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‘Stuff from which legends are made’:Jack Trice Stadium and the politics ofmemoryJaime Schultz aa University of Maryland,

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‘Stuff from Which Legends Are Made’:Jack Trice Stadium and the Politics ofMemoryJaime Schultz

This paper considers the politics involved in naming Iowa State University’s football

stadium after Jack Trice, the school’s first African American athlete and its only athleteto die from injuries sustained in competition. This decision took place in the mid- to late-1990s, at nearly the same time administrators dedicated another site of memory on Iowa

State’s campus – Carrie Chapman Catt Hall. Catt, an esteemed alumna of the school,was an important lobbyist for women’s rights in the early twentieth century who made

several racist, classist and xenophobic remarks in her campaigns. By locating these twomemorial efforts within the larger context of racialized relations in the US, this essay

argues that the university memorialized Jack Trice in order to assert itself as a raciallyinclusive space during a moment that threatened to brand the institution deficient when

it came to minority students and affairs.

At the 1984 dedication of Iowa State University’s football field to the man who played

just two games for the Cyclones, Des Moines Register columnist Donald Kaulremarked: ‘It seemed to me that the story of a young black man who literally gave hislife in the service of Iowa State football was the stuff from which legends are made.’

[1] Thirteen years later, supporters gathered to again recognize Jack Trice, theschool’s first African-American student-athlete, and the only athlete to die during

competition, and to dedicate Jack Trice Stadium. The occasion, remarked onejournalist, signified that Trice ‘still lives in memory at Iowa State University’. [2]

It was not a structure originally built with the intent to honour the man, yet thenaming of Jack Trice Stadium was ostensibly designed to commemorate his real and

symbolic contributions to Iowa State. Since his death in 1923, university officials havetouted Trice as a symbol of the institution’s consistent commitment to diversity at

the predominantly white Midwestern agricultural college. However, a combination of

Jaime Schultz, University of Maryland. Correspondence to: jschu@umd.edu

The International Journal of the History of SportVol. 24, No. 6, June 2007, 715 – 748

ISSN 0952-3367 (print)/ISSN 1743-9035 (online) � 2007 Taylor & FrancisDOI: 10.1080/09523360701264993

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the administration’s actions, reactions and evasions in designating the stadiumcontradicts this posturing. Moreover, several of the school’s practices and policies,

both in the past and the present, belie its self-proclaimed status as a bastion of racialtolerance. By considering Jack Trice Stadium as a ‘site of memory’, this article

examines the ways in which Iowa State University constructed a particular version ofits own history and identity. [3]

French historian Pierre Nora’s seven-volume work Les Lieux de Memoire institutesa history of France on the basis of diverse ‘sites of memory’ such as the ‘The King’,

‘Gastronomy’, and the ‘Tour de France’, which he argues are produced as efforts toremember certain aspects of the past, marking the interaction between memory andhistory. Conceptualized as ‘sites’, Nora considers these elements as case studies that

offer points of entry for understanding the development of a national history and theconstruction of French identity. [4] He calls for careful analysis of historical symbols

and is ‘less concerned with establishing the veracity of historical facts than with theways in which the past is understood and appropriated within contemporary

consciousness’. [5]Nora’s work, according to historian Kerwin L. Klein, initiated an academic ‘memory

boom’ and several scholars argue that memory is now a central concept in thehumanities and social sciences. [6] In particular, as historian Alon Confino contends,

since the 1980s memory has become perhaps the leading term in cultural history. [7]This attention to issues of remembrance is associated with revived interest in the workof French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, whose 1925 Social Frameworks of Memory is

widely regarded as the first systematic study on collective memory. In his introductionto Halbwachs’ posthumously published works, Lewis A. Coser writes that as a recent

immigrant to the United States, he felt a ‘mild estrangement’ from others. That feelingof detachment, Coser eventually understood, was attributable to his inability to share

‘enough’ collective memories with his newly-adopted compatriots.

The memory of major sports events shared by my friends was not part of mymemory. I had not worshiped particular famous baseball players with them. I wasconfused when I noticed that American football was something very different fromthe European variety, so that I had no way of participating in their football lore. [8]

Coser’s words demonstrate memory’s capacity, in this case the memory of sport, to

bridge the individual and the social. Memory in common use is in a different registerfrom personal recollections. Instead, remembering and forgetting are socially

constructed, present-oriented processes that both rely on and construct groupaffiliation. An emphasis on the social dimension of memory considers the ways in

which the past is made and remade to serve particular interests and needs – how thepast is made to matter in the present.

