Journal of American Academy Religion -2001-De La Torre-837-62

(N)Either the (M)Qtheirof All Cubans (n)oir theBleached VirginMiguel A. De La Torre

The Cuban Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre/Ochiin has the potential toinspire a theology of reconciliation for the Cuban community of Miami,Florida, and La Habana, Cuba. To ignore Ochun disregards the religiouscontribution to reconciliation that can be made by Cuba's most mar-ginalized communities. Although La Virgen de la Candad/Ochun canserve as a catalyst for reconciling the two Cubas, She also serves as a wit-ness against the dominant white Cuban elite who reconstruct Her imagein a way that masks their own power and privilege.

1 GREW UP as a practitioner of Santeria in a home where both parentswere santero and santera. I was an hijo de Ellegua (child of Ellegua) des-tined to be initiated as a babalawo.1 Yet I went to Blessed Sacrament, aCatholic elementary school in Queens, New York. I took my first com-munion, participated in weekly confession, and was confirmed at thatchurch. On nights, however, crowds would visit our apartment to con-sult the quasi deities known as the orishas. Because my parents were un-able to communicate in English, I would serve as interpreter for those"seekers" who did not speak Spanish. There was never any confusion inmy mind, my parents' minds, or those of their "house congregation" asto the difference between what was done at the Irish church down the street

Miguel A De La Torre is Assistant Professor of Religion at Hope College, Holland, MI 49422-9000

I wish to thank Steve Bouma-Prediger, Luis D Le6n, and John Raines for their valuable feed-back and suggestions on earlier versions of this article.

1 Babalawo is the "father of mystery," a high priest in Santeria, not to be confused with a santera/o who serves as priest. The santera/o is consecrated to a specific onsha, becoming representative ofthat specific divine force This reflects the era when the inhabitants of each Yoruba city-state servedas priests to a sole onsha, the one who protected that individual city

Journal of the American Academy of Religion December 2001, Vol. 69, No. 4, pp 837-861.© 2001 The American Academy of Religion

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011

http://jaar.oxfordjournals.org/D

ownloaded from

http://jaar.oxfordjournals.org/

838 Journal of the American Academy of Religion

and what was done in our apartment. My parents explained to me froman early age that the rituals we participated in could not be revealed to loscuras y monjas (the priests and nuns) because they are "confused" abouthow God works, and if they found out that we had el conocimiento (theknowledge), I would be expelled from the school. When I asked what wewere, without hesitating, as if by rote, they would reply, "Somos cat6licosromanos, y apost61icos, creemos a nuestra manera" [We are apostolicRoman Catholics, we believe in our own way]. Those of us raised in thisspiritual environment survived our alienation in this country because ofthe shared sacred space created by the tension existing between Christian-ity and Santeria. While there was no confusion among those practicingSanteria concerning the difference between them and los curas y monjas,still an ambiguous religiosity developed fusing the elements of these di-verse traditions in order to resist what was perceived to be the danger ofassimilating into the dominant Euro-American ethos.

From this socioreligious location, reverence toward our virgensita(little virgin) flourished. She became a sacred symbol of immense spiri-tual importance to most Cubans. Catholics know Her as La Virgen de laCaridad del Cobre. In 1926 the Catholic Church, the dominant religionin Cuba, officially recognized la virgensita as the patron saint of the is-land. Yet this same image is venerated by the practitioners of Santeria, therepressed religion of Cuba, as Ochiin, brought to the island by Africanslaves. Historically, these two diverse communities, separated by powerand privilege, were bound together by this religious space, constructedfor the whole Cuban community.

As "the Mother of all Cubans," this symbol has represented the po-tential of reconciliation for the Cuban people, an important task consid-ering the present estrangement existing between the communities of LaHabana and Miami, Florida. As symbol, it remains layered by contradic-tory religious thoughts, normalizing intra-Cuban racial oppression. WhileLa Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun can serve as a catalyst for reconciliationamong Cubans on both sides of the Florida Straits, She also serves as awitness against the dominant white Cuban elite, who re-create Her imagein order to mask their own dominant social position.

Because of racism Santeria has historically been alien to many whiteCubans; yet, paradoxically, it is part of, if not central to, the Cuban iden-tity as a whole. As such, Cubans have yet to come to terms with thisAfrican-based religion reformulated within the depths of their own cul-ture. In Santeria there are rich resources for understanding Cubans thatprovide a healing response to the rupture existing between the commu-nities in Miami and La Habana. If this healing is to happen, Santeria can-not continue its colonial subordination to European Christianity or to the

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


De La Torre Ochun 839

African Yoruba faith: It is a distinct reality with an equal voice in any dia-logue for reconciliation. This article will attempt to explore this possibil-ity by first briefly discussing the emergence of Santeria, specifically thecentral and oppositional role it plays in creating Cuban ethnic identity.Next, I will discuss how La Virgen occupies a religious-social space thatreveals Her potential for intra-Cuban reconciliation, even though thatspace is often constructed to mask the power and privilege of the domi-nant white Cuban elite. Finally, I examine how La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun opens a shared cultural space and a liberative mandate for intra-Cuban reconciliation.

CREATING A RELIGION OF RESISTANCE

"Sorcery and magic," according to Bourdieu, are the disqualifyingnames imposed on the religions of those who are oppressed, while thosewho do this naming use the legitimating term religion to refer to their ownbrand of "sorcery and magic" (12). For white Cubans, Santeria is the "sor-cery and magic" of Cuba's most marginalized communities, a religiousexpression whose roots are African. In reality, four African religious-cultural structures live within the overall national Cuban culture: the palomonte of Kongo origin; the regla Arard of Ewe-fon origin; the AbakudSecret Society containing Ejagham, Efik, Efut, and other Calabar roots;and the regla de Ocha of Yoruba. The latter, as Santeria, is the most popu-lar among Cubans. Santeria, also known as the Lucumi religion, is theproduct of a religious space created by those who were subordinated tothe arbitrary exercise of power imposed by Catholic Spaniards on theirAfrican slaves. Specifically, Santeria's components consist of a EuropeanChristianity shaped by the Counter-Reformation and Spanish "folk" Ca-tholicism blended together with African orisha worship as practiced bythe Yoruba of Nigeria and as modified by nineteenth-century Kardecanspiritualism, which originated in France and was later popularized in theCaribbean.

