Intonation and Meaning

Doctorat en Cincia Cognitiva i LlenguatgePilar Prieto, ICREA-UAB

ReferencesGussenhoven, C. (2004). The Phonology of Tone and Intonation. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, ch. 4 and 5.Gussenhoven, C. (2002). Intonation and Interpretation: Phonetics and Phonology, in Proceedings of the Speech Prosody 2002 Conference, pp. 47-58, 2002.

Intonation and MeaningLanguages have tonal grammarsSpeakers of all languages also use the phonetic implementation to signal paralinguistic meaningsGrammatical intonational meaning will often mirror those form-function relations, and such phonology-morphology relations may be arbitraryPhonetic paralinguistic meaning draws on universally understood metaphors of biologically determined form-function relations

Discreteness in tonal patterns Experimental approaches towards establishing discreteness in intonation (Gussenhoven 2004)

The imitation task (Pierrehumbert & Steele 1989)The pitch-range task (Gussenhoven & Rietveld 2000)The semantic task and categorical perception tasks ((Ladd and Morton 1997, Kohler 1987)

Intonation makes the differenceA: What types of foods are a good source of vitamins?B1: Legumes are a good source of vitamins.B2: Legumes are a good source of vitamins.

A: Id like to fly to Davenport, Iowa on TWA.B: TWA doesnt fly there ... B1: They fly to Des Moines. B2: They fly to Des Moines.

A1: I met Mary and Elenas mother at the mall yesterday.A2: I met Mary and Elenas mother at the mall yesterday.

Rise right at start of stressed syllable cues statement of fact.they fly to Des Moines[TWA doesnt fly there ...]

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desmoinedesmoine184.6960.846826

risescoop166.3350.834764

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desmoine

riseagain

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Alignment with syllable mattersRise which is delayed somewhat cues suggestion, or uncertainty about whether the statement qualifies as relevant.they fly to Des Moines[TWA doesnt fly there ...]

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desmoinedesmoine

risescoop

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The imitation task Pierrehumbert & Steele (1989) undertook an imitation task with the two intonation patterns of the utterance Only a millionaire illustrated below.

Pierrehumbert & Steele (1989) synthesized many intonation contours with varying degrees of peak delay, and asked speakers to imitate what they heard.

Peak delay of speakers responses patterned in two categories: early (assertion) and late (suggestion).

The results of the experiment revealed the existance of two separate phonological categories See also later experiments by Ward & Hirschberg 1985, Hirschberg & Ward 1992, among others, which confirmed a clear separation between the two).

Gradient effects of tonal rangeFree Gradient Hypothesis: variation in pitch range only reflects the speakers implication in speech actLiberman & Pierrehumbert (1984)Gradient or categorical effects?

Liberman & Pierrehumbert 1984

Free Gradient Hypothesis

Free Gradient Hypothesis: variation in pitch range only reflects the speakers implication in speech act

Interrogative sentences and the locality/range problemSuspension of declination in questions in Hausa (Lindau 1986, Leben 1990). Cf. also Catalan.Higher F0 peaks in interrogatives in Spanish (Navarro Toms 1944; Canellada & Madsen 1987; Sosa 1992, 1999), Danish and Swedish (Hadding & Kennedy 1972) and Bengali (Hayes & Lahiri). *Not in French and English (Mettas 1971). Are these differences phonological?

Catalan interrogatives

Spanish interrogativesFo contour of the utterance Le dieron el nmero de vuelo? (Sosa 1992)

The pitch-range task (Gussenhoven & Rietveld 2000)

Difference between the high rise and the low rise in Dutch (the accented syllables is mid vs low respectively).In the experiment, listeners heard two sets of 9 accent stimuli:9 versions of the low rise by combining 3 values from the beginning and end9 versions of the high rise by combining 3 values from the beginning and end

%L H* H%1Gussenhoven & Rietveld 2000

2

Perceived surprise scoresHigh rise set: Perceived surprise is higher with higher values

Low rise set: Perceived surprise is higher with lower values

ExplanationThe high rise and the low rise are discretely different contours.Perceived surprise is a function of pitch rangePitch range is perceived in terms of the distance between realizations of L and H

If the high rise and the low rise were different realizations of the same phonological contour, differing only in pitch range, listeners would have treated any itch range variation in either contour type in the same manner.

