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Security Reform on Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Chile Alejandra C. Edwards and Estelle James Presented at AEI, November 2009

Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Chile

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Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Chile. Alejandra C. Edwards and Estelle James Presented at AEI, November 2009. Chilean reform of 1981. Much concern about declining labor force participation (LFP) of older men - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Page 1: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:

Evidence from Chile

Alejandra C. Edwards and Estelle JamesPresented at AEI, November 2009

Page 2: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

Chilean reform of 1981 Much concern about declining labor force participation

(LFP) of older men Studies (e.g. Gruber and Wise) show workers respond to

incentives in DB pension systems 1981 Chilean reform allows us to test whether large

system change produces large change in LFP– Prior to 1981 Chile had PAYGO DB system with high payroll

tax, low allowable pension age, benefits not adjusted in actuarially fair way

– After 1981 workers contribute 10% of wage into DC savings account, turned into pension at retirement

Labor supply of older workers increased dramatically after 1981. Was this due to 1981 reform? Which rule changes?

Page 3: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

3 rule changes that affect LFP Lower implicit tax for nonpensioners due to shift from

DB to DC—actuarial fairness (1) EPV of lifetime contributions=EPV of benefits; 2) EPV of incremental benefits = EPV of incremental contributions; 3) EPV of pension increment due to postponement=EPV of foregone benefits)– (only partial AF if greater time preference or want flexibility)

Exemption from pension payroll tax for pensioners (and nonpensioners over 65)

Tighter early retirement pre-conditions before age 65, so more remain as nonpensioners, who must work longer due to liquidity constraints

We expect greatest impact from #2 &3—could be adopted in U.S.

Page 4: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

4

Data: 47 years of household surveys from Santiago Area, 1957-2004

31,547 men in 50 cohorts born 1900-1950, observed at ages 50-70 between 1957-2004

Individual level data on– Labor force participation– Demographic characteristics– Labor and pension income

Shortcomings:– It is not longitudinal, no retrospective data– We don’t know which system individual is in– But we can build synthetic cohorts--people with

same birth year—as indicator of system

Page 5: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

5

Birth cohort indicates probability of new system membership

After 1981, new workers must join new system but existing workers could choose.

Younger workers more likely to join new system. Proportion in new system rises with each cohort.

“Post-reform” cohorts born after 1931 (50% in new system), “pre-reform” born before 1926, bridge gen. born 1926-31 (40% in new system)

6 cohort groups (5 years each) after 1926, in new system with increasing probability

Transition: Reform effect is predicted to grow with each cohort group, until new equilibrium with everyone in new system.

Page 6: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

6

Pension probabilities among 50-64 fall after 1981 reform (up before)

0.2

.4.6

.8P

ropo

rtion

of i

ndiv

idua

ls w

ho a

re p

ensi

oner

s

1957

-60

1961

-64

1965-

68

1969

-72

1973-

76

1977-8

0

1981

-84

1985-8

8

1989

-92

1993

-96

1997

-00

2001-0

4

Year

70-7465-6960-6455-5950-5445-4940-44

Source: U de Chile Employment Surveys

Male pension rates by age over time

Page 7: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

7

.2.4

.6.8

1P

ropo

rtion

in th

e la

bor f

orce

1957

-60

1961

-64

1965

-68

1969-7

2

1973

-76

1977-

80

1981

-84

1985

-88

1989-92

1993

-96

1997-

00

2001

-04

Year

40-4445-4950-5455-5960-6465-6970-74

Source : U de Chile Employment Surveys

Male labor force participation by age over time

LFP trends reverse after reform(went down before, up afterwards)

Page 8: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

8

0.2

.4.6

.81

Pro

porti

on in

the

labo

r for

ce

1957

-60

1961

-64

1965-

68

1969-

72

1973

-76

1977-8

0

1981

-84

1985

-88

1989

-92

1993-

96

1997

-00

2001-0

4

Year

np50-54np55-59np60-64np65-69pen50-54pen55-59pen60-64pen65-69

Source: U de Chile Employment Surveys

pensioners and non-pensioners comparedMale labor force participation rates by age:

particularly among pensioners

Page 9: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

Aggregate trends are consistent with our hypotheses. Does reform effect remain after controlling

for variations in individual and macro-economic variables? Answer: Yes, with some caveats