Santeria recognizes the existence of a supreme God. Olodumare, thesupreme being, is a transcendent world force or "current" known as ashe.This sacred energy becomes the power, grace, blood, and life force of allreality, embracing mystery, secret power, and divinity. Ashe is absolute,illimitable, pure power, nondefinite and nondefinable. It is what has beencalled a nonanthropomorphic form of theism (Verger: 36-39). Orishas,on the other hand, are quasi deities serving as protectors and guides forevery human being, regardless of the individual's acknowledgment. Theywere the first to walk the earth, and from them all humans are descended.Hence, the orishas are the first ancestors. Created by the supreme God,

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



Olodumare, they are the specific parts, forces, or manifestations withinOlodumare. They govern certain parts of the universe, for Olodumare isan absentee ruler. Because the universe is so vast, Olodumare has no timeto become directly involved in the affairs of humans. Consequently, whenan animal is sacrificed to the orisha Babalu-Aye (who governs the sphereof illness), the practitioner is worshiping the part of Olodumare exem-plified in this particular orisha. Olodumare created the orishas to allowthe divine will to be manifested to humanity via nature. Although theYoruba system lists over 1,700 orishas, only a few became renowned withinCuban culture. In some instances, when the entire population of a van-quished African village was brought to Cuba, it ended the worship of aparticular orisha in Africa while installing a new one with a large Cubanfollowing.

The elaborate belief system of the Yoruba became part of the Cubanexperience when colonial Cuba began to import enslaved Africans to de-velop the urban centers and work the mines and sugar estates. These Afri-cans were noble patricians and priests who had been disloyal to the ascen-dancy of new rulers, specifically in the kingdoms of Benin and Dahomeyand the city-states of Yoruba. The vicissitudes of monarchic power strugglesresulted in those opposing the new hegemony becoming enslaved andexpatriated. Captives of war were routinely enslaved, but slavery was alsoimposed as a debt payment for a period of time or as judicial decision forcommitting a legal infraction (Brandon: 19). Tragically torn from theirordered religious life, Africans were compelled to adjust their belief sys-tem to the immediate challenges presented by colonial Cuba. This transi-tion created a new space for Santeria, where the Yoruba ethos survivedby manifesting itself through Spanish Catholicism.

Santeria is legally recognized as a legitimate religion in the UnitedStates. On 11 June 1992 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the practi-tioners of Santeria had a constitutional right to sacrifice animals in con-nection with their rituals. Although it is impossible to document the ex-act number of orisha worshipers, scholars estimate that about five millionin the United States are identified with the religion of Santeria (Gonzalez-Wippler 1989: 9). And while there are no official numbers, it is believedthat on the island there are more than 4,000 resident Cuban babalawos,in contrast to about 250 Roman Catholic priests. According to a studydone by the Catholic Church of Cuba in 1954, one out of every four Catho-lics occasionally consulted a santera/o (Agrupaci6n Cat61ica Universitaria:37). Even when Cubans reject Santeria and insist on their Christian or-thodoxy, they still observe the adage, "Tenemos que respetar los Santos"[We have to respect the Saints]. Clearly, Santeria can be classified as Cuba's"popular religion" and, as such, cannot be ignored.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


De La Torre: Ochun 841

When defining popular religion, Orlando Espin rejects the term popu-lar as referring to popularity, indicated by the widespread practice of areligion. Instead, he focuses on its sociohistorical reality. The religionis "popular" because the disenfranchised are responsible for its creation,making it a religion of the marginalized. The emphasis is on el pueblo asopposed to the elites. Popular religion becomes the expression of thepopular classes' creativity rather than the "true" Christianity of the "offi-cial" Church (Espin: 65-67). Santeria, then, can be classified as a "popu-lar religion" because it is both widespread and a product of Cuba's mostmarginalized community.

Throughout Cuba's history santera/os faced religious persecution.Official Christianity portrayed the Afro-Cuban religions as the principalcause for Cuba's problems, according to post-1886 studies. Slavery was acurse, not because of its maltreatment of Africans but because it contami-nated whites with the barbarism of Ham's descendants. Prostitution, la-ziness, superstition, and criminality were said to have originated withCuba's blacks. Cuban whites legitimated their religious practices by la-beling Christianity a religion while disqualifying the black Other's beliefsas syncretistic and superstitious, if not demonic. Fanon says it tellingly:"Sin is Negro as virtue is white" (139).

While Santeria is seen as an authentic search on the part of the be-liever to grasp the reality of God, the Catholic priests' role is to correctthe santera/o so that she or he can enter the official faith of the Church.Others voice harsher criticism, claiming that Santeria adulterates the true(mostly white) form of Catholicism. For Evangelicals, specifically Pente-costals, Santeria is a Satanic cult. For exilic Cubans, especially those whoare upwardly mobile and are attempting to assimilate into Euro-Americanculture, Santeria is a source of embarrassment, appearing both backwardand primitive. Similarly, a movement known as "Yoruba Reversionism"exists among African Americans who attempt to extract Spanish Catholi-cism from Santeria (Edwards and Mason: v). While such an undertakingmay help elucidate Santeria's genesis, it hinders understanding it as apresent-day transcultural phenomenon. As a genuinely Cuban religionrooted in the violent contact of separate religious faiths, it contributes toa Cuban worldview on its own terms. As its own defined conceptual,physical, and sacred space, the veracity of Santeria cannot be compre-hended or communicated through ideological paradigms but must berecognized as a unitary phenomenon bound to cultural life through itshistorical development.

But such truths have been obscured by white Cuban Christians whooften portray Santeria as the dialectical product of the Yoruba's beliefsystem and Iberian Roman Catholicism, in which a "confused" and idio-

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



syncratic merging of the saints with the orishas has occurred. The officialCuban Church places itself above the Other's religion through rhetoricdesigned to reduce Santeria to a sphere of ignorance and impurity. Poweris exercised in the way the subject "sees" the object. We (read: white Catho-lic subjects) operate from doctrinal knowledge; they (read: objects) areconfused. Our beliefs are pure; theirs are impure. Our task, as subjects, isto correct their confusion. Seeing the Other as "confused" relegates Santeriato an inferior social position while elevating Catholicism to an authorita-tive location from which paternal correction can originate.

Yet the santera/o Other is not "confused" in her or his beliefs. I agreewith Pichardo, the santero whose church led to the 1992 U.S. SupremeCourt decision, when he states that Santeria is not the product of con-fused imagery. Distinctions between the santera/o's religion and Catholi-cism have always been recognized (Pichardo: 14). Practitioners under-stood the need for placing Spanish masks over the black faces of the orishasso as to defend themselves from religious repression. This is possible be-cause of the ecumenical nature of ashe. Everything that exists contains ashe,thus creating a universality of the Yoruba faith allowing the orishas tomanifest themselves in other religions, a type of "anonymous Santeria"like Karl Rahner's anonymous Christianity.2 Santeria's internal structureallows for the incorporation and assimilation of new deities. Accordingto Pichardo, when a "seeker" is unable to comprehend a concept becauseshe or he lacks a Catholic background, the santera/o may substitute for asaint a compatible icon of the seeker's own religious tradition (22). Forexample, if the "seeker" were Roman Catholic, the creator of the world,Obatala, could cross-dress as the Virgin Mary, the Mother of God (OurLady of Mercy), and the war onsha, Oggiin, could cross-dress as St. Peter.However, if the "seeker" were Hindu, then Obatala could easily cross-dressas Brahma, the creator, and Oggun, as Shiva the destroyer. According tosantera/os the seeker is enlightened by a newer and deeper understandingof the original faith and a knowledge of how to manipulate its spiritualpower.