Sociologists Raymond L. Schmitt and Wilbert M. Leonard argue that manyfeatures of the sporting world – the records, media, physical objects andcommemorative devices that chronicle and preserve athletics – all work to construct

and sustain social memory. [9] In this vein, several scholars have made what Stephen

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Wieting and Judy Polumbaum refer to as the ‘sport-memory association’. [10] Forinstance, the stories told by group members about their athletic participation remind

us, as Gary Alan Fine proposes, that the ‘essence of sport is not exercise, butmemory’. [11] Sporting events and moments become etched in national and

institutional memories and contribute to the construction of particular groupidentities. [12] Explorations of sporting histories, myths, legends and symbols

demonstrate that recollections, such as those of the 1919 Black Sox scandal, oftenmisrepresent the past or change according to the contexts in which they are

remembered. [13] Other scholars have examined the construction and socialsignificance assigned to stadiums, statues, museums, halls of fame and other physicalstructures. [14] Such artefacts, like the Jack Trice Stadium, play central roles in the

creation and maintenance of cultural memories.Issues of race especially affected the politics of memory involved in naming Jack

Trice Stadium. All memory is political, argues historian Patrick Geary, because it is‘memory for something’. [15] Yet the decision to designate Jack Trice Stadium was

particularly politicized because of its connection to another site of memory on theIowa State campus, Carrie Chapman Catt Hall. Catt, an esteemed alumna of the

school, was a successful lobbyist for women’s rights in the early twentieth century.During her campaign, however, she made several racist, classist and xenophobic

remarks that many found unforgivable. Students argued that the administrators’insistence on honouring Catt’s memory was evidence of the institution’s insensitivityto minority students.

By dedicating Jack Trice Stadium in 1997, Iowa State administrators created an‘official memory’ [16] that persuaded members of its community and the general

public that it had a history and continued commitment to diversity. Decisions toname both the stadium and Catt Hall carried political implications for the school’s

sense of historic achievements and current character. ‘Place names’, according tohistorians Katherine Hodgkin and Susannah Radstone, ‘are one way of insisting on

the reality of a particular version of the past, and also (therefore) of the present’. [17]Iowa State University memorialized Trice, thus asserting its history and identity as aracially inclusive space, at a moment that threatened to brand the institution deficient

when it came to minority students and affairs. This becomes evident by positioningthe dedication of the stadium within the larger context of racialized relations at Iowa

State and in the US during the mid- to late 1990s.Iowa State University (ISU) is located in Ames, Iowa, a Midwestern US city of

50,000 residents, 87 per cent of whom the 2000 Census identified as white. [18] Thatsame year, less than seven per cent of ISU’s 25,000 students were considered racial or

ethnic ‘minorities’. [19] This is neither a new trend nor one that is uncharacteristic ofIowa, which has always been a predominantly white state. [20] Originally named the

Iowa State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, ISU was established in 1869 asone of the first land-grant colleges in the United States. [21] These institutions werefounded under the auspices of the 1862 Morrill Act, which called for each state to

provide a ‘permanent endowment’ for at least one institution to focus its educational

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objectives on the agricultural and mechanic arts ‘without excluding other scientificand classical studies’. [22] Iowa State’s emphasis on agricultural training and ‘practical

education’ made it distinct. [23] Adding to the uniqueness of its educationalphilosophy, Benjamin F. Gue, one of the school’s founders, declared that Iowa State

would be open to ‘any of God’s people’ and would not show prejudice on the basis ofrace, creed or sex. The second Morrill Act of 1890 supported Gue’s assertion by

threatening to withhold federal funds ‘where a distinction of race or color is made inthe admission of students’. [24] Although the ideal of racial equality was one of the

institution’s founding principles, administrators have only intermittently enforced itduring the ISU’s history and the controversy surrounding the naming of Jack TriceStadium brought many of the school’s racial politics to the fore.

‘The Legend of Jack Trice’

Jack Trice’s family history reads like that of many African-Americans of his

generation, in that all of his grandparents had been enslaved. After fighting in theIndian Wars, his father settled in Hiram, Ohio, a virtually all-white rural town, where

Jack Trice was born in 1902. As Trice prepared to enter high school his motherinsisted that he live with his uncle in nearby Cleveland, Ohio, wishing, according to

an elementary schoolmate, ‘to get him among people of his own kind, to meet theproblems that a negro [sic] boy would have to face sometime, and to give him anopportunity to make social contacts with people of his own race’. [25]

In Cleveland, Trice attended East Technical High School and although his motherhoped the environment would be more racially diverse, he was the only African-

American on the school’s football squad (see Figure 1). He was a standout high-school athlete on an exceptional team, but while colleges and universities such as

Notre Dame recruited his white teammates, there is no evidence that any institutionssought after Trice. [26] Notre Dame refused to admit black students until the 1940s

and, in fact, few institutions were willing to integrate their squads during the firstdecades of the twentieth century. [27] As Trice’s senior year of high school endedSam Willaman, his coach at East Technical, accepted the head football position at

Iowa State and convinced Trice and several of his teammates to join him (Figure 2).It is reasonable to surmise that, because of the colour of his skin, this was the only

offer Trice received to play college sports, though his talent, size, speed and strengthwould have otherwise made him a highly desirable recruit at any school in the US.