Also remains after tests for selection bias We measure marginal behavioral change by

sucsessive cohorts and cumulative post-reform change (from 1926 to 1950 birth cohorts)

Page 10: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

Probit analysis estimates 1) pension probabilities and 2) LFP rates as function of : New system impact, proxied by cohort groups Individual characteristics: Age, schooling, marital

status, # young children, hh income Macro-economic conditions: economic cycle,

unemployment rate LFP rate also depends on pension status, amount,

replacement rate We simulate behavioral differences by cohort group

and differences in reform impact by pensioner vs. nonpensioner status, age > or < 65

Page 11: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

11

50-59 60-64 65-70Pre-reform pension probability (%)

21 35 58

Cumulative post-reform loss (pp)*

-10 -8 -1

*significant for ages 50-64 at 5% level Starting with post-reform cohort born after 1931, pension

prob declines 2-6 pp for each successive cohort group, ages 50-64

Cumulative decline is 8-10 pp Large relative to pre-reform pension prob (21-35%) No significant decline after 65—suggests that early retirement

constraint, rather than actuarial fairness in conversion to annuity, explains postponed pensioning

Results: 1) Pension probabilities fall for post-reform cohorts

Page 12: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

12

50-59 60-64 65-70Pre-reform LFP (%) 80 63 38Cumulative post-reform gain (pp)*

12 19 13

*All gains are significant at 5% level or better LFP was falling for pre-reform cohorts Starting with cohorts born after 1926, LFP

rises 2-7 pp for each successive cohort group Cumulative gain is 12-19 pp Strong effect continues after age 65 (despite

partial data, espec. large relative to pre-reform LFP) All 3 reasons are at work: 1) pension age

postponed so more nonpensioners, high LFP; 2) smaller implicit tax for nonpensioners due to DC; 3) tax exemption for pensioners

2) LFP rates rise for post-reform cohorts in pooled sample of pensioners and nonpensioners

Page 13: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

13

50-59 60-64 65-70Pensioners

Pre-reform LFP (%) 28 19 12Cumulative post-reform gain (pp)* 28 29 15

NonpensionersPre-reform LFP (%) 95 88 75Cumulative post-reform gain (pp)* 1 5 12*All post-reform gains are significant at 1% or 5% level Pensioner LFP was falling pre-reform Rises by 5-16 pp for each post-reform cohort group Cum. gain for age 50-64 is 28-34 pp--doubles pre-reform LFP Strong effect continues after 65—despite partial data Nonpensioners have much higher LFP than pensioners--+67 pp

—so remaining nonpensioner longer raises aggregate LFP But with status given, reform impact on nonpensioners is small

until age 65—when they become exempt from payroll tax Suggests that actuarial fairness due to DC has smaller impact on LFP than tax exemption and postponed pension age

3) Effect stronger for pensioners than nonpensioners

Page 14: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

4) Other variables—significant but don’t change reform impact Lower pension amount and replacement rate

increase LFP—so if rising longevity reduces annuity payouts in DC system, this raises LFP

Higher unemployment rate reduces LFP, mainly because it raises pension probabilities

Individual characteristics have expected effects Tests for selection bias into new system or

pensioner status don’t change these results

14

Page 15: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

Macroeconomic effects

LFP increase of 14 pp per year in pooled sample for 15 years ages 50-64 = 2.1 years

Implies 21% increase in older labor force, more output and growth

Further growth in ages 65+ not yet fully observed in our sample

Total increase will be higher as % in older age groups grows

Page 16: Impact of Social Security Reform on Labor Force Participation:  Evidence from Chile

Policy implications Incentives and constraints in new system have had positive

effects on supply of older workers – DC makes pension growth actuarially fair– Pensioners exempted from payroll tax– Pre-conditions for early pension tightened

Which rule change is most important?– Fall in pension prob before 65, not after: early pension constraints

increase nonpensioners--who work longer– Larger LFP effect among pensioners: exemption from payroll tax

plays a key role – About half total LFP effect due to tax exemption for pensioners

and half due to postponed pension age– These could also be implemented in DB system– Smaller LFP effect among nonpensioners implies that actuarial

fairness due to DC is there but less important