Perception of pitch rangenot like thisbut like this:

%L H* H%

2%L L*H H%

Semantic TasksCategorical Perception Tasks

This task relies on the perception of semantic differences between phonetically different forms.Categorical perception: listeners interpret the phonetic continuum as belonging to two phonological categories and do not perceive differences between stimuly belonging to the same category.Problem: in intonation speakers tend to associate phonetically different forms with different meanings (Ladd & Morton 1997).

Categorical Perception ParadigmTwo separate (and complementary) tests are required to establish categorical perception.Identification task, in which listeners are asked to assign randomly presented stimuli from the continuum to either of two categories (results should show an abrupt perceptual shift at a given point)Discrimination task, in which listeners hear pairs of stimuli that differ by one acoustic step on the continuum, and are asked to say whether the members of each pair are the same of different. The results of this experiment should reveal that discrimination is good at the point where listeners perception shifts from one category to the other.

The aLARM went off A: This was an everyday occurrenceB: This was an unusual experienceLadd & Morton 1997

Ladd & Morton 1997Late peakEarly peak

Listeners are more likely to choose the unexpected interpretation as the F0 peak was higher.Although the shift in interpretation is clearly brought about by the increased F0 peak, it could be due to a gradient form-function relationship (higher peaks signalling greater significance; Gussenhoven 2004:66).

Substitute pitch heightLate f0 peaks can substitute for high f0 peaks

Mamma ballava da Lalla H*+LH*+L Li

Mamma ballava da Lalla ? H*+LL*+H Li Mum used to dance at LallasNeapolitan Italian (DImperio 1999)

With in broad focusMamma ballava da Lalla H*+L!H*+L Li

Mamma ballava da Lalla ? H*+LL*+H Li Mum used to dance at Lallas

Narrow focus statementYes-no questionVedrai mamma domani Vedrai mamma domaniYou will see your mum tomorrowWill you see your mum tomorrow?

(DImperio et House, 1997; DImperio, 2000)originalstylizedLHquestionstatement40 msLHDImperio (2002)

A 40. ms. difference in peak alignment statistically increased question responses in perception experiments (DImperio 2000)

CONCLUSION:A small alignment H difference is crucial for identification. A small temporal difference is crucial for identification.

MethodsAlignment: A. Linear stylisationF0 (Hz)Shift (msec)0-151530250200150300Vocalic offsetA2A1A3A4L 2HL1Alignment: B. Temporal shift

Pragmatic contrast:(DImperio, 2000)

Universality of Intonational MeaningA discussion of intonational meaning typically raises the issue of whether such meaning is universal or language-specific. The position defended here is that both the universal and the language-specific perspectives are true, simultaneously, for any language, but that the universal part is exercised in the phonetic implementation, while the language-specific meaning is located in the intonational morphology.

Ladd 1981Universalist Hypothesis: biologically determined pattern of rising questions and falling statementsLanguage-specific Hypothesis: grammatically determined, arbitrary relationship between form and function

View defended by GussenhovenUniversal meaning is omnipresentThere is a statistical bias towards natural phonological interpretationsThere are degrees of naturalness in phonological interpretationsUnnatural representations may arise in many ways through language change

Biological codesGussenhoven suggests that the intonation of any language involves universal and language-specific components.

The Frequency Code: variation in larynx size is associated with frequency, height of pitch.The Effort Code: variation in effort is associated with the excursion size of pitch movementsThe Production Code: high initial pitch with beginnings and final low pitch with endings of speech events.

Knowledge of vocal sound productionSize: Frequency CodeEnergy: (a) degree: Effort Code (b) phasing: Production (Phase) Code

andThree biological codes

Many meanings are derived from these codes, by social agreement.Some influence of the native language (Aoju Chens studies)The three codes are accidental : the speech production mechanism originally arose for different reasons (exaptation). Grammaticalization of these codes

Two meaning classesAffective meanings: refer to the speakerInformational meaning: refer to the message

Affective vs. informational interpretations of the biological codes

Frequency CodeSmaller larynxes contain lighter and smaller vocal cords, with which faster vibration rates are achieved for a given amount of energy. The correlation between larynx size and rate of vocal cord vibration is exploited for the expression of power relations. The many ramifications of this latter connection were dealt with by Ohala. The term for this form-function relation is his, and my labels for the next two relations are by analogy with his term.