Jack Trice began his schooling at Iowa State in the fall of 1922. He was the firstAfrican-American athlete there, though other black students, such as noted scientist

George Washington Carver, previously attended the institution. [28] Trice majoredin animal husbandry and, as Carver had, planned to use his degree to assist and

advise Southern black farmers. Iowa State, like all the other predominantly whiteinstitutions in the US, did not allow black students to live on campus, so Trice, alongwith his wife Cora Mae, lived in a small apartment in Ames; both worked in several

different jobs to support themselves while attending classes. [29]

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Figure 1 Jack Trice in East Technical High School letterman’s sweater (Courtesy IowaState University/Special Collections Department)

Figure 2 Iowa State University teammates (left to right) Johnny Behm, Jack Trice,M. Behm, William Nave (Courtesy Iowa State University/Special CollectionsDepartment)

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When Jack Trice joined the Cyclones’ varsity football team in 1923 he was heraldedby coaches, peers and the media for his physical size and talents at defensive tackle

(Figure 3). Coach Willaman believed that Trice was the best lineman he had evercoached and ‘one of the greatest athletes he ever saw’. [30] Before he played his first

varsity game, Iowa State’s student paper pronounced that at tackle ‘the fast and craftycolored boy, is the most outstanding’. [31] Following his inaugural game against

Simpson College, the paper declared that he played superbly and that ‘Jack Trice is byfar the most outstanding performer and gave evidence of being one of the best tackles

in the Missouri valley this year’. [32] One teammate predicted that he would have‘certainly made All-Conference his sophomore year, because he was reallytremendous. I think he would have made All-American. . . . He would have made

all the teams that would recognize a Negro at that time’. [33] This comment issignificant not only for its observations on Trice’s abilities, but for its commentary on

the exclusionary practice of omitting deserving black athletes from prestigious listsand awards. [34]

Without question, Trice experienced much discrimination throughout his shortlife, although some specific inequities are matters of contention. For instance, some

Figure 3 Jack Trice in Iowa State uniform, 1923 (Courtesy Iowa State University/SpecialCollections Department)

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accounts mistakenly record that the contest against the University of Minnesota, inwhich he sustained his fatal injuries, ‘was his first and only game’. [35] Others have

erroneously recorded that he was kept from competing against the University ofNebraska and Washington University in St Louis when Cyclone officials capitulated

to opponents’ racist demands. [36] Southern institutions commonly made suchmandates in order to avoid interracial competitions, yet records show that at the time

of Trice’s death, the Iowa State football team had competed in only two games – thefirst against Simpson College and the second against Minnesota – and Trice played in

both. [37] The competing accounts concerning the games in which Trice played arepart of larger narratives that serve presentist purposes by heightening the drama ofhis death and characterizing it as a victim of a racist society.

A more complicated discrepancy in the legend of Jack Trice concerns where andwith whom he lodged the night before the 1923 Minnesota game. Some stories claim

that he stayed in the same Minneapolis hotel as his teammates, who successfullylobbied to allow Trice to eat with them in the otherwise segregated dining room. [38]

Robert Fisher, a teammate of Trice, told a different story many years later: ‘When wewent to Minneapolis, I noticed [Trice] wasn’t in our hotel. I asked somebody about it

and they said that hotel did not allow blacks and that he was staying at the CurtisHotel’. [39] Although where Trice actually stayed that night is an important detail,

the memories of his trip, regardless of their historical accuracy, illuminate thepolitical appropriations of the past. By asserting that his teammates fought to gainTrice entrance to the restaurant, ISU portrays itself in a favourable light, furthering

the position that the school has a long history of racial inclusion and activism. Thestory of segregating Trice in a different hotel, on the other hand, becomes merely one

plot point in an extended narrative of racial discrimination – a narrative thatcontinued long past his death by continually denying appeals to name the stadium

after him.During the active campaign to memorialize Trice in the 1970s and 1980s, students

made use of a ‘narrative of victimization’ that included prohibiting Trice from theMinneapolis hotel and football contests. [40] Students employed these examples ofexclusion to bolster their position that administrative foot-dragging in naming the

stadium was thinly veiled racism, a long-held tradition at the institution. While it isnot certain whether he stayed alone or with the rest of the Cyclone team, existing

evidence suggests that he stayed at the Curtis Hotel (as Robert Fisher recalled), forthat night Jack Trice wrote himself a note on Curtis Hotel stationery, which he then

evidently slipped into his jacket pocket before joining his teammates for a meeting[Figure 5]. [41]

