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Michael Knudson Writing Sample MA Medieval Studies

Where Fact Meets Fiction: The Scandinavian Historical Roots in the Middle English Romance Havelok the Dane.

If French is the language of love, then French literature must be the story of romance. The

romance genre of the late Middle Ages is one that is traditionally tied to the French tradition as

well as to the Latin-speaking continent. Tales of Lancelot du Lac and of the exploits of Arthur

paint a vivid picture connecting the two realms of France and England, in effect leaving the

English’s epic past with their Germanic roots to fade away. Havelok the Dane, a thirteenth

century Middle English tale detailing the exile and return to power of the Danish prince Havelok

and his English counterpart Goldeborw, is no exception to this thinking, as many scholars,

supported by the appearance of an earlier version in Geoffrei Gaimar’s L’Estorie des Engles as

well as the Lai d’Haveloc,I view the Middle English version as merely a reworking of an Anglo-

Norman tale. Yet, like the Old English Beowulf, there appear Scandinavian figures and

Scandinavian settings. While scholars have debated the possible Norse influence and cultural

crossovers in Beowulf, no such critical conversation has explored Havelok’s Scandinavian

sources, or at least not with that same vigor. In fact, though some scholars, such as Edmund

Reiss, do argue for some Norse influence, the overall consensus is that Havelok derives from

French literary sources.II

While the two extant Anglo-Norman versions, which predate the late thirteenth-century

Middle English Havlok, are found in French sources, there is still considerable evidence, as both

Nancy Bradbury and Dominique Battles argue, for the genesis of Havelok being native to

England, not France.III I agree with these arguments, yet I propose that we go one step further.

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By examining the dialect, the geography mentioned in the tale, as well as the provenance of the

manuscript containing Havelok itself, scholars have placed this work in coming out of

Lincolnshire. It is particularly telling in that this area lies deep in the heart of what had been the

DanelawIV in the tenth and eleventh centuries. When this is taken into account, the use of the

unique name Birkabeyn as the Danish king must be reevaluated. This is a name that, while

neither existing in native Anglo-Saxon tales nor in the French versions, finds exclusive use in

Scandinavian history from a time preceding the Middle English version by more than a century. I

suggest that behind the romantic façade, the author of Havelok the Dane indeed draws from

Scandinavian sources in creating his Middle English version. By looking to the figures and

events of the Norwegian BorgerkrigstidenV (“civil war period,” ca. 1130–1240), specifically the

Birkebeiner-faction and Håkon Håkonsson, I argue that the author likely lived in an area with

strong Scandinavian ties and cultural influence and evoked Scandinavian figures and events in

Havelok the Dane.

In evaluating this connection between Scandinavian history and English fiction, it will be

important to first evaluate the extent of the Norse influence that would have existed in England

in the early fourteenth century. In doing so, we will evaluate the extent of Norse influence based

on details seen within the work itself, being, the Scandinavian settlement in England, peaceful

exchange, and the effects of co-existence and assimilation, specifically in place names and

language. Such an evaluation will allow us to better judge the plausibility of Norse influence in

Havelok the Dane. Once this connection has been established, we will then focus on the

characters of Havelok and his father, Birkabeyn. By examining their character traits, as well as

the actions and narrative movement surrounding them, we will gain an idea of these characters as

a whole, which can then be retraced back to these Norwegian historical figures. In order to

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effectively understand this character mapping, we will then need to evaluate these likely Norse

sources in the context of understanding who they were, what their characteristics were, what role

they played in the borgerkrig (“civil war”), and which movements might be paralleled in the

Middle English Havelok.

When one thinks about the Norsemen in England, the initial image that comes to mind is

often that of brutal Viking raiders devastating a town or monastery, plundering and pillaging

innocent victims of rural Britain. While this in some cases is an appropriate image, it is important

to remember that this is just one aspect of Anglo-Scandinavian interaction, an aspect, which is by

and large overlooked in Havelok. Although the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle entry from 787 describes

the first, albeit minor, Viking raid into England at Portland,VI and the entry for the year 793

describes the famous attack at Lindisfarne,VII these were not the first times the Anglo-Saxons had

interacted with the Norsemen. Roberta Frank, a scholar of both Old Norse and Old English, notes

that even prior to these attacks, there had been a continual presence of Scandinavians in

England.VIII Frank notes that Alcuin of York comments on the presence of these Scandinavians

as well as their own cultural impact on his Anglo-Saxon brethren. He rebukes them [the Anglo-

Saxons] for their singing of Ingeld,IX a legendary figures in both Old Norse and Old English

literature, as well as for their imitation of the Danish hairstyle.X While Alcuin’s life encompassed

the beginning of the Viking raids, living from ca. 735–804, it is interesting to note that even

centuries later, these trends had not ceased to hold sway in Anglo-Saxon society, as Ælfric of

Eynsham (ca. 955–1010) comments on this as well, saying:

Ic secge eac ðe, broðor eadweard,

nu ðu me þyses bæde, þæt ge doð unrihtlice

þæt ge ðe engliscan þeawas forlætað þe eowre fæderas heoldon,

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and hæðenra manna þeawas lufiað þe eow ðæs lifes ne unnon,

and mid ðam geswuteliað þæt ge forseoð eower cynn,

and eowre yldran mid þam unþeawum,

þonne ge him teonan tysliað eow on denisc,

ableredum hneccan and ablendum eagum.XI

[I tell you also brother Edward, since you have asked, that you (pl.) do wrong in

forsaking the English customs that your fathers held, and in loving the customs of

heathen men who begrudge you life, and you make it clear by these evil practices that

you despise your people and your ancestors, since in insult to them you dress in Danish

manner with bared necks and blinded eyes.]

