' parents
.;
in an effort to demonstrate the school's concern ~nd policy , ,
in this domain. ~e school also ho~ed to quash rurnors which
dealt witn the lack of discipline at the scnool: 1
\/ , Discipline ~s handled first in the classroom and as a last resor~, at the administration by,the Pedagogical Coordinator. In aIl cases, students are treated as individuals and an attempt is made to understand the prob1ems of each student. The code itse~f was drawn up 'with input from the students" facilitators and administration and since it has been put in place, there has been- a
• marked improvement in behavior, e.g., only 5 or 6 students a week are coming into the office for disciplinary rea~ons (May 22, 1980).
.~
Despite this 1etter, many parents interpreted the facilitator's
presenee in the ·c1assroom as a proof of ser~ous discipline
problems at the school.,
The lack of a formaI report card was another souree,of
parental dissatisfacti~n. Its absence was interpreted as
indicating the schoo1's, 1ack of standards. Many native
facilitators. complained that parents weren't taking the •
school serious1~ because of this:
Parents want a report cardo They want ta see how their kids are doing. They think we ha)é no report card because we do no .wérk (September 21, 1978)-.
In Nqvember 1979, a standardized report card was issued. A
standard marking system was aiso instituted estab1ishing 6a%
or less as a fai1ur;!Ç The introduction of a ~eport card' a~d failure mark forëed t~e school to abandon its objective of
"no faïl" education, thereby making it sim!lar to white
schoo1s.
" -- - _ ..... ""' ..... .,.<;!<,..~" •
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,.From the firsOt d~ys of its establ'ishment in 1978, the • ~ c" ,
,·school P!in~ed a newsietter.which'gave an ongoing account to ,
parents and tfle c:ommunity o'f the school' s/~progress~ The
schàol ne~lette~ sought to e.t~bl>'sh a 'line of i~ation between the community and school to assure the~co~unity's
involvement in the' school. The'concerns voiced by parents .
were discussed. The news1etter appeared once a month in thé
first year of the scOO01' s existe.nce •. The second year saw·a .
84
•
marked drop in its printing 'and in the latter half o~ the 1979-80
scho~1 year, only one newsletter was put out beéause of lack of
time. Early newsletters gave students' view$ on their new school~
explanations of the terms facilitator, subject teacher, • .. ~ t
specialist; details on the structure of the school, an
explanation of "project education",' the philosophy- of the
school,and an account ai proceedings between the School ,
. Cammittee and the Federal government r~ating, to the schoo1's
" f~ding. The news1etter wfs used as a forum to defend certain
innovations in the school to the conununi ty such as "short! days"
on Wedne~days. This received the critical attention of rnany
parents who were puz~~ed when their children arrived home
earlier than expected:
A note on Wednesday afternoons. Wednesday' afternoons, beginning at 2:30 p.rn. are set aside for meetings of the teachers. • Usually these meetings are over by 4:00 p.rn. but often they will go on unti1 4:30 p.m. or 5:00 p.rn. Because our school is new and we are using alternative teaching methods, we feel that we must set aside time for discussions among teachers. Therefor:e. on Wednesdays school is over for the.students at 2:30 p.rn. However, this is made up on the other rlays when school is in session for ~onger hours, _ _ 0
8: 50 a'.-m. to 3: 30 p.rn. (Newsletter, Noyeml?er 1979),
...
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Other ~ewsletters assured the parent& that their ~hildren were
~ot receiving an educa~on inferior to more convention~l '-~-- .
scheols. Anxious to'demonstrate that the teachers took their
,responsibilities seriously, a Fèbruary 1980 newstetter
emphasized:
Because of favourable weather, the school has not had to use any,SNO~DAYS (when school is cancelled "because of winter storms). As a result, we are surpassing our required number of school days! How's that for dedication???!!! (February 1980 Newsletter).,' . .
The Newsletter also attempted to clear up misunderstandings about -
~ the availability of French instruction in the school, the
role of traditionalists in the operation 'of the school and
the school's accreditation. The Newsletter an~icipated
parental concerns about these matters:
Q. IS it true that French will not be 1 taught at Kahnawake Survival School?
A. French is' being taught in the school in all grad~ levels. Plans are now being made to have an elective ~ench course for those students who wish for more. This course will be started in November.
~
Q. All children attending the Kahnawake Survival School will become traditional?
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A. Part of the philosophy o~ the Kahnawake Survival School is to make the students aware of their bistory, culture, and language •. It is important that a person have a strong foundation in their own heritage beJore going on to the study of other~. The school is not advoc~inq that the students become traditional or reject their religion, but rather that they will learn what it is to be (of this nation).