Perhaps the greatest mystery in the tale of Jack Trice is the nature of the fatalinjuries he sustained on Saturday 6 October 1923. In one of the first plays of the Iowa

State-Minnesota game, Trice apparently injured his collarbone, the details of whichwere never publicized. He continued to play and at halftime, with the score tied at 7–7, Coach Willaman asked ‘How are you, Jack?’ to which Trice reportedly replied: ‘I’m

OK, but my shoulder hurts a little.’ [42] At the beginning of the third quarter of the

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game Jack Trice was seriously injured in a play that has been the source ofcontroversy and conjecture for a very long time. The only ‘fact’ one might ascertain

from reports of the game is that Trice somehow wound up on his back in the middleof a play and was trampled by several members of the Minnesota squad.

Obviously hurt, Trice was helped from the field and taken to a Minneapolishospital. Without his defensive prowess, Iowa State lost to Minnesota 20–17.

Meanwhile, at the hospital doctors declared that Trice’s injuries were not serious anddeemed him fit to travel. Lying on a makeshift straw mattress in a railroad car, Jack

Trice made the nearly 250-mile trip back to Iowa in terrible pain. He arrived in Ameson Sunday morning and was immediately rushed to the Iowa State hospital.

Initially, doctors felt that Trice’s condition was improving but his breathing soon

became shallow and irregular. They detected severe abdominal damage anddiscovered that his sore shoulder was a broken collarbone, the injury sustained at

the start of the game; physicians at the Minnesota hospital had failed to recognizeboth problems. The following day, a specialist was summoned for consultation. He

determined that Trice’s abdomen and intestines were so severely damaged that anoperation would be too dangerous. Years later, Cora Mae Trice recalled the precise

moment of her husband’s death. Upon arriving in Jack Trice’s hospital room, sheremembered: ‘When I saw him I said, ‘‘Hello Darling’’. He looked at me, but never

spoke. I remember hearing the campanile chime 3 o’clock. That was October 8, 1923,and he was gone.’ [43]

Afternoon classes at Iowa State were cancelled on Tuesday 9 October 1923 so that

the university community could mourn Jack Trice. His teammates carried his body ina grey casket draped with a blanket displaying the school’s cardinal and gold colours

to the campanile, where an estimated 3,000 students and faculty members hadgathered (Figure 4). Earlier that morning the folded piece of Curtis Hotel stationery –

containing the note he had written to himself the night before the Minnesota game –had been found in the breast pocket of Trice’s coat. Following the invocation at the

memorial service, Iowa State’s President Pearson read what is known as Jack Trice’s‘last letter’ (Figure 5).

To whom it may concern,My thoughts just before the first real college game of my life. The honor of my race,family, and self is at stake. Everyone is expecting me to do big things. I will!

My whole body and soul are to be thrown recklessly about the field tomorrow.Every time the ball is snapped, I will be trying to do more than my part.

On all defensive plays I must break thru the opponents’ line and sport the play intheir territory. Beware of mass interference – fight low with your eyes open andtoward the play. Roll-block the interference. Watch out for cross bucks and reverseend runs. Be on your toes every minute if you expect to make good.

7:45 Jack [44]

That the letter was preserved as a college document indicates the depth of

reverence the Iowa State community felt for both the man and his message. An

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Figure 4 Jack Trice funeral, 9 October 1923 (Courtesy Iowa State University/SpecialCollections Department)

Figure 5 Jack Trice’s ‘last letter’ (Courtesy Iowa State University/Special CollectionsDepartment)

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excerpt of the letter was inscribed on a bronze plaque and placed in the university’sgymnasium (Figure 6). Sixty years later, a Newsweek article recapped the story of Jack

Trice and the plaque, commenting: ‘They meant well, all of them, and gradually theyforgot.’ [45] Though the Iowa State community surely had the best of intentions by

honouring Trice in 1923, the institution’s collective memory of him was not activelysustained; in fact, it was relegated to near obscurity.