The fact that even over the two hundred years such trends, as well as such worry of cultural

dominance by the Norse still existed, speaks to the integration and close proximity each group

had to one another. Even if these people had begun to identify themselves as more Anglo-Norse

than purely Norse, this still indicates some cultural carryover, if not continued interaction with

the Scandinavian world.

Later waves of immigration, particularly in the eleventh century, helped to ensure that

this Nordic connection remained alive and vibrant.XII In Havelok, we witness this continued

interaction between the Danish and English realm. The English and Danish characters traveled to

and from each land as if such travel was a common experience. This free, relatively peaceful

movement seen in the tale is not foreign to these North Atlantic peoples from the eighth through

the fourteenth centuries, but is, in fact, documented quite clearly. In examining the common term

for Scandinavian seafarers around the year 1000 AD, or ‘viking,’ it is helpful to note that this

term also carries with it the connotation of ‘trade’ or ‘merchant,’ not ‘pirate’ alone.XIII Interaction

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through trade then allows for this type of peaceful interplay to exist among the English and the

Scandinavian, much as it is portrayed in Havelok. This kind of interaction is supported through

the realization of style and fashion, as mentioned earlier, as well as in archeological digs of these

trading towns, revealing the extent to which the Anglo-Saxons influenced Scandinavia’s

economic development and monetary minting. XIV This evidence of travel between these regions

is vital for our understanding the Anglo-Norse relationship that would have influenced the

Havelok-poet, as it demonstrates this active interaction and sharing of ideas existing in England

and Scandinavia.

Although there was a great deal of interaction that occurred at ports through trading, the

most extensive pool of Scandinavian influence came through their settling within England itself,

specifically in the area known as the Danelaw. While the Anglo-Norse interactions in the eighth

century were epitomized by violence, in the form of Viking raids, their interactions in the ninth

century marked a notable shift from their prior hit-and-run tactics to one directed towards

permanency. The entry from 855 in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle notes this shift, stating “Her

hæþene men ærest on Sceapege ofer winter sæton” [Here the heathen men first wintered on the

Isle of Sheppey],XV breaking the previous pattern of Vikings raiding the English coast and then

heading back to Scandinavian with booty in hand. Instead, we witness this shift over the next

decade or so in the Chronicles as Scandinavians start to settle down, integrating themselves more

into daily living, and becoming part of the community: “And þy ilvan geare com mycel hæðen

here on Angelcynnes land and wintersetle namon æt Eastenglum and þær gehorsade wurdon, and

hi heom wið frið genamon” [And in that same year a great heathen army came into the land of

the Angels and took to winter in East-Anglia, where they were horsed, and they took peace with

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them [the inhabitants]]XVI. Here, these heathen men are now making peace with the surrounding

inhabitants and settling there with a greater sense of permanency.

It is in this sense of permanency that we see Havelok, along with Grim and his family,

taking part as they move from Denmark to England. In the Chronicles of the 860s and beyond,

we see this evolving state of interactions between the Anglo-Saxons and the Norse take shape.

Following the defeat of Guðrum by the Wessex king Alfred the Great in 875, the lands

conquered by the Vikings, comprising Northern and Eastern England, are given to the invading

Scandinavians, which they [the Scandinavians under Guðrum] subsequently partition in order to

settle and begin ploughing, while the South and West remain with Wessex.XVII This partitioning

of land for the sole purpose of settlement truly marks a beginning of Anglo-Scandinavian co-

existence and interaction. It is interesting to note that this partitioning, specifically of Mercia,

laid the foundation for the emergence of the five boroughs, consisting of Lincoln, Nottingham,

Leicester, Derby, and Stamford. It was these boroughs that, as Philip Parker notes, “formed the

core territory in the Midlands, and the heart of the Danish-occupied portion of England, which

came to be known as the Danelaw.”XVIII Lincoln was where Grim, Havelok’s foster father, takes

his family after fleeing Denmark, and their seamless integration into life there seems to speak to

the co-existence that had evolved in these very Anglo-Scandinavian areas of England.

It was in the area of the Danelaw that the Havelok-poet wrote and set this work, and it is

here that Anglo-Norse interaction bore the greatest fruit. These English shires were strongholds

of Scandinavian influence, and it is here, especially in York and Lincoln, that these influences

are most evident.XIX King Edgar of the mid-tenth century, in trying to assert control over these

Anglo-Norse areas, offered Scandinavian controlled territories their autonomy in reward for

loyalty and in adhering to national legislation in cases of theft.XX Clare Downham notes that

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“[t]he written sources from Edgar’s reign demonstrates that the inhabitants of ‘Danelaw’

perceived themselves as different from those of the rest of England. The intermingling of

Scandinavian and English peoples gave rise to a distinct regional identity.”XXI Due to the

intermingling of these two peoples, a new and unique culture emerged, no longer Angles and

Norse alongside one another, as was the case in early Norse occupation, but rather the English

south and west alongside an Anglo-Scandinavian east and north. It is within this new, unique

culture that the Havelok author places his tale, allowing the reader to witness this uniqueness, as

Scandinavians and English live and interact among each other peacefully.

This unique amalgamation of cultural identity becomes evident, particularly for our

discussion of Havelok, in looking at the place names and linguistic changes found within the

sphere of influence of this Anglo-Scandinavian society. Matthew Townend remarks on the

strength of Norse influence that must have existed in these areas in order to give rise to the

variety of Norse-influenced names as well as Scandinavianized versions of English place names

and vise versa.XXII Place names like Whitby and Derby came through imposition of an entirely

new Norse name (being Hvítabý and Djúrabý respectively) in replacement of the established Old

English ones (Streonshalh and Norðworðig respectively). Alternatively, there were also many

place names that merely employed an adaptation of a Norse cognate or loanword within a given

name, such as the OE cirice by the ON kirkja (“church;” Kirkham, Kir[k]by, Kirton) or the OE

denu by the ON dalr (“valley;” Figdale, Langdale, Chippingdale).XXIII Grimsby, the location of

Grim’s landing and home in England, reflects this Scandinavian influence through naming as

well, seen particularly through the Norse suffix ‘-by’ (as seen above in ‘Whitby’ and ‘Derby’).