Throughout Cuba's history Santeria was linked in the minds of thewhite elite to antisocial behavior and was thus persecuted. During 1919(seven years after the 1912 race massacres) a brujo (witch doctor) craze

2 "Anonymous Christianity," according to Karl Rahner, understands non-Christian religions notas a self-willed decision to avoid accepting the "true" faith from God but as the revelation of Godat work in all non-Christian religions. All religions contain God's grace, a gratuitous gift on ac-count of Christ. Ergo, a non-Christian religion should be recognized as a lawful religion withoutdenying the error or depravity that it may contain (Rahner. 119-123)

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



swept the island.3 Mass lynchings occurred fueled by rumors of santera/os kidnapping white children in order to use their blood and entrails inreligious practices. These reports began to circulate after a white girl wasfound dead, presumably cannibalized by brujos. White mobs descendedon blacks with "righteous indignation." One newspaper, El Dia, praisedthe lynchings, commending their violence as a "step forward that we taketoward civilization." Middle- and upper-class blacks abandoned Santeriaand internalized the myth that racism did not exist in Cuba, while disas-sociating themselves from the lower-class masses in order to assimilateinto the white mainstream.

Fernando Ortiz, the famed Cuban sociologist, conducted ethno-graphic research under the rubric of racial theorizing and attempted toprove the moral inferiority of blacks to whites during the early decadesof the twentieth century. The assumption of blacks' malefaction is evi-dent in the title of his book, which primarily deals with criminality byfocusing on Santeria, complete with police mug shots: Los negros brujos:Apuntespara un estudio de etnologia criminal—The Black Witches: Notesfor a Study on Criminal Ethnology. Ortiz insists that African immoralitywas "in the mass of the blood of black Africans," a contamination af-fecting lower-class whites. The fetishism of Santeria had to be eliminated;hence he suggests the lifelong isolation of its leaders. The movementaway from "African fetishism" (and its white form, i.e., palm readingand spiritualism) and toward scientific reasoning could be accomplishedby providing a solid scientific education for all blacks and also for low-income whites. Expressions of African culture (i.e., African festival

3 After the war for independence an attempt was made by the Cuban African community to par-ticipate in the creation of a new society. By 1910 black mambises (Cubans who fought for indepen-dence) were mobilizing to petition the government for their rights through the creation of El PartidoIndependiente de Color (the Independent Party of Color). El Partido served as the political vehicleto force the government to consider seriously its rhetoric of racial equality and provide equal op-portunities in power, employment, and services El Partido did not advocate black separatism; rather,it called for integration, specifically the elimination of racial discrimination and equal access togovernment jobs. The Cuban government responded by outlawing El Partido. Blacks openly pro-tested in 1912, immediately leading the power structures to label the protest the beginning of a "racewar" between "white civilization" and "black barbarism." The 1912 "race war" is generally ignoredin the official remembering called Cuban history Thousands of black Cubans, mostly unarmed,were deliberately butchered by white Cubans, mostly for "resisting arrest" (a Latin American eu-phemism for the assassination of captured prisoners). Yet no trace of the rumored uprising couldbe found, no cache of arms was ever discovered, no demonstration occurred outside the provinceof Onente, no white woman was ever raped or cannibalized (contrary to newspaper accounts), andno destruction of valuable property occurred Even so, thousands of white Cuban volunteers weregiven arms and paid by the government to rove across the nation putting down the revolt in anyway possible (Helg. 177-215)

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



dances) had to be heavily policed to prevent inciting lust, encouragingimmorality, and encouraging the (stereotyped) "black rapist." As a con-gressman during the 1919 brujo craze, Ortiz proposed legislation out-lawing superstitious practices deemed antisocial.

Until 1940 Santeria was a punishable crime in Cuba and a source ofridicule by the general populace. Persecutions resumed in 1962. Degradedas "folklore" rather than religion, Santeria became subject to a growingnumber of restrictions, including bans against practicing the rituals orparticipating in the festivals. In the mid-1960s santera/os were arrested,imprisoned, and in at least one case executed. Authorization from theCommittees for the Defense of the Revolution (an adjunct of the StatePolice) was needed to celebrate any ceremony, even though such authori-zation was routinely denied. Lack of official authorization for worship re-sulted in arrest. Catholics needed no such authorization. The final declara-tion of the first National Congress on Education and Culture in 1971 statedthat juvenile delinquency was partially caused by "religious sects, especiallyof African origin" (Moore: 100-102). It is reminiscent of the days when Cu-ban anthropologist Ortiz stressed the "criminality" embedded in Santeria.

During the 1980s persecutions began to soften. An increased interestin Santeria developed because of the numbers of black Cuban soldiersreturning from Angola and because of the 1985 publication of Castro'sbestseller Fidel y la religidn (Fidel and Religion). Added to this was the1987 visit by his Majesty Alaiyeluwa Oba Okunade Sijuwade Olubuse II,the Ooni of Ife. The Ooni is the spiritual authority of the Yoruba of Nige-ria and all who worship the orishas in the Americas. The Castro regimefound value in the folklore of Santeria. Santeria as the bizarre and dan-gerous cultural Other was domesticated and commodified to producetourist dollars. Hence, the government initiated an unprecedented cam-paign to court the practitioners of Santeria, and by 1990 the ReligiousAffairs Department provided economic and political support to state-friendly santera/os.

The development of Santeria on Cuban soil has made it an intrinsicexpression of Cuban culture. Cuban ethos cannot be complete withoutan understanding of the formidable social force of this religion. Santeriais an active ingredient in the Cuban ethos that cannot be relegated to analien element in need of Christianization and sycreticization in order to"whiten" its African foundation. The contribution of Santeria is in no waysubordinate to European Christianity or the African Yoruba faith. It is aseparate reality with the right to an equal voice in any Cuban dialogue.Intra-Cuban reconciliation should be based not solely on Christian prin-ciples but also on duty to the orishas in maintaining harmony with theenvironment.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



Santeria cannot be understood by solely examining its tenets, rituals,or beliefs. Unlike many western religions, Santeria is an amorphous, prac-tical, and oral tradition that promises wisdom and power in dealing withlife's hardships. The focus is not on understanding the sacred forces, likethe orishas. Rather, it is concerned with how these universal forces can beused for the betterment of humans. As a distinctive and definitive Cubanway of being and living, Santeria is an indigenous symbol of cultural re-sistance. If we attempt to explain Santeria theologically, we reduce thereligion to a "worldview" rather than a way of survival—survival by wayof resistance to a dominant culture bent on destroying its indigenousAfrican presence.

