-cā and -hwāŋ in Kiranti clanonyms beyond morpho-semantics

Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha, PhD

Research Institute for Kirãtology, Nepal University of Leipzig, Germany

3 January 2009, London, UK

Abstract

This paper accounts two proto-morphemes viz. -cā and -hwāŋ amongst 27 Kiranti linguistic (Rapacha et al. 2008) communities mainly drawn from their clanonyms. These two morphemes have been traced almost in all Kiranti linguistic groups, for instance, Kiranti-Kõits offshoot of Khinchihwang also known as Sun(u)war, Bhujuwar, Pirthwar, Surel, Mukhi(y)a or some call themselves Rai in their exonyms (cf. Vansittart 1896 and 1909, Rapacha 2005), Kiranti-Bayung (cf. ibid), RaDhu /Wambule (cf. ibid, Opgenort 2004), Jerung (cf. ibid), Hayu (cf. Michailovsky 1988: 31-32), Radu/Dumi (cf. ibid, Satma-Dumi-Rai 1999: 3-11), Khaling/Khalung (cf. ibid), Kulung, Nachiring also known as Radu(ng)or Rodung or Rodong, Camling or Rodung, Tilung (cf. Rapacha et al. 2008), Sampang, Puma or Rokong, Thulung, Koyu, Mewahang, Newahang also known as Bunglawa, Lohorung, Yakthung or Limbu, (cf. Vansittart 1896 and 1909, Rapacha et al. 2008), Yakkha (cf. ibid, cf. Kongren 2007), Yamphu also known as Yakkhaba, Athpre, Belhare (yet to be traced; Prof Bickel (2008) revealed to be available p/c), Chintang, Chiling (Limbu 2008 reports some but no such morpheme found), Kirawa or Ba(o)ntawa and in Dungma(li) as well.

These two proto-morphemes vary as -cā, -cǝ, -co, -chā, -cho, -che, -chyo, -chu, -chi, -chung, -ku, -su, -pu and -hwāŋ > -hoŋ > -hāŋ > -ŋ also -hopo in Kiranti-Kõits. The latter morpheme -hāŋ appears in Kiranti ancestor's name e.g. in Paruhang or in Ruwahang (see Lahaussois 2004). Both -cā /-cā/ or [-tsā] and -chā /-chā/ or [-tshā] during Vansittart's regimental service was written in Roman Gorkhali conventional orthography as -cha and -chha respectively.

Such morphemes can at least be compounded in three combinatons in Kiranti-Kõits, e.g. rā-pə-cā [Roman Gorkhali orthography: Rapacha] is also rā-pə-c in spoken form means ‘catalyst’. Both rā- and pə- morphemes function as verb roots. All morphemes in sequence have varieties of semantic sources in origin e.g. culture, personal features, actions, authority, profession, manner, eponym etc.

Furthermore, they have grammatico-semantic loads as infinitive markers -cā, -co and -cām in Kiranti-Kõits, Bayung and RwaDhu respectively. Kiranti-Jerung also has -cām or cāp for the same function. The other morpheme -hwāŋ > -hoŋ > -hāŋ > -ŋ, and -hopo mean ‘monarch’, ‘king’ and ‘creator’. These morphemes along with their variations have semantically cognate relationships in the proto-Tibeto-Burman lexicon, e.g. *tsa ‘child, grandchild’ (see Benedict 1972: 208, Matisoff 2003 elsewhere). In Kiranti-RwaDhu /-co/ as in /cā-co/ is ‘person’ ‘grandson, one’s son or daughter’s son’ (Opgenort 2002: 456) and cəcə ‘grandson or daughter’ in Kiranti-Kõits and Bayung. Kiranti-Hayu also has /-cho/ which means ‘person, human’. Kiranti-Rodung /-chā/ signifies as ‘±male/person’ marker e.g. sərə-chā ‘son’, māri-chā ‘daughter’ and mə-chā ‘daughter’s husband’ (Yalungcha 2006) in its modern vocabulary and is true to some

extent in Kiranti-Kirawa or Bantawa as well, e.g. dək-chā ‘kin brother’. These interrelated morphemes’ in Kiranti clanonym nomenclature or in nominal word structures validate Kiranti-ness amongst those linguistic communities and provide clues for pre-historical connections to each other. They reveal history and socio-anthropology beyond morpho-semantics.

Culturally and anthropologically, these clanonym morphemes are pivotal in marital relationships as clan-exogamy practice amongst them. Therefore, they are part of their whole lexicon.

In conclusion, these morphemes are bases for comparative and anthropo-linguistic studies. They provide clues for genetic or phylo-genetic relationships and help reconstruct the pre-historical past of the Kiranti people by establishing closer ties of affinity in the process of evolution and development of Kiranti civilization in Nepal.

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