In the south-west corner of the Old State Gymnasium, the plaque remainedessentially hidden from view behind a staircase, according to Tom Emmerson, who

noticed it as an Iowa State journalism student in 1957. Unable to find anyone in theathletic department who knew about Trice or the plaque, Emmerson culled the basicstory from university archives and newspapers, pulling together an item for

publication the Iowa State magazine. [46] But, as Emmerson recalls, ‘There was noreaction after I wrote it . . . nothing happened’. [47]

Figure 6 Jack Trice memorial plaque (Courtesy Iowa State University/Special CollectionsDepartment)

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Trice: A Forgotten Story Remembered

It took another 15 years for Trice to receive any substantial attention. In 1973, AlanBeals, a counsellor for the athletic department, also came across the old plaque, by

then covered in rust, dust and bird droppings. [48] Beals collaborated on an articlefor the Iowa State Daily, the campus newspaper, entitled ‘Trice: A Forgotten Story

Remembered’, recounting the man’s life and brief career at ISU, and commemoratingthe 50th anniversary of his death. [49] Inspired by the piece, Professor Charles Sohn

thought that the story of Jack Trice would make an interesting research project for hisfreshman English class. Sohn related that the students ‘were immediately motivatedto go to libraries, to set up local interviews, and to track down any of Jack’s

acquaintances and relatives still alive more than 40 years after the drama’. [50]After discerning what they felt to be praiseworthy characteristics in Trice, the

students proposed a venue to honour him. At the time, Iowa State was in the processof constructing a new $7 million football stadium that was scheduled for completion

in 1975. The stadium was, as yet, unnamed and Sohn recalled that one student voicedwhat the entire class was thinking: ‘They should call it Jack Trice Stadium.’ He

remembered that

one of the black males [in the class] immediately responded that there was no waythe establishment would honour some poor dead black kid like that. . . . I think itwas that same day that we voted to become the Jack Trice Memorial StadiumCommittee, and the decades-long campaign was launched. [51]

The committee for Jack Trice Memorial Stadium received support from the Iowa

State Daily, whose editorial staff unanimously endorsed the name and frequentlypublished items exhorting administrators to ‘do the right thing’. [52] The

Government of the Student Body (GSB) additionally assisted the cause by sponsoringand endorsing resolutions and petitions to name the stadium after Trice. [53]

Almost immediately, there were definitive lines drawn between student andadministrative interests. When the issue first surfaced, it was generally acknowledgedthat those individuals in charge would have to ‘decide between a dedicated football

player who gave his life playing . . . and a dedicated alum or friend who gave hismoney for the stadium for other players to play in’. [54] Gary Mulhall, director of

field activities for the ISU Foundation, remarked that a ‘number of people involved inthe building of the stadium . . . have definite sentiments against naming the stadium

after Jack Trice’. [55] English professor Charles Sohn felt that the ‘only noticeablereluctance to support the name ‘‘Jack Trice Stadium’’’ came from university officials’.

[56] Students, on the other hand, cast nearly 2,000 votes in the 1975 GSB elections toname the building ‘Jack Trice Memorial Stadium’, a three-to-one choice over any

other option. [57]In 1976 ISU’s president, W. Robert Parks, formed a 14-member committee

comprised of students, faculty, staff and alumni to propose a name for the newly

completed stadium. [58] The committee voted 11–3 for the generic ‘Cyclone

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Stadium’; the only dissenting ballots came from the three students on the committee,who favoured naming it after Trice. President Parks accepted the committee’s

majority decision and subsequent editorials in student publications urged him toreconsider this stance. The rhetoric of these writings often pitted monetary donations

against mortal contributions, asking readers to consider, for instance, ‘Who paid themost?’ (Figure 7) and ‘Jack Trice gave all he had; can anyone give more?’ [59]

Nevertheless, Parks moved forward by recommending the name ‘Cyclone Stadium’to the Iowa State Board of Regents, the final step needed for approval. In a

complicated resolution, however, the board voted to defer naming the stadiumbecause ISU was not the official owner. Instead, the board argued, the title belongedto the ISU Foundation, the group that had solicited funds to pay construction costs

with loan and gift money. It was expected that the university would repay thefoundation in several years and thus obtain ownership of the facility, at which time

an appropriate judgement could be made. It is difficult to ascertain why the boarddecided to delay the decision, but at least one ISU student thought that with this

tactic, ‘The administration hope students will forget about [naming the stadium afterTrice]’. [60]

But it seems as though students did not forget. In the 1980s their efforts continuedand included actions such as renting a plane to fly above the arena during home

football games trailing a banner reading ‘Welcome to Jack Trice Stadium’. The GSBbought advertising time on local radio stations urging listeners to write letters ofsupport for naming the stadium after Trice. [61] In 1981, supporters set up a

billboard, located on Ames’s busiest thoroughfare, that read ‘Welcome to Ames.