But, as Foucault argues, where there is power, there is resistance (95).Every oppressed group creates from its sociological location what JamesScott terms a "hidden transcript," representing a collective critique ofpower. These "hidden transcripts" are usually expressed openly, thoughdisguised so that the oppressors are kept in the dark (Scott: 51). In thisway Santeria meets the psychological need of naming and addressingpower from within a relatively powerless milieu. While the practitioneris impotent, his or her orishas possess the power to protect the marginal-ized and also to humble the powerful. Santeria is essentially a resistancereligion whose rituals critique the dominant power structures. For ex-ample, a white decapitated dove found on the front steps of the "Chris-tian" slaveholder serves as a sign of forthcoming disaster. The mastermight, in turn, change his previous treatment of the slaves to elicit a re-versal of the "spell." The powerful were in effect given a warning that theirbehaviors and attitudes toward those they oppressed were more grievousthan could be tolerated.

Another example of resistance can be found in the bembe, or trance-state dance, in which the participant is mounted by the orisha.4 This formof spiritual possession creates a sacred space where one is given opportu-nity to express one's hostility toward the oppressors. Under normal con-ditions such outbursts would not be tolerated. Yet the voiceless can openlyprotest their existential locations by creating a "hidden transcript" of ex-pression within the safe outlet of the possession. The protest comes notfrom the subordinate individual but, under the cloak of possession, fromthe powerful orisha.

As a catalyst for resistance Santeria has always played a role in thepolitical development of Cuba. In summer 1958 Fulgencio Batista, Cuba's

* The bembe is a drum and dance festival performed in honor of the orishas. Santeria, as a dancereligion, uses percussion rhythms to invite the ortshas to manifest themselves by "mounting" orpossessing the participants who are dancing to the beat according to a choreographed tradition.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



dictator, spent thousands of dollars to convene a meeting of santera/osthroughout the island to summon the onshas to aid him against the forcesof Castro's revolution (Thomas: 1122). For many Cubans, the battle be-tween Batista and Castro was as much a spiritual war as a physical one,and Castro won because of the ebbos done on his behalf.5 Ebbos done bythe vulnerable disenfranchised became a "safe" alternative to challengingthe dictatorship of Batista, allowing them to participate safely in the tri-umph of Castro.

Castro's revolution symbolically tied itself to Santeria. The revolution-ary guerrillas were based in Oriente, the colonial haven for runaway slavesand a stronghold for African religions. Many of the guerrillas, upon enter-ing La Habana, wore elekes and waved the red-and-black flag of the 26 JulyMovement. These colors are significant because they belong to Ellegua, thetrickster, who determines destiny and fate. Ellegua is also considered firstamong the trio of holy warriors (Oggiin and Ochosi being the other two).As these colors triumphantly arrived in La Habana, spectators familiar withSanteria saw Ellegua (the appropriate symbol for what was to be a self-espoused guerrilla society) enter the city, ready to provide protection toCuba and her people. Crucial was the date of the rebel's entry into LaHabana—1 January, Nino de Atocha's day, the holiest day of the orishaswhen the course of history is set for the rest of the year.

The most often cited evidence of Castro's "designation" by the orishasoccurred on 8 January 1959 during his first national speech from CampColumbia. While he pleaded for unity and peace, a white dove landed onhis shoulder. In addition to being a Catholic symbol for the Holy Spirit, thewhite dove is also the Santeria symbol of Obatala, the son of Olodumare.One pataki states that during a physical battle between the brothers Chang6and Oggiin, Obatala appeared on the scene.6 Suddenly a white dove hov-ered over the combatants, bringing an end (however temporary) to thebrother's feuding. Castro symbolically occupied this ambiguous religiousspace. For Christians, he assumed the role of the Son of God, the Prince ofPeace (Mat. 3:16-17). For santera/os, he appeared as Obatala, the divineprovider of peace.7 Even Cuba's oldest daily newspaper, the conservativeDiario de la Manna, referred to the incident as an "act of Providence."

A more recent example of how Santeria has had an impact on theCuban communities is the story of Elian, the boy found off the coast ofFlorida surrounded by dolphins, on Thanksgiving Day, 1999. One of the

5 Ebbos are incantations conducted through an offered sacrifice to an onsha.6 Pataki is the story concerning the origins and interrelationships of the orishas, as well as the

role they play in determining the destiny of humanity7 Several of Obatala's caminos (paths, ways, avatars) cross-dress as Christ. These caminos repre-

sent the multiplicity of meanings coexisting within human life that are ruled by an onsha.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


De La Torre. Ochiin 847

side stories that emerged during the Elian saga centered on a note thatLazaro Gonzalez, the boy's great-uncle and Miami guardian, wrote toElian's grandmothers. He entrusted the note to Sister Jeanne O'Laughlin,host to the boy's grandmothers in late January 2000 during their trip tothe United States. Sister O'Laughlin forgot to pass the note on, finding itin her pocket days later. The note was a warning to the grandmothers thatCastro wanted the child so that he could make a Santeria sacrifice of Elian.This concern is based on the most repeated rumor on the streets of Miami,that Castro was forewarned of a child saved by dolphins in the sea whowill overthrow his regime. Castro had to acquire the boy to prevent thefulfillment of this prophecy. Elian (Jesus) was being sought by Castro(Herod), who wanted to kill the messiah who threatens his rule. EvenMiami's Auxiliary Bishop Agustin Roman was quick to make the com-parison between Castro and Herod after reading the Scriptures aboutHerod wanting Jesus killed to preserve his reign.8 According to residentand exilic Cuban practitioners of Santeria, Castro participates in this Afro-Cuban religion, even traveling to Africa to be initiated into its mysteries.But according to the annual oracles, Castro offended Eleggua, the first andmost powerful orisha. Eleggua is depicted as a child, and some see Elianas the child that Eleggua has destined to overthrow Castro. Hence, Castro'sobsession in having Elian returned.9