Q. The traditionalists are controlling the School Committee?
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Tbe Sqho01 committee qonsists of four . Catho1io representati~s, four ~rotestant representatlves, and t~o \raditiona1 repr~sentatives •• ~.
'A '\ If Kahnawake Survival School is so good, why are there School Comrn~ttee members l children in other schools?
.'
A. It is the Éight of the pa~ents and , ehild to decide what school ~o attend ••••
1
lO. No graduates of the Kahnawake' Survival Schooi were accepted into college •
. A. Thirteen graduates were apcepted by
various colleges (September 1979 News1et'ter) •
86
"
In a~,effort~o foster greater understanding between the
community and the schoo.l, the administration sent a letter ta
the members of the Band Council in January 1980 inviting tHem
to visit t~e sçhool whenever they so desired:
At our meeting of Monday, January 7, .1980, l had extended an invit~tion to the (Band) Council to visit Survival School in order , to beeome acquainted" wi th our methods, programs and problems • ••. If there are specifie classes or teaehers you wish to observe, please come in and talk with me and l will direct you to the right build~ng, otherwise, please fee1
{ free to'drop in at your convenience. 1
'\ Unfortunately, many peop,le choose to
l, believe gos~ip or rumor rather than check
out the truth for tnemselves. l'm sure none of us needs to be reminded of ~he dangers of believing in second or third hand information. We would, theréfore, appreeiate it if you could direct inquiries or O9mRlaints to the Administration so we may attempt to dea1 ,i with them prompt1y (letter dated January 21', 1980 to the Band Couneil from the adminis-' tration) •
. Not ,one Band Counei1 member accepted th~ invitation.
A native ~dministrator b~tterly eomplained a~out the Band \
couneills negatiye attitude: \
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( l have invited t~em a number of times ta came in and visit the scneol but no one
• fram the Band Council 'has come in this -year. --I-t makes me sa mad--±hat they'1:e willing to believe rumors yet they don't want to come and see for themselves the falsity of them (fMay 1980) ;
1 • ,
De'spi te invitations to the Band Council and parents, the l
" ·87
Newsletter, Parent-Teacher da-ys and "Open H~ses", relations
between the cammunity and the school remained uneasy.
Parental concern was clearly evident in the students'
opinions of the schbol. Students in an eighth grade cl~ss
went to the fourth, fifth ana sixth grade classes in'anather
reserve scheol and interviewed eight students fram each grade
ab9ut whether they w::ruld attend the Survival School and if their
parents approved of the school. The results of this study
a~e i~luminating. Of the total number of students
interviewed (24), 50% stated that they weuld not attend the
Survival Scheol. When why tbey wauld nct attend the
the schoel, 63% stated thàt their pa~~nts dld net approve
of the schedl. Among students planning ta enter the Survival
School, sorne thought that they èauld do anyt~ing they' want~d , ~
, to at Survival School and that students did net have ta
work there. A fifth (ZO%) of the students interviewed had
~ heard that "the school is no good." The survey suggested' .
that community enthusiasm for the school was waning. Parental . ~ . concern was eV1denced by the very low number of s1x~h grade
studen~s who pre-registered in April ~980. Of ~he ~ students
graduating from sixth grade, -only !"ad pre-regis-t;:ered at
the Survival School.~ 1
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Addi~nal evidence of cammunity disintérest was provided
by the lack of parental interest in their children's classwork. .' . An eight~ grade class' decided to have their own parent day.
Thèy prepared projects, wrote up special reports, and brought in .. , cakes and coffee. Only two parents came (of twelve). Of 'the . ..
f(
two, one "Iwas a facilitator',from another 91ass. ' Many students did
not wish their parents to(come into the school -~ either because
~hey were ernbarrassed ~~the school or because they fear.ed
ieceiving a negative r~~ort from their teachers. On one l '\. . •
occasion, a grade 9 te~cher'~sked her students to invite their
parents to attend French class. They refused. They didn't~ r , "
want their parents to see their classroom out of embarrassment. l "
The/teàching staff/often had to calI parents of the students
in' their class to notify them of a pending parent-teacher report
day, as student$ were reluctant to do this.