The Scandinavian origin of its name suggests then that this area, subject to this dominant

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Scandinavian influence, would too have reflected much of the Anglo-Scandinavian influence

present in Danelaw England.

Much like these place names tell us of this union of Anglo-Scandinavian identity, it is

further seen in the merging of the English and Norse languages and the nuances that form within

the English of these integrated areas. Though there is a distinct separation of the two languages

by the time of Middle English, it is natural to assume that spoken language of these areas would

have coalesced somewhat during the eighth through thirteenth centuries due to their daily

interactions and sidelong existence. While Matthew Townend suggests that English and Norse

were originally more mutually intelligible than distinct, this mutual intelligibility could only go

so far until a vocabulary wall is hit.XXIV It is in these instances that concessions are made for the

sake of communication, more commonly with the dominant language taking precedence. This is

evident in this Anglo-Scandinavian realm as one finds many Scandinavian loan words, Norse

forms of English cognates, and Anglicized Norse words.XXV What is particularly interesting for

this discussion, however, is the extent of survival Norse had into the Middle English language as

evident by, again, the place names within Havelok as well as the Middle English variant in which

it was written.

Old Norse survived longest in England in those areas of greatest Scandinavian influence,

as well as those most isolated from ‘native’ English culture or society. Lincolnshire, the region in

the East Midlands, which also is home to the composition of the Middle English Havelok,

underwent the heaviest Scandinavian settlement.XXVI The results of this Scandinavian dominance

are evident in the language that formed around this area. Yet even here the Norse language

eventually began to decline, though not without leaving its imprint. Townend further suggests

that as societies evolve they seem to stick with that form of language that is most stable and

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familiar to them. Thus, many of the Old Norse linguistic and cultural influences would have

remained in this area’s culture due to its traditionally heavy dominance as opposed to being re-

Anglicized.XXVII This would suggest that as Old Norse usage declined, Norse speakers then

brought in or imposed their own words as they began to shift from Norse to English. This is

opposed to simple linguistic borrowing, which occurred as both languages flourished alongside

one another.XXVIII Particular to Havelok, we see this in the employment of the Norse-derived

form hendes (hands), bleik (white, pale), sker (bright, pure), or fisk (fish).XXIX From the nature of

the language we see in Havelok, in addition to the understanding the location and the probable

linguistic implications of the manuscripts authoring, it seems clear that regardless of the eventual

death of the Norse language in the Danelaw, that these influences would not have died out but

have become an integral part to that areas local identity and culture.

From our discussion thus far, we have seen that Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon influence

and interaction was not an invention of the Viking Age alone, nor one rooted in violence. Rather,

these were two cultures with established connections as trade partners and settlers, as well as

invaders and conquerors. Based on the evidence presented so far, I have suggested that it is

reasonable and likely that the author of the Middle English Havelok the Dane would have had

access to a large pool of Scandinavian resources, if not naturally influenced by this inherent

cultural aspect as well. The evidence of this claim can be seen both in the world of the Havelok

author as well as the language in which it was written. With this foundation now securely in

mind, we turn to an evaluation of the Havelok tale, in particular the characters of Birkabeyn and

Havelok, in order to see just how their portrayal may indeed line up with such Scandinavian

influences.

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First, it is important we understand the basic points of Havelok, on which will be

focusing. We are introduced to a Danish King, Birkabeyn, whose reign is heralded as one of

goodness and virtue. He, upon realizing he will die before his time and leave his young son

Havelok, whose is not of age to rule, appoints a regent, Godard, to reign until his son is able.

Godard breaks his oath to the King and instead seeks to kill the young Havelok. Havelok is then

saved by the King’s servant, Grim, as they sail across the sea from Denmark to England in secret

where he is raised in obscurity and under the pretense that he is but a commoner like the family

he lives with. His true identity is eventually discovered and verified by his wife Goldeborw, an

English princess (whose story of her and her father are largely paralleled by the Havelok’s).

Upon accepting his role, he is quickly able to gather followers who help him attain both the

English and the Danish throne, uniting the two kingdoms under a single ruler. Within this

general layout of the tale, there exists a number of important points on which we will be

focusing: 1) the clandestine journey of the son, Havelok, 2) his father the King and the

treasonous regent Godard, 3) Havelok’s life in obscurity and his revelation of royalty, and 4) the

uniting of the two kingdoms.

The ferrying of Havelok to safety from Denmark to England is an integral part of the

story, since it is through this action that he is saved and his identity or right to rule becomes

discovered. Havelok’s childhood and adolescence parallels the rise of the Norwegian king Håkon

Håkonsson (1204–63) at the end of the Norwegian Borgerkrigstiden. In Norway at this time, the

land was divided between two factions with each, at some point during the war, having their own

king. With the death of the current king, Håkon Sverresson, the throne was contested as to who

would take control. It seemed that Håkon Sverresson had left no heir behind and so a number of

other figures were then put in place to lead. In reality, Håkon Sverresson had left an heir; he had

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fathered a child by a woman named Inga. Their son, however, was largely unknown; with the

exception of a priest in Viken named Traand as well as Erlend, a relative of Håkon Sverresson’s

father, no one initially knew that this child, named Håkon Håkonsson, was the late king’s

son.XXX Here is one point where we see some comparison between fiction and fact. In Havelok,

Havelok is raised in obscurity and in concealment of his true identity, instead being merely

perceived as the son of a good family.XXXI The same can be said for Håkon Håkonsson, as he too

was an unknown figure in the Norwegian realm. His mother, while not of noble birth, is known

as coming from a good and respectable family and raises her child in southeast Norway away

from the royal atmosphere of Trondheim. Yet much like Havelok, there are those who know the

truth about his royal lineage and who help him to uncover it.