THE CUBAN (M)OTHER

Within this religion of resistance and survival there exist the seeds forreconciliation through the orisha Ochiin, known to Catholics as La Virgende la Caridad del Cobre. La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun is among the greatsignifiers of Cuban identity. We discover that there exist many caminos(paths) to Her because as Ochun She represents different realms of humanlife. Rather than a one-dimensional entity, Ochun, the youngest of all theorishas, has multiple meanings adaptable to the changing social milieu.As Ochun Yeye Mor6, She signifies the sensuous saint, knowledgeable inthe art of lovemaking, akin to the Greeks' Aphrodite or the Romans' Ve-nus (see figure 1). She is the goddess of love capable of bringing unionbetween two people. As Ochiin Kole" Kol£, She signifies the saint of pov-erty, the owner of one faded yellow dress who only eats what the vulturebrings to Her door. She represents and defends the suffering of all womenat the hands of abusive men. She epitomizes both joviality and serious-ness. She signifies frolicking, enjoying nightlong dancing and parties, as

8 See Laughhn.9 See Travierso and Cotayo

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


at University of Wales, Swansea on December 4, 2011 http://jaar.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from



well as domesticity, sewing, and keeping house. Like life, She representsdifferent aspects.

She becomes a sacred space providing metaphorical value within whichMiami and La Habana can attempt to reconcile into one cubanidad (Cubancommunity). There is a pataki that recounts the plight of Oggun, whobecame weary of the folly and bloodshed of humanity and chose to live asa hermit in the forest. All the other orishas failed to bring him out of theforest, yet Ochiin succeeded through the power of love, represented asOchun's oni (honey). She embodies the civilizing force of humanity. Bothexilic and resident Cubans have followed Oggun, who protects those whowork with iron (the militia). But the two Cubas have chosen to live inseparate forests. Maybe it is time for Ochiin to lead them out of their iso-lation and to seek reconciliation.

As a Catholic saint, She also signifies hope for the Cuban people. Sev-eral conflicting stories of La Virgen de la Caridad exist. According to thetraditional Catholic version, around 1610 two Taino Native Americanbrothers, Juan and Rodrigo de Hoyos, along with a ten-year-old black slaveboy named Juan Moreno (whose last name means "person of color") wentrowing on Nipe Bay in search of salt. Nipe Bay is not far from the coppermines of Cobre on the northwestern tip of the island. At about 5:30 in themorning, while rowing their canoe, they came upon a carved statue of theVirgin Mary floating on a piece of wood. Miraculously, the statue was dry.At its feet was inscribed "I am the Virgin of Charity." She was, in effect, laprimera balsera (the first rafter) to be rescued.

During the time of the apparition there were approximately 20,000inhabitants on the island of Cuba. This was a population in flux, com-posed of Spaniards, Amerindians, and Africans. The decimation of theAmerindians had reduced that group to less than 2,000 individuals, whilethe African population, at 5,000, was increasing because of the expansionof the slave trade. The Spaniards, constituting the rest of the population(about 13,000), came to Cuba in search of fortune and glory, many onlystopping over on their way to more exploitable lands on the continent,specifically Mexico (Perez: 45—47). European women made up less than10 percent of the population, an imbalance persisting throughout theseventeenth century. This skewed European male-female ratio led to therape of the indigenous and slave populations by Spaniards, giving birthto the Cuban ethos.

Cobre was a mining town where innumerable Amerindians died tun-neling for copper. African slaves were beginning to replace them as theyapproached extinction. While two peoples of the Cuban ethos suffered graveoppression, La Virgen de la Caridad appeared to the "least" of Cuban soci-ety. Her apparition accomplished two tasks. First, She symbolized the birth

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



of Cuban identity, the birth of cubanidad. Cuba's patron saint ceased beinga European white figure. Instead, the Divine appeared in the form of abronze-colored woman, a color symbolizing death (the color of the minedcopper responsible for the death of Amerindians and Africans) as well aslife (the color of the Cuban new race). Second, to the oppressed She gavedignity. Rather than appearing to the white Spaniard religious leaders, Sheidentified with the economic and racial outcasts, appearing in the color ofoppressed Cubans. A biracial virgen severs the bond between inferiority andnonwhiteness, for the Divine is represented as colored. Her presence allowedthe two Juans and Rodrigo and, with them, all Cubans to become companeros(companions) with the Divine. Not surprisingly, la virgen's earliest devo-tees were the slaves working in the copper mines. For a time, the statue washoused in a slave hospital adjacent to the shrine at Cobre. Also, it was inCobre where slaves were first emancipated.

Yet a close examination of popular modern icons of la virgen revealsa white blond-haired virgensita. Also, one of the Amerindians has beenreplaced with a balding, bearded, and white-haired Spaniard. (See figure2.) One of the Amerindian brothers, Rodrigo, was transfigured into a whiteSpaniard named Juan, creating los tres Juanes (the three Johns)—onewhite, one black, and one Amerindian. It is unlikely that a white Span-iard would have accompanied slaves on such an arduous and demeaningjourney. He probably would have been too busy increasing his wealththrough managing the mines. This bearded patriarchal figure rewritesitself into tradition, inserting and incorporating the oppressor into thedrama and presenting him as an equal, thus masking the power relationexisting at this time.

During the nineteenth-century wars for independence Mary becamea crucial symbol. Latin American leaders credit her as an effective weaponin their struggle for autonomy. She became the protector of numerousindependence movements. The wars for Cuban independence were nodifferent. These struggles elevated la virgen's prominence among all Cu-bans. Freedom fighters wore images of la virgen on their clothes, whiletheir families sought protection for them by making promesas (vows). Forher intervention in Cuba's struggle for independence, veterans petitionedthe pope officially to declare her the Patron of Cuba. On 10 May 1926,Pope Benedict XV honored their request.

Nevertheless, exilic Cubans, who are tragically separated from the landof their birth because of the 1959 Castro revolution, felt that they lost theirvirgensita, who has always been tied to Cuban soil. In 1973, in order torectify this separation, exilic Cubans built on Biscayne Bay in Miami a tent-like shrine for La Virgen de la Caridad to serve as both a political and asacred space (see figures 3 and 4). She faces the ocean, a beacon for those

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


Fig. 2. This representation of La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre is common among the exilic Cuban community. The depiction reveals a "whitened" \'irgin and child with blond hair, contrary to their original darker repretentation. Similarly, one of the original Amerindian rowers is bleached and given Spaniard features. This particular illustration appeared o n a Christmas card produced hv Gibson Greetings, Inc., for the exilic communit\'s consumption and was immediately hung on my parents' home altar.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


Fig. 4. A picture of the statute of La \'irccn de la Caridad u w i hy the i h r i n e t o O u r Lady of Charity. Religion a n d politics rncryc in ernhossing the Cuban national seal o n the Virqin's tvhite gown. ;\lw o f intcrect i \ the white Chri5t horn t o a rv l i ln t r~ L'irgin.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



who cross over to the United States. According to a pamphlet entitled "OurLady of Charity Shrine," which is distributed there, "[The shrine] is situ-ated with its back toward Cuba so that prayers may be offered by the faith-ful looking toward Cuba." Besides praying to Cuba, Saturday eveningmasses are broadcast to the island on Sundays via Radio Marti. Along theleft exterior of the shrine appears the Cuban flag within a flowerbed, con-structed of blue, red, and white stones.10 Upon this sacred ground exilicCubans construct the image of a nation while living in a foreign land.