The schoo'l realized that a major source of its problems ~ ,
,~
was its vis~bility in the community. To solve this problem,
the school ~oved fram the eentre of the reserve to the
outskirts on a 200 acre tract of land allocat~d to the school
by the Band Council in June 1979. The removai of the school
from the community would help delineate its boundaries and
assuré tighter control of its development. ff- ,
, Summary
, ' 0
This chapter discussed the links, formaI and informaI,
/ which e~isted between the community and the Kahnawake Survival
School. The scheol had been started by the community to
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provide Indian ed~cation, by Indian people fOF ,Indian children • ..... .. The commuhity was ânxious that th_ school be à success as it
hoped to use the Kahnawake Survival School as a justification
for future control of other schools on the teserve. FormaI . , '
control of the school was exercised .through the Combined
School Committee. Prior to the establishment of,the "ê
Kahnawake Survival School in 1978, the combined S~oOl
Committee monitored the activities of the three Federally
contrqlled elementary scnools on the reserve. With the
establishment of the K~hnawake Survival Schoel, the Cembined
~School Committee took full responsibility for it'
development. This included hiring of personnel, finding
clas~ooms on the reserve, and the deve~opment of curriculum
and school policies. The Combined School C9mmittee reported
to the Band Council on the progress of the school. t
The school's problems were cbnstantly under community
scrutiny and the subject of many rumors regarding,its
standards and discipline. It' is through. these rumors that
informaI control of the ~chool was exercised by the community.
Important sources of commun~ty dissatisfaction included the
pre~ence of students on the streets during class hours, and
the reliance 'on non-natiye teachers. The school defended staff,
curricula and a?tivities in letters to parents, open houses,
the newsletter and the monthly Parent-Teacher' Association
meetings. Despite these attempts to end hostile rumors, 'many
parents were dissatisfied with the evolution of-the school.
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CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
• . The present study has examined non-native participation
t in an Indian-controlled school. The study discussed the
'influence of the school's philosophy and objectives on the
interaction of non-native teachers with col1eagues, the
administration and-the cammunity. ~
The analysis of non-native ..
participation was do ne in terms of the community's perception
of the role of these teachers and the admin~stration's
subsequent actions.
. Indian-cQlltrolled schools are the most recent stag.e in
the d.evelopment of Ind'ian education and stem fram a' history of . fr~trate~ reforme. The emerqence of Indian-controlled schools
was due to the dissatisfaction of native parents with the \
education offered their children in white schools. In 1972 the
National Indian Brotherhood issued a policy statement which
advocated Indian control of education and established the
raison d'être for community schools . •
cammunity control of education includes the determination
.. of a school's philosophy, curricula and personnel by parents.
90
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91
The goal of community-controlled education is to pr~vide
schooling which will reflect the needs of the community.
Indian-controlled schools share common characteristics. Most
have a small scale of operation. Almost all have an academic
~j ànd a cultural curriculum taught by non-native and native \
teachers" respectively. TwO types of Indian-controlled schO\:)ls , ~\
have emerged: the aluernative and the survival schools. The
difference stems from a school's emphasis on the academic or
cultural aspects of school~ng. Alternative schools stress
instruction in academic subjects and reintegration of students!
into white schoolS,and survival schools give importanc~ to th~ (
student' s Indian heri.tage J and preparation for life on the
reserve.
The Kahnawake Survival School sought to foster the .
students' heritage through the offerinq of native language,
history and culture course~i a native learning environment:
1
/
native teachers and native pedagogy. The school had been
established beèause of p~re~tal disappointment with the education
their children were receiving in local white schools. The,
community set great store in the success of the Kahnawake
Survival School which was to be a showcase for cammunity
control. Community control was facilitated through the school's
location on the reserve and' the administration of the school
by the Combinea School Committee.
Many of the school's difficulties were due to it
accessibility and visibility to the community. Memb rs of the
~ommunity brought their concerns tG the attention of the
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Band Council. Complaints included the presence of non-native
teachers, the school's emphasis on Mohawk culture, its academic .'
standards and disciplinary and attendance pOlicies. The
administration realized that ta be coris idered more favorably,
the school had ta modify i,ts philasophy, goals and the means
of achieving th~se goals. It had to become more like other
(i.e., white) schools. This prompted the school's relocation
from the centr€ af the reserve ta a tract of land on its
outskirts which enabled it ta be apart from the community,
maRing it less vulnerable ta community scrutiny and criticism.
The presence of students on the streets during school hours,
the vandalism, rumors of student disobedience and lack of
classwork and homework stimulated parental complaints about
the poer discipline at the school. To demonstrate the school's
concern ta maintain st~ict discipline, 'a code of student
discipline and contract wére drawn up. The code enumerated
offences and resulting sanctions to be exercised by.the
adminis~ation. The absence of a formaI report card was
, another source of parent discontent. Responding to these ..
complaints the school issued report cards in its second year
of operation. And it abandoned the practice of not failing
students. It was hoped that this too would prov~de evidence
of the school's high acadernic expectations for its students.