In Havelok, it is Grim and his wife who understand Havelok’s true character, which

prompts them to take their family and sail to England in order to protect Havelok and ensure that

the future and rightful king would be raised to that end. Håkon’s journey is no less important or

vital for his taking his rightful throne as well. Much like Havelok is taken by people who knew

his identity, Håkon’s nature is too made known to others, who in turn seek to bring him to his

rightful station. It was with these two figures, Traand and Erlend, that his journey began. In

accordance with the law of St. Olav, the right to rule lay with the king’s son, superseding

whoever was chosen by the Øreting to rule. XXXII In keeping with this, they decide to take the

child Håkon to Trondheim, the royal center of Norway, and present him as the rightful heir. In

setting out, many others of the Håkon’s father’s followers soon recognized the child and sought

to aid in the journey. It was not long though until the opposing faction, which had begun to take

prominence in Trondheim again, dispatched people to try and hinder this. In order to avoid

capture, the child was entrusted to two fiercely loyal followers who were adept at cross-country

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skiing to take the boy from Lillehammer across the Norway as fast as they could to Trondheim.

While Havelok’s journey was taken across the sea to a new land, Håkon’s parallel journey can be

viewed in much the same way. Håkon’s journey in Norway from east to west (Viken to

Trondheim) mimics that of Havelok’s journey west from Denmark to England, especially since

the middle of Norway is largely uninhabited in comparison to coastal Norway, with mountains

providing a natural divide between the two halves much like the sea provides a barrier between

England and Denmark for Havelok. Even more so, in both figures taking this journey, it thus

signals their own coming out of obscurity and into realization of their royal identities.

For Havelok, his royal identity is rooted in his father, Birkabeyn, who was King of

Denmark. In the case of Håkon, his identity is also rooted in his father, Håkon Sverresson, who

was a Birkebeiner king. While arguments could be made that Havelok is just a Scandinavianized

prodigal son adaptation, it is the name Birkabeyn that invokes the question of specific historical

awareness. Birkebein is a unique name found only in Norwegian history and is associated

specifically with a faction that vied for control during the Norwegian Borgerkrig. It seems too

much of a coincidence that the author would have not had some awareness of the historical

context of this name. Therefore, by understanding the significance linked with this Norwegian

name, we will then be able to see the fictional Danish king Birkabeyn, who shares this historical

name, in concert with his historical counterpart, King Håkon Sverresson.

Before continuing on, I feel it is important to clarify an important distinction regarding

the use of Norwegian history in explaining this Danish figure. The term “Dane” or “Danish” is

an umbrella term used in medieval England when referring to any Scandinavian or Northern

European tribe, regardless of whether they are Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, Jutes, Goths,

etc.XXXIII This misunderstanding often arises from a rigid translation of the word norðmann,

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meaning Northman; a term used for one who came from Norway, whose name derives from the

ON: norðvegur or ‘the northern way.’ It should be noted that terms such as these are often

interchangeable, as both dene and norðmann are used frequently, often side by side, when

describing people hailing from Northern Europe, as can be seen in the Anglo-Saxon

Chronicle.XXXIV

Understanding this distinction, we can return to an evaluation of the significance of the

birkebein name. First, we turn to Havelok’s father, the Danish Birkabeyn, who we meet in lines

338–408. He was a “…fayr man, and wicth, / Of bodi he was þe beste knicth / Þat euere micte

leden uth here, / Or stede onne ride, or handlen spere” [fair man, and brave, / of body he was the

best knight / that ever might lead an army, / or ride on steed, or handle a spear].XXXV Here, his

kingly virtues shine forth as being a fair, brave, strong, and capable man. Further evidence from

this section, as well as later on in the work, reveal that he is beloved by the people and a pious

man; assertions, which are further supported by the parallel presentation of him and his English

counterpart Aþelwolf. Havelok’s father Birkabeyn can be compared to the historical Birkebeiner-

faction and Håkon’s father, the birkebeiner king Håkon Sverresson. In Haakon Haakonssøns

saga, we are given a glimpse of the attitude towards Håkon Sverresson and his reign as king: “Vi

har nu her i vor vold en søn til kong Haakon Sverressøn, den høvding, som hele folket elsket. Jeg

vet ogsaa, at alle de gamle birkebeinerne var saa glad i far hans, at de gjerne vil tjene hans

avkom og vaage sit liv for ham” [We have now among us a son of King Haakon Sverressøn, that

chieftain whom all the people loved. I also know that all the old birkebeiners so loved his father

that they earnestly desire to serve his descendants and swear their lives to him].XXXVI It seems

clear that the general consensus concerning the late king Hakon Sverresson was that he was a

figure loved by the people, who had the respect of the nobles, whether they be friend or foe.

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Again, this is paralleled in the description allotted King Birkabeyn in Havelok as well as the joy

that all his nobility felt for him.

Additionally, we should note that it was not just the nobles that loved Birkabeyn, as seen

through his son Havelok, but all the people. As Havelok grew, people recognized this greatness

in him, which reflects back on his father. This is made more explicit when his true nature is

revealed and people remark on how he is the son of this great king whom the people loved and

cherished.XXXVII In relating to Havelok’s father, the Norwegian term birkebein translates literally

as ‘birch-leg’ or one who has strapped birch to their legs as protection or armor. This name

comes from early in the borgerkrig-period when it was used as a derogatory name for the

opposing faction, meaning that they only had the support of the rural, common people living in

the forests without real armor, using wood instead. Though intended to harm their cause, the

term birkebeiner became a rallying point around which many people flocked in opposition to this

elitist group opposite the birkebeiner. Throughout the rest of the borgerkrig, this then became

synonymous with the popularity and support of the general population. This understanding of the

term birkebein thus reflects graciously onto our Danish king Birkabeyn, further presenting us a

figure that is tied closely to the people and the general support of the nation.