This substitute shrine, interwoven with Cuban patriotism, is illustratedby the mural behind the altar and icon. This impressive mural, paintedby exilic Cuban Teok Carrasco, merges religious and patriotic emotions.The mural, entitled "The History of Cuba in a Glance," retells the historyof Cuba beginning with Columbus (hence history begins with Europeanpenetration) and ending with the exile (hence ignoring the events that havetaken place on the island since the exilic Cubans' departure). Besides ig-noring the Other (Amerindians and resident Cubans), it also ignores theeffects of Spanish colonialism and U.S. imperialism (the Statue of Lib-erty appears as a symbol of hope). The image of la virgen occupies thecentral position as Cuban history swirls around. Jose Marti (father ofCuban independence) also occupies a prominent spot (directly to la virgerisright), ensuring the bond between nationalism and the sacred. Forgottenare Marti's sharp critiques of the Catholic Church. His re-creation as achild of the Church is crucial in the construction of la Cuba de ayer (theCuba of yesterday) myth (see figure 5). This mural provides a vision ofnationhood that can only be realized with the return of the exiles to theisland. Standing in the shrine, one can simultaneously occupy space inboth la Cuba de ayer and the Miami of today. This illusion, created by thephysical presence of the Cuban shrine of Cobre reproduced on U.S. soil,provides the exilic Cuban with the temporary and illusory luxury of avoid-ing the reality of exilic status.

10 Stones known as otanes are the primary talismans or fetishes of any santera/o. The essence ofthe onshas is located within otanes Without these consecrated stones the santera/o's powers wouldbe impotent. The stone is not what is worshiped; rather, the "anima" within it is sacred. The ashegives the substance of the stone its life and power. Scattered among ordinary stones in the forestare those resounding with the resonating ashe of the onsha. The devotee must "listen" carefully inorder to find the stones that are "alive " The onsha is fed the blood of the sacrificial victim when itis poured on the otanes. These otanes are so important that when the Yoruba were deported to Cuba,some would swallow otanes to ensure the orisha presence at their new destination. While on theone hand the Catholic Church repudiates Ochun worshipers for venerating the orisha at the shrine,santera/os cannot miss the obvious symbols of yellow colored stones (yellow is the color of Ochiin)encircling the shrine's left exterior in Miami However, during my recent trip to the shrine, inNovember 1998, the stones had been removed.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


Fig. 5. Behind the shrine's nltnr is evilic Cuhan Teok Cnrracco's mural entitled "The H ~ s t o n n f Cuha in a Glance." (:uhan hizton,s\vills around In t,ir<qcrititn. Ahzent frnm the h i r t o n are the lecpcieq of Spaniqh snlonialicm and S n r t h Americnn imperialism. His- tory endz \\-ith ;I depiction oievil ic Cubans at temptins to reach the shores o f the United States. O n e c o u n t n m a n lies clcad from the iourne \ toward freedom.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



The shrine not only reflects the sacred, it comes into being in a sacredmanner. For example, on 8 September 1961, on Her feast day, a statue of lavirgen left the pedestal of Her parish church in Guanabo Beach in La Habanafor Miami. This statute, a replica of the one in Cobre, was smuggled in asuitcase to an awaiting crowd of over 25,000 Cubans congregated at a base-ball stadium. La virgensita also becomes an exilic Cuban fleeing Castro's rule.Additionally, under the altar is a molded stone composed of the soil of allCuba's provinces and the ocean water retrieved from a raft that sailed tothe United States, a voyage that claimed fifteen lives. The six columnssustaining the mantle and the six-sided, golden, cone-shaped roof repre-sent the six Cuban provinces. The priest's chair was made from a Cubanpalm. For older Cubans, this shrine constructs and glorifies a unified andUtopian Cuba that never was and can never be. Yet somehow, by simplyworshiping in this space, one can be transported to that mythical placeand time. For those who arrived as infants or children, and who are nowbusy paying mortgages and climbing career ladders, the shrine is a physi-cal representation of the dreams of their parents, dreams to which theyfeel a strong yet fading loyalty. The shrine provides a space where theycan safely display this sense of loyalty without having to commit any re-quired praxis to make those dreams a reality. For their children, born andraised in the United States, the shrine confirms that their parents' dreamsof the island amount to little more than a fantasy, a relic having little orno influence on the actions of the present.

The presence of Cuba's patroness in the Miami shrine indicates thatShe too came from Cuba as an exile, just as in the Bible the Divine left therightful habitation of the "defiled" Jerusalem to reappear before the exiledEzekiel. Glory lives in el exilio, with humiliated and abandoned people.From exile God begins a new history. This is not the first time She hasbeen manifested as a wandering symbol of Her people. As Ochiin, Shejourneyed from Africa when Her African children were forced by slavetraders to go to Cuba. She consulted Yemaya, who admitted the orishaspowerlessness in preventing this catastrophe.11 Because of Ochiin's lovefor Her children, She decided to accompany them to Cuba. She first askedYemaya to straighten Her hair and lighten Her skin to the color of cop-per, so that all Cubans might join together in worshiping Her. Just as theYoruba slaves found a source of support and comfort in Ochiin whenfacing the difficulties of colonial Cuba, exilic Cubans today discover thesame support and comfort in La Virgen de la Caridad when facing refu-gee status in a foreign land.

11 In one patab Yemayd is presented as Ochiin's older sister. In another patah Yemayi is pre-sented as Ochiin's mother. Both patahs present YemayS as the maternal ortsha of the oceans

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



THE VIRGIN LOVE GODDESS:TOWARD A THEOLOGY OF RECONCILIATION

La virgensita is one of the most important icons for Cuba, character-izing the hopes and aspirations of all Cubans. To gaze on Cuba's patronsaint in a genuinely Cuban way is to transcend the narrow rationalism anddoctrinaire empiricism of the secularist mind-set. To reflect on the mean-ing of Cuba's patron saint is for Cubans to open themselves to the deeperramifications of Her message, as their minds sort through a system ofoperations that engender structures of commonalities and divergencesrepresented through language.