In order to satisfy community concerns for quality
education, the Combined School Committee hired qualified
non-native teachers. Yet their participation in the develop-
ment of the Kahnawake Survival School was of great concerne
To assuage community anxieties, the administration sought ta
?
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highlight the school's Indian chàracter despite non-native
part~cipation. The administration drew attention to the _ 1
inclusion of Mohawk language, culture and history as required
courses for successful completion of secondary studies and
to the presence of native facilitators in the classreom. To
reduce non-native visibility in the school, the administration
, pircumscribed the participation of non-native teachers 'in the ,
schoel. The administration stressed to~the non-native teachers
that their employment at the school was o~ a temporary nature.
Unlike most schools, the teacher group at the Kahnawake
Survival Schoel was,highly factionalized and uncohesive.
Segmentation of the teacher group occurred primarily along
ethnic lines and was reinforced by the administration's
introduction of facilitators. Conceived as a link between the -
non-native teacher and native student, the native facilitator
was also a teacher-in-training. The introduction of the
facilitator had been viewed as a positive and constructive
solution to the problems of cultural unfamiliarity and lack
of professional training. The result was contrary: it
heightened native and non-native insecur,ities and undermined
their effectiveness in the classroom.
Non-native teachers resented their role as teacher models
for native people who would be taking their jobs once they
were qualified. Native teachers resented their student status
in the classroom. Through the teacher group, the administration
reinforced the non-native feelings of cultural and job insecurity.
The facilitato~'s presence emphasized te non-native teâchers
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the administratioh's view and treatment of non-natives as .. intruders. Native facilitators interpreted their pa±ring with
a qualified non-native teacher a~ reflecting adversely on,
their capacity to teach effectively. A team-teaching situation . ,
reinforced the facilitators! insecprities in terms of their
limited education and teaching experience vis-a-vis their 5J '
qualified non-native teaéhers. Perhaps for this reason,
native facilitators sought to emphasize the non-native teachers,' o
intruàer status. In turti, the non-native te~che~ emphasized ~/ 0:. • •
their central role as educator in the classroom and left menial
t~sks for thé facilitator. This conflict between the native ....
and non-native teachers was communicated to ~he students and ,
led to an unproductive learning environment for both students
and teachers alike. The commtinity, made aware of thi~
situation via the facilitators, became increasingly discontented
with the school •
The establishment of native-controlle~ schools was seen 1
h { 'f ' '1 as t e answer to educat~on or Ind~an ch~ dren. ". It was assumed
that such schools wou Id eliminate the problems that Indian
children demonstrate in white schools. The philosophy of
community control implies.the establishment of a school which
will reflect éommunity desires and provide an educational \ \ .
experience reflecting the children's culture. The visibility
of the Kahnawake Survival School was a major source of its c tI
.problems. Parents had demanded control over the education of
their children but were not pleased by what they. s~w. Parental \
demands for high academic standards force Indian-cont~olled ~ \
schools to employ non-native teachers tecause of the lack
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of qUalifi~d n~tive people. Yet non-native participation in
such a~h~ols ia interp~eted by many parents JS compram;sing \ ..
95
nativê'" control. The di~ficulties which plagued the Kahnawake
Survivaf School this study suggests, are attributable to the 1
contradictions inherent in reliance on non-natives ta achieve
community control and more broadly tQ the problems associated
wïth foste~ing cultural maintenance in the context of an
accommodation with the dominan~ society.
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Books _ ....
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. Wax, Murray L. & Buchanan, Robert W. Solving "The Indian
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9'8
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101
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Platero, Dillon. Let's Do It Ourse1ves! Schoo1 Review, Vol • . #1, November 1970, pp. 57-B .
. \ " . • Mult~-Cultural Teacher Educat~on at Rough ----~R~o-c-k-.---I-n~I~The Schoolin~ of Native America. Thomas
Thompson, ed. washington, D.C.: American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, 1978, pp. 45-62. --~
-~-
Pyke, Beve:~~, Whi.e,eBeatrice H. & Heerman, Charles E. Akwes~e: R2R, ABE, GED'and College Extension. Journal of American Ind'ian Education, Vol. 14', #3, May 1975, pp. ~1-4.
Raines, Ho Il. American Indians: Struggling for Power and Iden ~ty. New York Times Magazine. February, Il, 1979, p. 214.