In Havelok the Dane, Havelok’s own support may be seen and recognized from his

interaction with others or participation in events, yet his actual authority isn’t fully accepted or

realized until the physical manifestations of kingly signs. Havelok’s royal and rightful lineage is

made evident in a number of external signs that obviously set him apart from others, such as his

astute speech at a young age and the glowing light, which emits from his mouth while sleeping.

Even from his earliest introduction, Havelok is presented as a unique youth who is able to speak

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eloquently, recalling the images of saints in medieval hagiographies such as Bede’s Life of St.

Cuthbert, who too is likewise characterized as an articulate child.XXXVIII

This unique power of speech is something that seems not only to be unique to Havelok as

Håkon’s saga mentions the same thing about Håkon himself. From the sixth chapter of the saga,

it tells of the young Håkon attempting to approach a friend of his father’s only to be shoved away

and rebuked because the Øreting attempting to take his right to rule. Håkon responds, in

placation, to this and is said to answer him as if a wise adult man, speaking words beyond his

years. He gently rebukes this friend, remarking on the validity of his right to rule through the

power of God, Mary, and the Saintly King Olav. The response that follows speaks to this

uniqueness of speech and its proof of royal legitimacy:

Dette hørte alle, som var nær, og de tyktes alle, det var merkelige ord. Helge tok gutten

og kysset ham og sa: “Gud takke dig for disse ord, kongssøn! Bedre er slikt talt end

utalt…” Alle de gamle birkebeiner elsket gutten høiere, des mere de saa, at hans ret og

styre vokste.XXXIX

[This was heard by all who were near and they all thought these were remarkable words.

Helge took the boy and kissed him and said: “God thank you for these words, Son of the

King! It is better for such to be spoken than unspoken…All the old birkebeiner loved the

boy all the more, the more they saw that his right and government grew.]

Even in youth, this future king had the power of speech and an assurance born solely of royalty

as he reconverts not only the angered Helge, but all those who bore witness to the speech and

subsequently many other ‘old birkebeiner.’ Through his prowess in speech, his natural right to

rule is made evident.

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While the power of speech is indeed an indication of his natural right, a more obvious

and odd external sign is the mysterious light that emanates from Havelok’s mouth while he

sleeps. This light is witnessed three separate times throughout Havelok, being described as so

“brith so it were day/ … / Of hise mouth it stod a stem, / Als it were a sunnebem; / Also lith was

it þer-inne, / so þer brenden cerges inne” [bright as is if it were day / … / from his mouth there

came a ray, / as if it was a sunbeam; / It was so light therein / as if there burned candles

within].XL First, Grim and Dame Leve witness this miracle, which preserves Havelok’s life.

Second, his wife Goldeborw observes it, which comforts her and encourages his assuming his

kingly role. Lastly, to Ubbe, which leads to his amassing a large following in Denmark.

Although this occurred three times, the pivotal occurrence, in terms of his recognizing his

authority, comes during the second event with Goldeborw.XLI It is following her seeing the light

that she is granted an annunciation-like visitation from an angel who comforts her and confirms

to her Havelok’s true authority as well as his ultimate destiny as king over England and

Denmark.

It is at this moment that the story turns now from Havelok’s growing up in obscurity to

his assuming his inherent role as he, at Goldeborw’s counsel, leaves for Denmark in order to

claim his throne. In comparison with Håkon Håkonsson this imagery of glowing or burning light

associated with Havelok carries into the historical Scandinavian connection of the jernbyrd (ON:

jarnburðr). Jernbyrd (literally, ‘iron-burden’) was ritual judgment of sorts, often associated with

legal cases, where one must either carry glowing iron a certain amount steps or walk across a

number of glowing iron bars. If the person, after three days, shows no signs of blistering or

scarring from the ordeal, they are then vindicated.XLII While this was often used in legal cases

this was also a prominent method in determining ones kongerett (right to kingship) as can be

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seen in the case of the Norwegian king Harald Gille.XLIII Additionally, this was an integral part in

the acceptance of the young Håkon’s kongerett. Just as in Havelok where it was Goldeborw who

plays this vital role in Havelok’s recognition, it is through a woman here as well, being Håkon’s

mother Inga, who steps into Goldeborw’s role as revelator. While there were many who

purportedly believed right away that Håkon was the son of the late king Håkon Sverresson, there

were many who needed further convincing, in addition to satisfying the old law. As Håkon was

still young, it was his mother, Inga, who offered to do the jernbyrd for Håkon’s claim.XLIV The

physical imagery invoked by the glowing iron of Inga’s jernbyrd resonates with that of the

glowing light, which Goldeborw discovers in Havelok, as a way of proclaiming the truth of

Håkon’s kongerett. As Inga successfully endures the jernbyrd, convincing all others of the truth,

which has been spoken of her son Håkon, being that he is in fact truly born of royal blood, much

like the beam of light testifies of Havelok’s own royal lineage.