Meanings of the Frequency CodeHigh ~ Low, Affective:Vulnerable - protectiveSubmissive - Authoritative High ~ Low, Informational: Uncertain - Certain

Grammaticalizations of the Frequency Code High ~ Low, Informational: Uncertain - CertainGrammaticalization:Statement - Question

Ohala proposes a biological basis for the correlation between high pitch and questions: smaller larynxes produce higher pitch and smaller creatures are often less powerful than larger creatures, high pitch can be used to signal submissiveness or a willingness to cooperate. This, in turn, explains the use of high pitch in questions: questions require cooperation from other speakers may reflect cross-linguistic differences in grammatical

Two substitute formsLate peaks to suggest high peaksHigh register to suggest wide excursion

Substitute pitch heightLate f0 peaks can substitute for high f0 peaks

Substitute pitch span

High pitch can suggest wide pitch span (register for span)

Influence of the native language

Different choices in the case of conflicting meanings

Influence of the native languageHadding & Studdert-Kennedy 1964Gussenhoven & Chen 2000Chen, Rietveld & Gussenhoven 1999

Hadding & Studdert-Kennendy Phonetica 1964. Reprinted in Bolingers Intonation: A Book of ReadingsFor Jane/Fr JaneSH

Is this a question or a statement?American English and Swedish listeners

1) Interrupted lines (stimulus with higher peaks) => higher peaks lead to more question responses; 2) higher endpoints too.

HS% QuestionF0 of end pitch

H S% Question

ExplanationSwedish listeners are more sensitive to peak height differences than English listenersbecause Swedish has no final rise to express interrogativity, while English does

Gussenhoven & Chen 2000Universal cues of interrogativitypeak height, end pitch, peak alignment

These are sentences from a language spoken on a South Sea island. Which of the two utterances is the question?Dutch, Hungarian and Chinese listenersStimuli presented paired with standard stimulus

C V 370Hz

220Hz 250Hz 220Hz

180Hz 150Hz

0 120ms 140Hz

Figure 1. An artificial pitch contour with indication of the ranges

of peak height, peak alignment, and end pitch.

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Inputs.

Fig 1. Question responses as a function of f0 height for three groups of listeners

EMBED MSGraph.Chart.8 \s

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Percentage Question judgements as a function of peak condition by three groups of listeners,

EMBED MSGraph.Chart.8 \s

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Chen, Rietveld & Gussenhoven 1999 H*L L% L*H H%Female bilingual Du-Eng speakerConfident Not confident

Grafiek1

61.788683333362.7759

53.0803555.0479833333

41.337633333346.2803

32.2450537.7776333333

26.222216666733.1350833333

Dutch

English

Pitch Register1: lowest; 5: highest;

Confident

Blad1

InfoReqInstruInfoReqInstruMean

DH*LL%162.930661.724268.6944DL*HH%158.954460.434557.99461.7886833333

250.694451.910758.5575253.837353.38150.101253.08035

338.934544.083343.2004341.938540.613139.25641.3376333333

430.200435.059531.5159431.515934.392930.785732.24505

524.361129.926624.871527.144828.37522.654826.2222166667

InfoReqInstru

EH*LL%162.94766.545569.1326EL*HH%157.628861.772758.628862.7759

252.079557.382658.2841254.409155.064453.068255.0479833333

342.068245.37548.3295347.409148.204546.295546.2803

434.840934.783639.197439.094739.409139.340537.7776333333

528.181832.340935.8447533.897734.113634.431833.1350833333

Blad1

00

00

00

00

00

Dutch

English

Pitch Register1: lowest; 5: highest;

Confident

Confident; Register:Language x Pitch Register

Blad2

Blad3

ExplanationFor some difference in Hz, Dutch listeners get more meaning out of the Frequency Code than BrE listenersThis is because Dutch has a narrower pitch range