Ravitch, Diane. cornrnunlty Control Revisited. Cornrnentar~, Vol. 53, #2, February 1972, pp. 69-70, 72, 74.
Roessell, Robert S. Jr. A Light in the Nig~t. Journal of American Indian Education, Vol. Il, #3, May 1972, pp. 26-9.
Scalplock, Alec. Native programs Need Support. Letter in Native people, Vol. 13, #2" January li, 19BO, p. 2. ,
Which Way at ~ough Rock? School Revièw, Vol. 79, il, November 1970, pp. 59-61.
Scott, Sarah. Native and Non-Native Consultants have Opposing Views on Education.> News of the North, Yellowknife,' North West Territories, February 5, 1979, p. 1.
/
Sharpes, Donald K.- Federal Education for the American Indian. Joutpal of American Indian Education, Vol. 19, #1, October 19'19, pp. 19-22.'
Stahl, Wayne K. A Survey o'f Federal -Legislation. Journal of Ameri,can Indian Education, Vol. 18, May 1979, pp. 28-32.
Thompson, Martin. Committees. 1979, p. 7.
Indian Affairs Under Fire from Indian School Native People, Vol. 12, #43, Qctober 26,
TUnley, ~Roul. Srnooth Path at Rough Rock. Amerièan Education,' Vol. 7, #3, March 197~, pp. 15-20.
/
1 !
i { ! ~,
1
l
l 1 ;
102 ,
urion, Carl. Whatever Happened to' Local Control? Indian-Ed., J Vol. 3, #J, Fall 1975, pp. 1-2.
wa~e, Arnold & Anderson, John. A New Start in Inqian , Education. Journal of American Indian Education. Vol. 18,
#1, October 1978, pp. 1-5. ~
Wax, MUrray L. Gophers or Gadflies: Indian School Boards. School Review, Vol. 79, #1, November 1970, pp. 62-71.
Whyte, William. Anthropological Methods of Studying Education.
o
In Educational Patterns and Cultural Configuration, Joan I. Robérts and sherr~e K. Akinsanya, eds. New York: D. MCKay co., 1976, pp. 227-47. ~
Wilson, Roger. Teachers for Indian Children. of Native America, Thomas Thompson, ed. D.C.: American Association of Colleges Education, 1978, pp. 155-67.
"he Schooling Washington, ,
for Teacher
Wolcott, Harry, F. The Te,acher as an Enemy. Education and Cultural Process, George Dearborn Spindler, ed. N~w York: HOlt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974, pp. 411-25 •
. Monographs, Pamphlets, proceedings, Reports, Speeches
Ahenakew, David. The Indian and Education. Address presented to The Federation of Saskatchewan Indians in the Indian and Northern Dialogue Series at the College of Éducation, university of Saskatchewan, Saskatchewan, Monograph #2, 1974.
Auerbach, Herbert A., ed. proceedinas of the National Research Conference on American Indian E ucation, pennsylvania State University, university Park, Penn. Society for the Study of Social problems:B Ka1amazoo, Michigan, 1967.
ers: , University
Brophy, W.A. & Aberle, S.D. Education: The- Indian: Americafs Commission on Ri hts, Liberties and
t e Amer1can In 1an. Norman, of Oklahoma Press, 1966. \.
Cohnstaedt, Martin. Northern op~ortunities - Training and Economie Development Tfiroug community Centered Education. Report: on Meadowlake' s Vocational Centre - June 1,973. Regina, Saskatchewan: Saskatchewan Department of, Education, 1973.
\
...
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103
Craig, William, Mahto,' Ted, Harkins, Arthur & Woods, Richard.Inaian Paritic ation in the School's Authorit Structure: A P~ ot ProJect Out ~rre. M~nneapo ~s, M~nnesota: Oniversi~y of Minnesota, 1969.
Il
Goucher, MIs. A.C. The DroEout Prob1em Amon, Indian and Metis : Students. Calgary, Al erta: Dome Petroleum Limited, 1967.
Gre~n, Howa~ds. Plains Indians Cultural Survival Schoo1 Final Report for First Five Months' Operation,' 1979,-
, . Hall, R.M. Indian Edllcation: Poli~~\;and Progress. Speech
Presented ~t the Convention of "the Alberta Indian Education Associat4.on, Lethbridge, Alberta, Octpber 9 & 10, 1975. , ,.
for
(
Attitudes of St. Pau! îndian Parents and Influential ft
Persons Toward FormaI Education. Minneapolis, Minnesota: unIversity of Minnesot~. Training Center for Community. programs in coordination with the Office of Community~ programs Center for Urban and Regional Affairs, 1970.