Once Havelok’s royal heritage is brought to the forefront, he then sets off in fulfilling the

prophecy that Grim, his foster father, proclaimed upon first witnessing the miraculous light in

Havelok’s youth, saying “He shal hauen in his hand, / [A]l denemark and engeland” [He shall

have in his hand, / All Denmark and England].XLV With the confidence of Goldeborw, as well as

the assistance of his foster brothers Roberd þe Rede, William Wenduth, and Huwe Rauen,XLVI

Havelok sets off to Denmark to reclaim his rightful place as king.XLVII Along the way, he gathers

a great number of followers among the Danish people, due in no small part to the third witness of

this light emanating from his mouth by Ubbe (who subsequently brings all he can to witness it as

well).XLVIII Revealing to the Danish people that he is the son of their beloved king Birkabeyn,

Havelok assails the treacherous Godard and succeeds in reclaiming the throne, with Ubbe and

the mass of Danish followers he accrued against Godard with his knights and nobles. Once his

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success is secured and Godard is dead, Havelok now turns back to England to reclaim his wife’s

lost honor and realm. A parallel story is followed in England as well, with the people recognizing

Goldeborw and them rallying behind Havelok against Godrich and his supporters. With the

success of this campaign and the execution of Godrich, Havelok is now left the sole king of

Denmark and England, with his new united kingdom experiencing peace and prosperity under a

single, beloved ruler.

Over the course of this story, the basis for the action occurring has been rooted in these

individual, but parallel examples through Havelok and Goldeborw of displaced royalty,

eventually being reconciled through unity. In looking at the historical context of Håkon

Håkonsson, we notice that his situation mirrors Havelok, as he is the displaced royal figure in the

midst of a divided Norway. Much like Havelok needs to overcome the dispute at home then

abroad in order to achieve this unification, Håkon must also settle the dispute within his own

Birkebeiner faction, in the form of Earl Skule Bårdsson, as well as tackling the opposing Bagler

faction, led by Sigurd Ribbung. Just as Havelok’s triumph in each royal disputation brought

about a unification of England and Denmark, Håkon’s actions led to him ending the borgerkrig

(ca. 1240), which had started over a century earlier, and uniting Norway under a single ruler.

Prior to being accepted as king and ruler of Norway, the birkebeiner faction was essentially

being controlled by the Earl Skule Bårdsson, wielding more actual power than the kings that had

been put in at the time following Håkon Sverresson’s death.XLIX In relation to Havelok, we can

think of Skule Bårdsson as a figure of Godard, a man who was chosen from among the greatest

of Havelok’s father’s retainers who, while initially seeming positive towards the King, and

ultimately towards Håkon, ends up turning against Håkon in an effort to maintain the power he

had already built up. We see this described in the thirteenth chapter of Håkon’s saga that just as

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soon as the Jarl (‘Earl’) and King Inge saw Håkon being brought into Trondheim following the

birkebeiner’s journey across Norway, they never and never doubted that this boy was the son of

King Håkon Sverresson (Bugge). However, Skule’s ambitions are not long kept secret as his

attempts at aggrandizement bring him into open rebellion against the newly crowned King until

1237 when Håkon and Skule’s daughter marry in order to try and quell this rivalry.

Unfortunately, this does not have the lasting effect intended as Skule again rebels. This time, he

allows his supporters to proclaim him king at the Øreting and lead a military campaign against

Håkon. Ultimately, this would prove a fatal mistake as Håkon defeated him and his followers,

with Skule being killed while trying to hide in a monastery in 1240.

As Håkon was fighting with the rebellious earl/regent within his own faction, parallel to

that of Godard in Havelok, he also sought to end rivalry with the opposing faction, the baglers,

who had existed since the borgerkrig’s inception in the early twelfth century. Though there had

been periods of peace or inactivity on the part of the baglers, such as the period from King

Sverre Prest Sigurdsson’s death (ca. 1202) until about 1217, conflict had otherwise plagued

Norway from this rivaly, the baglers originally being organized in opposition to Sverre Prest

being made king (ca. 1177).L What is interesting about them is that they were concentrated

around the Oslo fjord area in southeast Norway whereas Håkon was based in Trondheim on

Norway’s upper west coast. This hearkens back to our previous comparison of Håkon crossing

the vast stretch of middle Norway with Havelok’s crossing the open expanse of sea. It is here

that the baglers take on the persona of Godrich in England, being a power divided by a large

swath of geography needing to be crossed in order to settle the problem existing on the other

side. Like Havelok, Håkon fought against the re-emerged baglers under their new chosen ‘king’

Sigurd Ribbung. They were defeated in their own territory (east Norway) in 1227, with Sigurd

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dying the previous year. Thus the other threat to stability finally neutralized. With the definitive

defeat of the baglers, as well as the triumph over the over-ambitious pretender to the throne, Earl

Skule Bårdsson, the Norwegian kingdom was now under the control of one ruler and one faction,

Håkon having thus ended the civil war after over a century of fighting.

The resolution of the Norwegian borgerkrig can be seen as a mirror for the culmination

of events of Havelok. In both cases, Havelok and Håkon bring about an age of peace and

unification within their respective realms by quelling the threats that occurred both internally

(within their own native land or faction) and externally. Furthermore, the period of Håkon’s

reign is seen as a golden age in Norwegian history: literature from the continent was translated

into Old Norse, the Norwegian kingdom grew to include other lands, such as Greenland and

Iceland, as well as a number of instances of international acclaim, such as where he is offered the

imperial crown by the pope.LI Likewise, Havelok ends happily; everyone marries, peace and

prosperity flow, and Havelok and Goldeborw enjoy and idyllic life together with their ten kids.LII

Through this parallel ending, it would seem then that the author of Havelok is recalling, if not

celebrating, this glorious golden age during the reign Håkon Håkonsson, transplanting it into an

Anglo-Scandinavian setting.

Ultimately, it is that Anglo-Scandinavian setting that makes Havelok the Dane unique in

the Middle English corpus, as there is a distinct connection with Scandinavian history. As

evidenced through the use of the culturally significant name Birkabeyn, a name which is found

solely in the history of the Norwegian borgerkrigstiden, it can be assumed that the Havelok-poet

must have had readily available a well of Scandinavian influence to draw from as well as support

from a probably vibrant interaction between Scandinavia and this Norse-rich region of England.