In Ferdinand Saussure's main work he defines paradigmatic (rapportsassociatifs) as a term in linguistics denoting the "vertical" property of lan-guage. For example, a term used in a sentence can be replaced by a mean-ingful related term. A paradigmatic relationship can be contrasted with a"syntagmatic" relationship. Saussure defines syntagmatic (rapports syntag-matiques) as a linguistic term denoting the "horizontal" aspect of language,whereby a segment of speech can be unfolded into meaningful phrases(170-175). I suggest that we can understand the symbolic meaning of LaVirgen de la Caridad/Ochun in the operation of its paradigmatic andsyntagmatic relationships. The linguistic terms La Virgen de la Caridadand Ochun cease to simply serve as signs linking their separate images toeither a Roman Catholic or a Santeria concept and instead have becomeinterchangeable signs signifying both concepts. Within the ambiguity ofthe constructed definitions of the symbols used to signify La Virgen de laCaridad/Ochun, a sacred space reconciling diverse elements of Cubansociety can be forged. In short, the so-called reality of La Virgen de laCaridad/Ochun can never be understood in purely secular terms. Butrecognizing that all language is relative—acknowledging linguistic rela-tivism—we can look beyond any arbitrary verbal structure or conceptualsystem. Hence, this most Cuban symbol as signifier (image) will connotea unique perspective on the transcendental signified (concept), servingas a sign and representing the liberative mandate of reconciliation.

La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun as signifier is ambiguous. She is (n)eitherCatholic (n)or santera, (n)either white (n)or black, (n)either African (n)orSpaniard. Instead, She dismantles the binary opposition between cultureas oral tradition (literature) and faith as a way of being (philosophy). lacquesDerrida uses the term hymen to describe this in-between space occupied byLa Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun. For Derrida, the term hymen arose out ofa specific writing in which it rendered a specific function not meant to beimported or applied elsewhere. However, I find the usage of this conceptin association with La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun to be appropriate.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin as hymen connotes that She is aneither/or between an either/or. As hymen, La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiinlies beyond the notion of synthesis, Her significance being much morethan merely the end product of a Catholic thesis and an ortsha antithesis.As such, La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin in particular and Santeria ingeneral cease to represent the third element mediating between aspectsof a binary opposition. Her ambiguity, like a hymen, represents (n)eithervirginity (n)or consummation, (n)either inner (n)or outer (Derrida: 258-267). The richness in diversity within the Cuban culture makes the pos-sible loss of this hymen reparable; for, as we already saw in the multipleundecidability of meanings of La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun, anotherhymen will always "pop" into place.

To gaze on La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochun is to witness a drama inwhich no central configuration exists representing any single truth or apolysemy representing many meanings. La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochunas presemantic (before meaning) becomes indecipherable, refusing to beintegrated into (n)either Catholicism (n)or Santeria. Rather, She is graftedonto each like a mutant branch, causing any reading of this symbol tointerreflect within itself. Her meaning (Virgen or Ochiin) as a Cuban sym-bol always depends on Her relationship to what She is not (Ochiin orVirgen). Hence, for Her to mean anything requires the subversion of whatShe means. (N)Either La Virgen (n)or Ochiin can purge the Other fromits domain, for each contains the Other within Herself.

La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin as subverter has played this role sinceHer creation on Cuban soil. Because of historical persecution, many practi-tioners of Santeria maintained an outward appearance of Catholicism, ineffect cross-dressing as Christian. Also, gender cross-dressing is found inSanteria, in which orishas appear as male or female depending on their pathsor avatars (i.e., Chang6, the male warrior, appears as St. Barbara, and Obatala,the father of the orishas, as Our Lady of Mercy). In addition, Santeria dem-onstrates how race and class also play as formative a role as gender. Many ofthe orishas, all of whom are black, put on white masks to appear European.Moreover, the saints chosen are not the major ones of the Catholic faith.Rather, they represent minor saints, those of the lower class who are closerto the people and hence able to understand the practitioner's dilemmas andeffectively communicate them upward. In short, los santos (the saints) failto fit into any male/female, black/white, or major/minor category. Theyinhabit a sacred area where borders are fluid and opposites are subvertedand perpetually put in disarray. With time, both the Catholic and the Yorubafaith traditions began to share quite similar sacred spaces.

Throughout the Americas the widespread phenomenon of culturalgroups simultaneously participating in two diverse, if not contradictory,

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


De La Torre- Ochun 859

religious systems continues to exist. Christianity, when embraced underthe context of colonialism or slavery, creates a new space where the in-digenous beliefs of the marginalized group resist annihilation. Uniquehybrids developed as the religious traditions of Yoruba slaves took rootin Caribbean soil. The vitality of the Yoruba belief system found expres-sion through Catholicism as Voudou in Haiti, Shango in Trinidad andVenezuela, Candomble in Brazil, Kumina in Jamaica, and Santeria inCuba. Modern examples of orisha worship are not limited to the "syn-thesis" of Catholicism with Yoruba religion. Examples of this African faithcombining with Protestantism can be found in the Jamaican groups Re-vival and Pocomania. A similar example can be noted in the Trinidadiangroup known as Spiritual Baptists or Shouters, in which the Yoruba faithfound expression through Christian fundamentalism. Religion need notbe the only lens by which to explain Santeria. Another example is articu-lated by resident Cuban Magdalena Campos, who finds no conflict be-tween Santeria and atheistic Marxism. For her, Santeria expands the fron-tiers of Marxism while enriching it. Furthermore, for Marxism to functionin Cuba, it must incorporate Cuban reality as defined by the traditions ofSanteria.

The ambiguousness of Ochun transcends Her role as solely a religioussymbol, for She also identifies with the Cuban exilic existence. Addition-ally, She can help exilic Cubans transcend their physical space in order tobegin constructing a Cuban ethical response toward reconciliation withresident Cubans. For exilic Cubans, Ochun represents the Divine who alsoleft Cuba and resides in exile, waiting to return to Her rightful place. Simul-taneously, for resident Cubans, She remains the hope for the marginalizedwho never left. The orisha discovered by the marginalized Taino brothersand the slave boy can also speak to white middle-class exilic Cubans. Bythe 1990s the Miami shrine had become the most popular Catholic pil-grimage site in the United States, drawing mostly older, white, middle-class Cubans. La virgen has become a new symbol that exists for the en-tire cubanidad. She can be claimed as the Cuban's own sign, white andblack, poor and middle class, exile and resident. Long after Castro andMas Canosa (founder of the Cuban-American National Foundation) aredead and buried, La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin will continue to live. Inthis shared sacred and political space Cubans can begin a dialogue bywhich to reconcile and rebuild their Cuban house.