Havighurst, Robert. The Natd.ona'l Study of American Ind~n Education. The Education of Indian Children and Youth7 Summary Report and Recommendations. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota, Office of ~ommunity programs, 1970.
1 1
o 1
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King, Cecil. The Education of Our Native Children. Monograph • #6. Saskatoon! Saskatchewan University, Indian and
, Northern Curriculum Resources Center, n.d.
Kirkness, Verna J. The E~ucation of Canadian Indian Children. Cnild We1fare, Vol. 60~ #7, July/August 1981, pp. 447-455.
i
. How Indians View Education. Booklet #2 • ..... '--~Mâ~n~i~t~o~b~a~~In~aian Brotherhood, 1976. '
Indian Control of Indian Education. Bookiet '1. Manitoba lndian Brotherhood, 1976.
• lndian Phi1osophy of Education, Manitoba ----~l~n~d~i-a-n~B~r~o~t~h~erhood, 1976.
Linklater, Clive. Indian Education: The World as lt Was, The Wor1d as It ls, the Worid as We Want It to Be.
oMonograph #1, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan: University of . SaSkatchewan, Indian and Northern Education program,
Co11ege of Education, 1973.
, • 1 --------- ·--...~ ................. '~'#l1
\ , \
~
1- -;_",""< " ••
National Indian Brotherhood. An Introduction to Native Alternative Schools Across '~anada. Ottawa, Ontario: National Ind~an Brotherhood, 1980.
104
f • Indian Control of Indian ( Education, Ot~awa, Ontario: National Indian Brother~ood, 1972. ' . .
Edward L. of
, . Red SchOd1 Hou$e Information Booklet, St. Paul, Minnesota, 1979.
Sanderson, Solomon. A Mode1 for Community Education: Local Control at the James Smith Reserve. Address presented to College of Edu9ation, University of Saskatchewan, March 13, 1975. \)
summarl Report of the Task Force on'the Educational Needs of Native Peoples of Ontario. O.S. Department of He~lth, Energy and Welfare, National Institute of Education, 1976.
The wandering spirit Survival School Pamphlet, Toronto,' Ontario'~ n.d.
Unpublished Works
Adkins, Roy L. A Study of the Social. Composition and Educational Background of the Indian Service Teachers in the Aberdeen Area in 1954-55. M.A. Thesis (typewritten), North Dakota: University of North Dakota, 1955.
BOlenback, Eva1yn Marie. A Study of the Orientation of New TeacherS"Entering the Branch of Education in the Bureau of Indian Affairs. M.A. Thesis (typewrittèn), West Texas State ~ollege, 1961.
Chalmers, J.W. EducationoBehind the Buckskin Curtain: A History of Native Education in Canada. Edmonton, Alberta: University of Alberta, M.A. Thesis'(mimeographedl, 1972.
cosgriffe, Harry Arthur. ProposaIs for'recruiting, training and maintaining an extension· staff for the American Indiana in Montana. M.Sc. Thesi~, Cornell University, Cornell (typewritten), 1956.
naniels, E.R. Canada. 1973.
The Legal Context of Indian Education in Ph.D., University of Alberta, (typewrittenl,
Fischbacher, Theodore. A 9tudy of the Role of the Federal Government in the Education of-the American Indian. Ph.D., Arizona State University (typewritten), 1967.
I~t : 1
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-- --~ "- --_._--~_."'------
, " 105
\ ri '. , Gilbert-Beckwith, Evelina. A Study ot;: the Physical Equipment
and Teaching Personnel of the Indian Schools of Robeson County, North Carolina. M.A. Thesis, 'University of
~orth Carolina: Chapel Hill~(typewritten), 1950.
Klhklen, Joseph M. Factors Associated with Nav~jo Teacher~ in the Byreau of Indian A~fairs Schools on the Navajo Reservat10n. M.A. Practicum, Northern Arizona Oniversity: Flagstaff, Arizona (typewritten), 1966.
potts', Erice H. An In-Service Teacher Education program for Salt River Indian School. M.Ed., T~pe, Arizona:' Arizona State College (typewritten), 1951. 1
/ Toohey, Kelleen. Teacher and Student Interaction in-an
Indian School. M.A. Thesis, University of Al~erta (typewritten), 1977.
l' 1
'Gov~rnment Documents
Indian Affairs Branch, Department of Citizenship and 4 Immigration. The Indian in Tr'ansi tian: Indian < Education. Ottawa: The Queen's printer, 1969.