Figure 7 ‘Who paid the most?’ Cartoon in Ethos, Fall 1975 (Courtesy Ethos magazine)

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Home of Jack Trice Memorial Stadium’ in hopes of drawing attention to their cause.[62] Though often unfolding in series of fits and starts, the admirable and remarkable

persistence of students’ efforts were finally, albeit partially, met.In 1984 ISU became the official owner of what the media had unofficially called

‘No Name Stadium’. [63] At that time, a compromise was struck whereby thebuilding would be called ‘Cyclone Stadium’ and the grass surface on which games

were played ‘Jack Trice Field’. This move seemed to appease the majority of thoseembroiled in the conflict, who felt that meeting half-way was the most diplomatic

solution. At the dedication ceremony, Donald Kaul, a columnist for the Des MoinesRegister who consistently supported naming the stadium after Trice, conceded: ‘Youcan’t always win the good fight.’ But, he added, at least Cyclone Stadium/Jack Trice

Field was not a total loss; rather, it could be called a ‘tie’. [64] The decision receivednational media attention and in a Newsweek article, sociologist Harry Edwards

commented: ‘Jack Trice gets half a loaf. I’m surprised.’ [65] Trice was furthermemorialized when the GSB funded the creation of a bronze statue in his likeness

that was later erected on centre campus (Figure 8). Jet magazine applauded this

Figure 8 Jack Trice statue (Photograph by Robert G. Schultz)

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memorial with a cover story that read: ‘White University Rights 65-Year WrongDone to Black Athlete’. [66]

Race and Memory in the Campaign for Jack Trice Stadium

The Jet magazine cover story literally framed the issue in black and white. Indeed, the

subject of race figured prominently throughout the debate over naming the stadium.For example, there was much discussion as to whether those who inflicted Trice’s

injuries were racially motivated. In 1923, it seemed to be the general consensus thathis fatal wounds were caused by a mis-execution of the roll block. In fact, in the noteTrice wrote the night before the Minnesota game, he reminded himself to ‘Roll-block

the interference’. William Thompson, the coach of the Iowa State freshman squad in1923, described the manoeuvre in a 1974 interview as ‘a dangerous block to use. . . .

You had to roll under the backfield and that had a devastating effect on the runner,you see. It trips him right at the ankles.’ Thompson explained that instead of correctly

ending up on all fours, Trice wound up on his back and was trampled by Minnesota’sbackfield. [67]

In the period immediately following his death, the press affixed the label of‘accident’ to Trice’s injuries. [68] But in response to an Associated Press dispatch

from Ames that stated he ‘died from injuries received when most of the Minnesotaline piled on top of him an off tackle play’, John L. Griffith, the commissioner ofathletics of the Intercollegiate Conference (now the Big Ten), inquired if Iowa State

officials would like to investigate whether Trice’s injuries were the ‘result of unfairplay’. [69] S.W. Beyer, dean of Iowa State, replied that he did not believe there had

been any misconduct, adding that

Inasmuch as Mr Trice was a colored man it is easy for people to assume that hisopponents must have deliberately attempted to injure him. In my experience wherecolored boys had participated in athletic contests I have seen very little to indicatethat their white opponents had any disposition to foul them. [70]

Although officials dismissed the possibility of racially motivated violence against

Trice in 1923, others reinterpreted the issue in the latter decades of the twentiethcentury. A 1997 article articulated this shift in translation: ‘Opinion was, and is,

divided as to whether the Gophers were targeting the black player or simply playingpower football. Decades later, many automatically assume the former.’ [71] This

assumption is apparent in the 1970s editorials many wrote in support of naming thestadium for Trice. For instance, Register columnist Donald Kaul wrote that Trice died

on the ‘field of battle, so to speak, a martyr to the bigotry of his time’, maintainingthe position that his death, and the university’s unwillingness to honour him, were

both based on race. [72]Despite these types of charges, state and university officials continued to use Jack

Trice as a symbol of historically consistent practices of racial equality – not just at ISU

but in the entire state of Iowa. When asked his opinion on naming the stadium for

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Trice, the then Iowa governor Robert Ray told reporters that the Trice story is ‘a goodindication that Iowa a long time ago believed there are equal rights for people and

that people ought to be able to play football regardless of their color’. [73] GovernorRay’s statement, however, obscures significant facets of the state’s integrated athletic

history. Most importantly, it glosses over the fact that after 1927 Iowa State did nothave another black athlete – in any sport – for another 30 years. In 1928, ISU became

part of the Big Six Conference, whose members adhered to a ‘gentlemen’s agreement’that, until 1947, disallowed interracial competition and precluded the integration of

African-Americans on their teams. [74] There were no other black varsity athletes atIowa State until 1956, when John Crawford was permitted to play basketball. [75] Assuch, the governor’s comment on the spirit of inclusiveness in Iowa employs a

memory of the state’s history that is not necessarily deceitful, but is neverthelessselective.