Santeria is a Cuban national symbol that, as such, is also made sacredin la virgen. Any attempt to Christianize or bleach Her does violence tothe Cuban culture. And to ignore Her prevents the construction of a the-ology of reconciliation that can heal the brokenness found in cubanidad.This article advocates the use of Cuban cultural symbols to communicate

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from



the liberative message of intra-Cuban reconciliation. This salvation, mani-fested as reconciliation for the Cuban people, can be facilitated as Cubantheologians begin to operate from within Cuban spaces such as these. IfCuban theologians refuse to participate in bringing about a dialogue, thentheir voices will be irrelevant to whatever form reconciliation takes in apost-Castro era.

Agrupaci6n Cat61icaUniversitaria

1954

Bourdieu, Pierre1991

Brandon, George1997

Derrida, Jacques1972

Edwards, Gary, andJohn Mason

1985

Espin, Orlando1994

Fanon, Frantz1963

Foucault, Michel1978

Gonzalez-Wippler,Migene

1989

1994

Helg, Aline1995

Laughlin, Meg2000

Moore, Carlos1988

REFERENCES

Encuesta Nactonal sobre el Sentimiento Religioso del Pueblode Cuba. La Habana: Bur6 de Informaci6n y Propa-ganda de la ACU.

"Genesis and Structure of the Religious Field." Com-parative Social Research 13: 1-44.

Santeria from Africa to the New World: The Dead SellMemories. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

La Dissemination. Paris: Editions du Seuil.

Black Gods: Orisa Studies in the New World. Brooklyn:Yoruba Theological Archministry.

"Popular Religion as an Epistemology of Suffering."Journal of Hispanic/Latino Theology 2/2: 55-78.

The Wretched of the Earth. Trans, by Constance Farring-ton. New York: Grove Press.

The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: An Introduction.Trans, by Robert Hurley. New York: Vintage Books.

Santeria: The Religion. New York: Harmony Books.

Legends of Santeria. St. Paul, MN: Llewellyn Publication.

Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equal-ity, 1886-1912. Chapel Hill: University of North Caro-lina Press.

"Prayer Vigil Lifts Elian Fervor to New High." TheMiami Herald, 31 March.

Castro, the Blacks, and Africa. Los Angeles: Center forAfro-American Studies, University of California.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


De La Torre. Ochiin 861

Pichardo, L. Ernesto1984

Perez, Louis A., Jr.1988

Rahner, Karl1978

Saussure, Ferdinand1949

Scott, James C.1990

Thomas, Hugh1971

Travierso, Maria, andCharles Cotayo

2000

Verger, Pierre1966

Oduduwa y Obatala. Miami: St. Babalu Aye, Church ofthe Lukumi.

Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution. New York:Oxford University Press.

Foundations of Christian Faith: Introduction to the Ideaof Christianity. Trans, by William V. Dych. New York:Seabury.

Cours de Linguistique Generate. Pans: Payot.

Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Tran-scripts. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom. New York: Harper andRow.

"Elian, un nino 'milagroso' hecho simbolo." El NuevoHerald, 6 March.

"The Yoruba High God: A Review of the Source." Odu:Journal of Yoruba and Related Studies 2/2: 19-40.

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


N-E-W from CALIFORNI-A BUSINESS OF THE HEART RELIGION AND EMOTION IN

THE NINETEENTH CENTUKY John Corrigan "A temfic study of reliq~nn. emction and

YKIPIY In the nineleenth centun " -Joyce ?\pplrhs Prokw,r ell Hl\rorv L'nlver~~i\ 111 (Lalifr~rnia ar L w Aneelci

540 00 hardcover

THE LIFE OF JUDAISM Harvey E. Goldberg, Editor "A polcni xnd aurhnritan\~e antholop

which unravels the manv ~hreads o i a

living Judaism " - I x k Kueelm.?ss auihiv

Thr lflrail, 01 Infrnalr. A \ r n u c

The Lllr t f R~ l i f lm , 2

$48 00 hanlco\,rr. S I fl O5 paperback

MEANING AND MODERNITY RELIGION, POLITY, AND SELF Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven M. Tipton, Editors

EPILOGUE BY ROBERT N. BELLAH ',Thix hirhlv readahle cnllecclnn nf

original. thought-prmok~n$ essyc IT leadin$ v h1dnr5 provldrc Ire5h lnvghtc

into thr Isrue< lhat Rdwn Rrllah ha5

add r rwd v) I r u ~ t f u l l ~ In h ~ c Inni:

carrrr - Renton lt>hnvn un inh~~ r cd

!:rnt%h~nl. R ~ w n h n c . \ and aurhiv i d

Fun~i~,mdwm ~n W&rn 5m !,>I,y\

Wl 00 hardcover s24 3s pnpfrhack

M A M A LOLA A V o ~ o u PRIESTESS IN BROOKLYN Karen McCarthy Brown UPDATED AND EXPANDED EDITION

"An rnencing. detailed. and smpa- t h c t ~ ~ .iccrlunt of h i r i m Vodou'

- !,cirna! ,d shr "rnrn. dn .llot!mr (7' Er'.,-.v

< I 4 3 i ppfrhack

DAO DE JlNG THE BOOK OF THE WAY Laozi TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY BY Moss Roberts "Rohcrr. providn a

~cli~rl. ir ly r e a d ~ n ~ nf

~ h c Ihro Dr Iini: .<I

r t - r i ~ r w i . so v ~ v d

\ P ~ I in fccl r.~l!!~ nii it <In yuur La~c

mil ~rne l l the \tmw

d o p This hocik

IT !,v nnynnt- who

hdi nict

'(!,irk' niind and

wmt \ J < l o w

CRUSADING PEACE CHRISTENDOM, THE MUSLIM WORLD, AND

WESTERN POLITICAL ORDER Tomai Mastnak V.i.tnak ?ho\r,s, In a rnhurr and i on -

vlncini: ln\hi<m. thnt rhc cniwiec antl

ih? pr.lce m~n'rnlrnt U.Prr iwo f .11~5 01 lhr ianie coin ' - \ i ~ ~ t ~ . w l 1 vl!~,

,,\,l!,,~: , I ! Th< rinJ,.r RCI.,,,<.~!

C 5 0 Or1 Iiarricn\cr

CHRISTIAN FIGURAL READING AND THE FASHIONING OF IDENTITY John David Dawson

at University of W

ales, Swansea on D

ecember 4, 2011


ownloaded from


Documents

Journal of American Academy Religion -2001-De La Torre-837-62