united States Bureau of Indian Affairs. Indian Citizens. Washington, D.C.: Pr1ntlng Office, 19i2. '
The States and Their U.S. Government
O.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. bepartment'of the Interior. Federal Indian policies from the Golonial Period Th~ough the Early 1970's. washington, D.G.: u.s. Gâvernment Printing oflIce, 1975. .
u.s. Government, Deparbment of the Interior, ,Bureau of Indian Affairs. In ian Education: Steps to Pro ress in the 70·s. Was D.C.: U.S. Government pr1nting olfice, 1973. '~
. , .. -_-----r- - .~ ,
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APPENOIX A
.\
\
P'ARTIAL LISTING OF "INDIAN;:"CONTROLLEO SCH60LS' IN CANADA AS ôF 1979
- Source: National ·Indian BrotherhQod, Ottawa, Ontario, 1980 • ..
Alberta
Bigatone Band Kindergarten, Desmarais, Alberta
Blue Quills, St. Paul, Alberta . .
Kehewin Indian"Oay School, Bonnyville, Alberta
Little Ones' Nursery School, Winnipeg, Manitoba
Onchaminahos School, Saddle Lake, Alberta
plains Indians CUltural Survival School, .C1)lgary, Albe'rta " .; Smallboy Campi RObb, Alberta
British Co'lumbia (B.C.) (
Alkali Lake Elementary, Alkali Lake, B.C.
Banbi' Nursery School, Ladysmith, B.C.
Bella Bella Community School, Waglisla, B.C.
Cantm Lake Nursery School,. Canim Lake, B.C.
Capilano Nursery, North Vancouver, B.C.
Chehalis Pre-School, Harrison Mills, B.C.
'\
1
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, 0
, _ _ __ ..... _____ ..... ~T ~ ~ __ "_.... ~_
chief Matthews Community School, Massetl.-B.C. 107
~
Douglas Lake Kindergarten, Douglas Lake, B.C. ,
Fert Ware Nursery, Fert Ware, B.C. ""
Greenville Nursery, Greenville, B.C.
Guingenanum Centre Scheel, Tsulquate Village Port Hardy, B.C.
Ha-Ho Payuk School, Port Alberni, B.C.
Halfway River Band Kindergarten, Wenowon, B.C.
Hartley Bay Nursery School,~Hartley Bay, B.C.
Hazelton Nursery School, Hazelton, B.C.
Houpsitas Nursery, Kyuquot, B~C.
Ingenika Day School ~ Ingenika Point, B. c·.
Kakglache NurserY, Cape Mudge Village, B.C.
Kincolith Nursery, Kincolith, B.C.
Kispiex Nursery Scheol, Kispiox, B.C.
Kitsegukla Nursery School, Kitsegukla, B.C.
Kitamaat Nursery School, Kitamaat Village, B.C.
Kitwanga-Nursèry Scheel, Kitwanga, B.C.
Klappan ~ursery Scheol, Iskut; B.C.
Klemtu Nursery ~indergarten, Klemtu, B.C • •
Kumtuks Alternate Scheol, Vancouver, B.C.
Kuper Island pre-schooi, chemainus, B.C • ....
Kwawkwala Nursery School, Campbell River, B.C.
Lach Klan Nursery Scheol, Kit Katla, B.C.
Lake Babine, Kindergarten, Burns Lake, B.C.
.' "
~illooet District Indian Council, Lilleoet, B.C •• '
Mamaymom Pre-Scheel, Seshe~t, B.C.
Metlakatla NUrsery School, Metlakatla, B.C.
Moricetown Nursery School, Moricetown, B.C.
1
Mount Currie Indian Community School, Mount Currie, B.f.
Mount Currie Kindergarten & Nursery, Mount Currie, B.C.
-_ ... _------_._---
to
fi
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--------------~'~.--~--_r~.---------
Sioux Valley, Griswold, Manitoba ,
Valley River School, Shortdale, Manitoba
Waywayseecappo Nursery, Rossburn, Manitoba
n
New,Brunswick eN.B.t
Mahspos, Perth, N.B.