From evidence given, it is clear that Norse influence in the region known as the Danelaw

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(northern and eastern England), was vast and lasted even into the Anglo-Norman period.

Recognizing this continuity, we are able to glimpse a whole different world in Havelok as

striking resemblances can be identified between this late thirteenth century version and this

historical Norwegian period surrounding the figures of Håkon Håkonsson and the birkebeiner

faction. While French sources may give rise to many romance works of Middle English,

Havelok, it seems, still has one foot in its Scandinavian cultural roots.

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                                                                                                               I  Geffrei Gaimar, Lestorie Des Engles Solum La Translacion Geffrei Gaimar, Ed. Thomas Duffus Hardy and Charles Trice Martin, Vol. 2 (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1888). II  Nancy Mason Bradbury, “The Traditional Origins of ‘Havelok the Dane,’” Studies in Philology 90.2 (1993): 116–7; Ronald B. Herzman, Graham Duke, and Eve Salisbury, “Havelok the Dane: Introduction,” Four Romances of England: King Horn, Havelok the Dane, Bevis of Hampton, Athelston (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan U), 1999.  III Bradbury, “The Traditional Origins of ‘Havelok the Dane,’” 116–7; Dominique Battles, “Reconquering England of the English in Havelok the Dane.” The Chaucer Review 47.2 (2012): 187–8. IV The term Danelaw was the name given to the area of northern and eastern England, which was controlled by Viking or Danish law. The traditional border is through Mercia, with east Mercia belonging to the Danes and the west to Alfred the Great. V Both borgerkrigstiden (‘civil war period’) and borgerkrig (‘civil war’) will be used interchangeably throughout this discussion. All translations are my own unless otherwise specified. VI Susan Irvine, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2004), 41. VII Irvine, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 42. VIII Roberta Frank, “Did Anglo-Saxon Audiences have a Skaldic Tooth?” Scandinavian Studies 59.3 (1987) 338–9. IX Old Norse (hereafter referred to as ON): Ingjald; Old English will subsequently be referred to as OE, and Middle English as ME. X Frank, “Did Anglo-Saxon Audiences have a Skaldic Tooth?” 338 XI Ælfric, Homilies of Ælfric: A Supplementary Collection, Ed. John Collins Pope (London: Oxford UP for the Early English Text Society, 1967), 1:56. XII Michael P. Barnes, “The Scandinavian languages in the Viking Age,” The Viking World, Ed. Stefan Brink and Neil S. Price (London: Routledge, 2008), 278–9. XIII Stefan Brink, “Who were the Vikings?” The Viking World, Ed. Stefan Brink and Neil S. Price (London: Routledge, 2008), 6. While I only introduce two of the interpretations, being of greatest relevance for this discussion, further information on the multiple interpretations of ‘viking’ as well as other terms for Norsemen found throughout continental Europe and Near-East Asia can be found in his opening piece to The Viking World, entitled ‘Who Were the Vikings?” (comprising pages 4–7). Within the term itself, the word vík makes up its root, being a feminine Old Norse noun meaning a small inlet or bay (which meaning is retained in the modern Scandinavian languages of Norwegian, Swedish, Danish, Icelandic, and Faroese). Though this is commonly assumed to be relating the Vikings’ reputation as sea-raiders and lying in wait in bays, Brink points out another interpretation, related to the Old English wic, a Germanized form of the Latin vicus, meaning harbor or trading place. This altered word developing into the –wich suffix in English place names such as Ipswich or Norwich, then applies to the Vikings, thus allowing the term víkingar (OE: wicingas) to mean people who traveled to and traded at these wics. See Brink, “Who were the Vikings?” 6 (4–10) for a full discussion of the idea of the ‘viking.’ XIV Svein H. Gullbekk, “Coinage and monetary economies,” The Viking World, Ed. Stefan Brink and Neil S. Price (London: Routledge, 2008), 163. While archeological sites of many of these early Nordic trading towns contain caches of foreign coins, including Islamic dirhams, it was ultimately the Anglo-Saxons that would have the greatest impact on Scandinavian coinage development. This is further strengthen by records indicating that there were also many Anglo-Saxons who worked in Denmark, especially under the reign of Cnut the Great, as moneyers. These foreign figures were brought in to help organize the Danish mints and institute the trusted Anglo-Saxon monetary customs that had come to shape the Scandinavian monetary mentality so profoundly. The Vikings themselves were a very absorbent culture, where the people could easily assimilate the local customs, habits, laws, or economic system of wherever they settled. If this is the case, then the fact that the Scandinavian coinage and monetary system is a copy of the Anglo-Saxon pattern is indicative of the strength and commonplace nature of Norse interactions with them. XV Irvine, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 47 XVI Irvine, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 48. XVII Philip Parker, The Northmen’s Fury: A History of the Viking World (London: Cape, 2014), 49–55.