Meanings of the Effort CodeWide ~ Narrow, Affective:Excited - DullSurprised - UnimpressedHelpful - Not helpful Wide ~ Narrow, Informational:Significant - Not significant

Meaning of the Production Code,InformationalBeginning of utterance, High ~ Low:New topic - continuation End of utterance, High ~ Low:Continuation - End of turn

Effort Code:Emphatic non-emphatic Chen, Gussenhoven & Rietveld 2000

Register H*L L%, L*H H%

Grafiek1

46.8347.745

59.1745.355

61.36543.74

62.2239.705

65.19539.59

Dutch

English

Pitch Register 1: lowest; 5: highest

emphatic

Blad1

Dutchp1p2p3p4p5

q48.0958.6755.2161.667.07

d45.5759.6767.5262.8463.32

Mean46.8359.1761.36562.2265.195

Englishp1p2p3p4p5

q45.8942.6842.2138.6136.87

d49.648.0345.2740.842.31

Mean47.74545.35543.7439.70539.59

Blad1

00

00

00

00

00

Dutch

English

Pitch Register 1: lowest; 5: highest

emphatic

Pitch Register: Pitch Register x Lang

Blad2

Blad3

ExplanationDutch: Substitute use of register for pitch span to express emphasis (Effort Code)English: Use of register to express friendliness (Frequency Code)So dont perceive Dutch listeners friendliness in higher registers?

Grafiek3

40.098928571439.0064857143

42.541957142943.75

44.541957142946.9136142857

44.522685714348.4837714286

43.170642857149.0422

Dutch

English

Pitch Register 1:lowest; 5:highest;

Friendly

Blad1

stepsDinfoH*LL%DreqH*DinstruH*DinfoL*HH%DreqL*DinstruL*Mean

144.559550.186539.269848.892953.815542.968340.0989285714

250.815551.210340.803654.62555.00443.335342.5419571429

351.587353.688545.446455.017956.410746.642944.5419571429

452.214354.442543.666754.317556.732146.285744.5226857143

548.859152.634946.00451.839351.726246.13143.1706428571

stepsEinfoH*LLEreqH*EinstruH*EinfoL*HH%EreqL*EinstruL*Mean

144.840942.306841.318247.272748.647747.659139.0064857143

251.534149.431844.636453.659153.340951.647743.75

352.329552.159151.75955.897757.7555.546.9136142857

455.670557.318251.568257.534158.863654.431848.4837714286

556.12556.715952.238658.636461.62552.954549.0422

Blad1

00

00

00

00

00

Dutch

English

Pitch Register1: lowest; 5: highest;

Friendly

Friendly; Register: Language x Pitch Register

Blad2

00

00

00

00

00

Dutch

English

Pitch Range 1:lowest; 5:highest;

Friendly

Blad3

Testing the Production Code: English and Dutch

The D is in section 3, the F is in section 5, the K is in section 7DFK

InitialityThe D is in section...

Finality... is in section 3with five source utterances

Do you think this sentence fragment is from the first, second or third sentence in the passage?

This contrast has been found to be perceptually crucial for the question statement distinction by DImperio and House, 1997 and more recently in my thesis results. This is even more important in Italian because no morpho-syntactic markers are employed to signal questionhood.Specifically, DImperio and House 1997 showed that in Neapolitan Italian, the intonation patterns for statements and questions can be distinguished by the alignment of the peak of a rise-fall pattern on the main stressed syllable,though this difference is rather small (around 40 ms). Shifting peak alignment earlier results in more statement responses. Basically, we obtained a perceptual category shift due to peak timing manipulation.

(Italien de Naples)Then, tonal alignment was shifted earlier in four steps of 15 msec with respect to the vocalic offset. The shifts were created without changing the percept of the question to that of a statement but just creating patterns that would be more or less congruent with the syllabic structure of the base. A set of resynthesized stimuli was created through the combination of all the different steps of duration and pitch by means of the PRAAT resynthesis tool. In Neapolitan Italian, LH rises are systematically later than (narrow focus) statement LH rises; this regularity in production is employed in perception in order to recover the pragmatic contrast