Ontario
Indian Survival School, St. Charles, Ontar~ \ 1 \ \ ,.. - ~ l' \
Ojibway Alternative School, Kenora, Ont~rio
Osnaburg Indian School, Osnaburg, Ontario 1 •
Sabaskong Day Care, Nester Falls, Ontario
Sabaskong High School, Nesto~ Falls, Ontario
Walpole Island Alternate School, Wallaceburg, Ontario , 1 - ~
Wandering Spirit Survival School, Toronto, Ontario
Westbay Day Care Centre, Westbay, Ontario
wikwemikong Nursery, Wikwemikong, Ontario
QUebec·
Kahnawake Survival School, Caughnawaga{Quebec , ~
Saskatchewan
-r Cote Nursery School, Kamsack, Saskatchewan
108
. \
o
Cumberland House Indian Day School, Cumberland House,' Saskatchewan ,
Flying Dust Band Kindergarten, Meadow Lake, Saskatchewan
Grandmother's Bay School, La Ronge, Saskatchewan
.....,~~...,. ... - --# ........ _,~ ... ~ - ... ~ . , ", . ) --'C , 4 ,.
111
Musqueam Co-op Pre-~chool, Vanco~ver, B.C.
l Nanaimo Indian Nurséry, Nanaimo, B.C.
Nazko Klusk'us Kindergarten, Nazko Village, B.C.
New Ainyansh Nursery School, New Ainyansh, B.C.
N'Quatqua Nursery, D'Arcy, B.C.
Pavilion Pre-School, Lillooet, B.C.
Port Simpson Nursery School, Port Simpson, B.C.
Seabird Island 'Nursery, Seabird Island, B.C.
Seton Lake Pre-School, Li11ooet, B.C.
Siliammon Chi Chuy Day School, powelf-River, B.C.
Shell Beach~lternative School, Nanaimo, B.C.
Sheshaht Alternative School, Port Alberni, B.C.
Shulus School, Lower NicOla, B.C.
" Skidgate Nursery, Skidgate, B.C.
Stone Kindergarten School, Hanceville, B.C.
Su~ar Cane Nursery School, Williams Lake, B.C.
T~em Nursery School, Squamish, B.C. /"
Tsulquate Alternate School, Port Hardy, B.C.
T'tisalagilakw School, Alert Bay, B.C.
Ustla-hahn Alternate School, Vancouver, B.C.
Manitoba
Anicabe commÙnity School, pine Falls, Manitoba
Big Eddy School, ~he Pas, Manitoba
Birdtail\fioux Nursery, Birdtail, ~anitoba
Long Plain School, Long Plain, Manitoba
Peguis Indian School, Hodgson, Manitopa o
Sagkeeng Consolidated, Pine Falls, Manitoba
sandy Bay School, Marius Post Office, Manitoba
l ,
109 r
,
1 !
--------,--- - --\- - '-_. - '-",
(
.-.----- -- --.-
•
James Bay Community School, Kinistino, Saskatchewan
James Roberts School, La Ronge, Saskatchewan ,
Kitsaki School, La Ronge, Saskatchewan
Lander Valley High School, Lander, Saskatchewan
Montreal Lake, Montreal Lake, Saskatchewan fJ
Musko Day School, Musko Day, Saskatchewan
Pehtokahanopewin School, Cutknife, Saskatchewan
110
Poundmaker Nursery & Kindergarten, Cutknife, saskatchewan,
Print:e Albert Student Residence, Prince Albert, Saskatchewan
Saskatchewan Indian Community College, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan
Sask~tchewan Indian Cultural College, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan \
Saska~chewan Indian Federated College, Regina, Saskatchewan
Stanley Mission School, Stanley Mission, Saskatchewan
Sturgeon Lake School, Saskatchewan
Yukon
Burwash '~anding School, Burwash Landing~ Yukon
Old Crow Indian School, Old Crow, Yukon
\
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1
APPENDIX B
PREVIOUS EMPLOYMENT OF TEACHING STAFF .. ÉInployment Native %
N-Student 0 0
Homemaker 8 32%
Teacher 6 24%
Welder 2 8%
Nurse 1 4%
Engineering Consultant -
0 0
Secretary 1 4%
Day Care Worker 0 0
Mechanic , 1 4%
Oirector of Orug and Alcohol Centre on Reserve 1 4%
,/
Education Information " Office at Provincial Indian Association 1 4%
Military 1 4%
Carpenter 1 4%
Unemp1oyed. 2 8%
Farmer 0 0
TOTAL 25 100%
( ..
B~ ETHNICITY )
. Non -Na;ti ve
N -7
cr
7
0
0
1
0
1
0
a
0
0
0
0
1
17
1
1 .
%
41%
0
41%
0
a
6%
0
6%
0
0
o J
0
0
0
6%'
100%
'-
111
"
1 j
1
1 ~ 1
~ 1
1