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                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                     XVIII Parker, The Northmen’s Fury, 55. XIX Parker, The Northmen’s Fury, 60. XX Clare Downham, “Vikings in England,” The Viking World, Ed. Stefan Brink and Neil S. Price (London: Routledge, 2008), 345–6. XXI Downham, “Vikings in Enlgand,” 346. Emphasis added. For further information about how Lincolnshire itself plays into this unique identity, see Hart, The Danelaw, 177–204 (chapter 5). XXII Matthew Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England: Linguistic Relations between Speakers of Old Norse and Old English (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2002), 47. XXIII Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 47, 74–5. XXIV Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 205. XXV Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 201–6. Examples of these different linguistic adaptations are as such: 1) Introduction of Norse words: third person personal pronouns. See also Baugh and Cable, A History of the English Language, 5th ed. (New Jersey: Pearson Education, 2002), 97–103. 2) Adaptations of ON word forms cognate with established OE ones, ON: félagi / OE: feolaga (fellow, comrade) or ON: lǫg / OE: lagu (law). 3) Anglicized forms of Norse words: ON: askr / OE: æsc (warship) or ON: saklauss / OE: saclēas (innocent). For a more in-depth discussion on specific Old and Middle English language adaptations, see Townend 181–212. XXVI Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 208. XXVII Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 206–7. XXVIII Based on the Ormulum text and the pattern it sets concerning dialect use in scribal transmission, it can then be assumed that it was the pattern of scribes at this time to write in the common tongue of the people and or themselves. In which case, the Anglo-Norse dialect of Havlok indicates this Norse presence in Lincolnshire and its lasting influence. See Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 208. XXIX Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 205–8, 210. Further discussion of Norse–Middle English influences can be found in Townend 181–212, with a chart containing Middle English, Norse, and Old English comparisons on page 206. XXX Alexander Bugge, “Haakon Haakonssøns saga,” Norges Kongesagaer (Kristiania: I.M. Stenersens Forlag, 1914), ch. 3, http://heimskringla.no/wiki/Haakon_Haakonssøns_saga. When referring to Haakon Haakonssøns saga, I will be citing the chapter number as opposed to the page number, as I am using the electronic version published by heimskringla.no. XXXI For ease of use across all versions of the Havelok text, I will, when citing references in the work itself, cite by lines, not page numbers. For information on the Middle English sources texts from which I am working, see my bibliographic entries for Ronald Herzman and Frederic Madden. XXXII Bugge, “Haakon Haakonssøns saga,” ch. 4. The Øreting is the traditional parliamentary body common throughout Scandinavia, with comparable bodies found in Iceland’s Alþing or modern Norway’s Stortinget. The Øreting of the thirteenth century, as is mentioned here, is located in Nidaros (present day Trondheim) in the Trøndelag region of Norway. In modern English, this is often translated as the “Thing.” XXXIII Brink, “Who were the Vikings?” 5–6; Dumville, “Vikings in Insular chronicling,” 354–5; Townend, Language and History in Viking Age England, 138–9. XXXIV David N. Dumville, “Vikings in Insular chronicling,” The Viking World, Ed. Stefan Brink and Neil S. Price (London: Routledge, 2008), 354–5; Irvine, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 41,45–6, 48–9, 51, 54, 74–5, 77. XXXV Frederic Madden and Walter W. Skeat, eds., The Lay of Havelok the Dane: Composed in the Reign of Edward I. about A.D. 1280 (London: Trübner, 1868), 344–7. XXXVI Bugge, “Haakon Haakonssøn saga,” ch. 4. XXXVII Madden, Havelok the Dane, 2096–2311. XXXVIII Madden, Havelok the Dane, 447–506; Ælfric, The “Sermones Catholici” or Homilies of Aelfric, Ed. Benjamin Thorpe (London: Aelfric Society, 1846), 132–5. XXXIX Bugge, Haakon Haakonssøn saga, ch. 6. XL Madden, Havelok the Dane, 589–94. XLI Madden, Havelok the Dane, 1247–1284. XLII Thorleif Dahl, Axel Coldevin, and Johan Schreiner, eds., Vårt Folks Historie, Vol. 2–3 (Oslo: H. Ascherhoug, 1962–3), 2: 213; “Jernbyrd,” Store Norske Leksikon, last modified Oct. 22, 2012, https://snl.no/jernbyrd. XLIII Dahl, Vårt Folks Historie, 2:213(Harald Gille and the Jernbyrd)

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                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                     XLIV Dahl, Vårt Folks Historie, 3:28–9; Bugge, “Haakon Haakonssøns saga,” ch. 13–4. Naturally there exists some discrepancy between the saga version and the more rigid historical accounts, where is the saga, Inga performs the jernbyrd upon first request, the historical account, as found in Dahl’s Vår Historie vol. 3, describes how she was denied in her first two requests, though eventually allowed and succeeded. XLV Madden, Havelok the Dane, 609–10 XLVI ‘Huwe Rauen’ is also seen as ‘Huge Raven’ in versions normalized for Modern English spelling, as seen in Herzman’s Four Romances of England. It is concerning this name that Reiss makes an argument for Odinic ties in Havelok the Dane, particularly focusing on Grim and his family. He connects Grim’s son (by placing Grim as an Odin figure from Norse mythology) ‘Hugh Raven’ with one of Odin’s two special ravens, which flies across the nine realms and whispers to him the dealings of men and creatures. In the mythology, Hugin is the name of one of these ravens. For further discussion of this name and other mythological Norse ties in Havelok, see E. Reiss “Havelok the Dane and Norse Mythology,” Modern Language Quarterly 27.2 (1966): 115–24. XLVII Madden, Havelok the Dane, 1396–8. XLVIII Madden, Havelok the Dane, 2086–2157. XLIX Dahl, Vårt Folks Historie, 23–6. L Dahl, Vårt Folks Historie, 333–5, 346–8; Andreas Holmsen, Norges Historie, 3rd ed. (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1977), 242–5; Fredrik Paasche, Kong Sverre (Oslo: H. Aschehoug, 1948), 204–5 (section 3 of chapter 3, comprising pages 204–24, offers a full explanation for the bagler’s orign, organization, and opposition of King Sverre Prest Sigurdsson). LI Per G. Norseng, “Håkon 4 Håkonsson (den gamle),” Store Norske Leksikon, last modified Feb. 15, 2009, https://snl.no/Håkon_4_Håkonsson_(den_gamle); Holmsen, Norges Historie, 303–7. LII Madden, Havelok the Dane, 2856–3001.