Others proposed that the reluctance to name the facility after Trice also belied theproposal that Iowa, and particularly Iowa State, was a racially liberal place,

constructing an alternative narrative to Governor Ray’s favourable take on thesubject. At least one faculty member speculated that administrators worried naming

the stadium for Trice might discourage potential contributors from donating fundsto the school. In a letter, this professor posited:

perhaps the fear of the fundraisers could be that Jack Trice was Black – Iowa State’sfirst Black athlete, over 50 years ago when it took real guts to enter the white worldof football stadiums. If a few might withhold donations because of Trice’s race, ISUshould be happy without such money. [76]

Others agreed with the accusation that Trice’s race deterred administrators fromnaming the stadium after him, suggesting that they were unwilling to publicly

associate the image of Iowa State with an African-American man. [77]

Jack Trice Stadium and Catt Hall: What’s in a Name?

The Cyclone Stadium/Jack Trice Field compromise was labelled the ‘closing chapter

in the Jack Trice story’ and indeed, the issue remained dormant for the followingdecade. [78] In the 1996 student government elections, however, presidential

candidate Adam Gold won on a platform that included renaming the stadium forTrice. Gold explained that until his decision to run, he did not know about the story

and the past efforts to dedicate the stadium, but had been informed by a friend whenbrainstorming possible campaign issues. Upon learning the history, he was amazed

that Jack Trice did not figure more prominently in Iowa State’s traditions. [79] Itwould be unfair to fault Gold’s motivations and efforts but, once again, it

demonstrates the use of Trice’s memory for a particular political agenda.One of the first steps in the renaming process, according to Gold, was to move the

Jack Trice statue from the centre of campus to the entrance of the football stadium.

He remembered that he and the other GSB officers reasoned that ‘if we don’t get the

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name of the stadium changed, we can at least get a memorial for [Trice] and we canfeel like there’s a sense of accomplishment . . . that turned out to be the first block that

fell that got the whole thing done’. [80] While the statue had been built using studentfunds in 1984, this time the institution agreed to foot the majority of the bill to have

the statue renovated and relocated. Gold’s strategy was astute, but the move may haverecontextualized the statue, altering its initially intended meaning.

Originally, the statue had been placed at the centre of the ISU campus amidst theacademic buildings. Artist Chris Bennett took careful pains to pronounce Trice’s role

as student first and athlete second. Dressed in ‘collegiate wear’, Trice is depictedreading his final letter. On the bench at which he rests his right foot are two books to‘emphasize the importance of academics above all else’. One book is closed; its cover

reads ‘Animal Husbandry, Iowa State College by C. Sohn’, referencing his intendedprogramme of study and the professor who instigated the effort to name the stadium

for Trice. The other book ‘rests open as if he has been interrupted from his studies’.A pair of cleats lay on the nearby ground as a reminder of his final football game. [81]

Repositioning the statue in front of the football stadium, on the other hand,underscores the athletic side of his ISU experience and directs those interested in

Cyclone football, rather than the general student body, to encounter the memory ofJack Trice.

In effect, moving the statue did stimulate action to rename the stadium. Whileadministrators seemed to drag their feet throughout the campaign of the 1970s and1980s, they moved with noticeable swiftness and efficiency this time around. After the

GSB unanimously approved the name change in October 1996, Iowa State’sCommittee on the Naming of Buildings and Streets scheduled a public forum at

which members of the university community could address the issue. Approximately35 people attended the meeting and the majority of those in attendance spoke in

favour of renaming the stadium. [82]After seeking input from various campus groups, the ISU Advisory Committee on

the Naming of Buildings and Streets recommended to Iowa State president MartinJischke that the name ‘Cyclone Stadium’ be replaced with ‘Jack Trice Stadium’.Jischke accepted the recommendation and in his official statement to the State Board

of Regents declared that Trice’s ‘story is an important part of Iowa State’s history anddeserves prominent recognition’. [83] There were individuals, however, who

questioned the president’s motives and sincerity. One student understood Jischke’sdecision as posturing, calling it a ‘ploy to make the university look good’. The student

continued: ‘I think this should have happened 22 years ago. If [Trice] had not beenAfrican-American, it would have happened shortly after he died.’ [84]

On 19 February 1997, the Iowa Board of Regents approved the name change by a7–2 vote. This vote was the final phase in a long and arduous battle to officially

recognize Jack Trice Stadium. Assistant dean of students Terri Houston called themove to rededicate the stadium ‘an excellent recruitment tool for all students becausethe university has supported a student movement. This shows that the university

listens to the students.’ [85] Significantly, though, student requests had fallen on deaf

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administrative ears for more than two decades. It is reasonable to wonder why thisprocess took so long – 74 years after Trice’s death and 24 years after students initiated

their campaign. But perhaps a better question might be to ask why, at this particularmoment, did officials finally acquiesce? Possibly because, as Adam Gold suggested, it

took place during ‘a very intense time at Iowa State in terms of race issues’. [86]One matter that especially captured the attention of the university community was

the dedication of another site of memory on campus for Carrie Chapman Catt.Officials honoured Catt, who graduated from Iowa State in 1880 as the valedictorian

and only woman in her class, by renaming the Old Botany Building ‘Catt Hall’ in1995, to coincide with the 75th anniversary of the ratification of the nineteenthamendment that gave women the right to vote (Figure 9). Among other impressive

accomplishments, Catt was a founder and president of the National AmericanWoman Suffrage Association and a leader in an international alliance of suffrage

groups. Catt was also an originator (with Jane Addams and others) of the League ofWomen Voters and the Women’s Peace Party, and played a central role in passing the

nineteenth amendment to the US constitution which granted women the right tovote. [87]

With Carrie Chapman Catt, as with Jack Trice, members of the ISU communitysought to pluck a former student from the annals of institutional history and

celebrate this person’s contribution to the advancement of oppressed groups. Both

Figure 9 Carrie Chapman Catt Hall, Iowa State University (Photograph by the author)

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undertakings consisted of passionate, grassroots efforts. The campaign tocommemorate Catt began in 1983 at the behest of ISU archivist Laura Kline. Kline

travelled the state presenting information on Catt to various groups and receivedsupport from many she encountered, particularly the Ames chapter of the League of

Women Voters (LWV). By 1989 Kline, with the assistance of the LWV, had formallypetitioned ISU administrators to rename the Old Botany building Carrie Chapman

Catt Hall. By 1990 the request had passed through the proper channels and wasapproved by the State Board of Regents without much debate. [88]

Letting the Catt Out of the Bag

On 29 September 1995 UHURU!, a newsletter funded by Iowa State’s Black StudentAlliance, published an article entitled ‘The Catt is Out of the Bag: Racism within the

Suffrage Movement’. The article demonstrated that Catt used classist, xenophobicand racist rhetoric in her efforts to win rights for women. The September 29th

Movement, so named for the publication date of the article, adopted what they feltwere the related tasks of attacking the Catt issue and other racial problems on

campus. Identified in the press as a group of ‘black students’, [89] the movementmade it clear that they were not simply a black organization, but rather inclusive of

all students willing to work for social change. They endeavoured to ‘eliminate racism,classism, xenophobia, sexism and homophobia on the campus of Iowa StateUniversity, recognizing that changing the name of Carrie Chapman Catt Hall must be

the first step in that direction’. [90]Members of the movement meticulously sifted through Catt’s speeches and

writings, finding several instances in which she denigrated blacks and Mexicans, spokeof prohibiting uneducated immigrants from voting and was outraged that ‘‘‘brutal,

treacherous, murderous Indians’’ could vote but not white women’. [91] The mostfrequently cited example of this position was an excerpt from her 1917 Woman

Suffrage by Federal Constitutional Amendment, in which Catt wrote: ‘White supremacywill be strengthened not weakened by woman’s suffrage.’ [92] Some insisted that thisline was taken ‘totally out of context’ while others argued that her remarks were

acceptable in the environment of the early 1900s’ political scene. [93] In fact, this wassomewhat typical of suffrage rhetoric in that era. Still others adopted a moderate

position, believing that ‘while Catt held terrible views, she also did some good,particularly for women’ and that ‘sometimes good people can do bad things’. [94]

Her supporters pointed out that Catt frequently endorsed racial equalitythroughout her career, noting that she spoke at African-American churches and

clubs, defended slandered black soldiers in the Second World War and supported theestablishment of the League of Nations and the United Nations. [95] In spite of her

good works, however, the issue remained that she did make prejudicial comments.According to Catt biographer Robert Fowler, ‘though her views require carefultreatment, no gloss can be given to her routine discussion of blacks in generic and

highly unflattering terms’. [96] While Catt made many important contributions to

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society, the September 29th Movement did not accept the defence that her racistcomments were politically expedient. One member astutely responded: ‘I would say if

she were still alive, what did you do after 1920 to guarantee that women of colorcould vote? She didn’t do anything’. [97]

Whether or not Catt should be excused for making discriminatory remarks iscertainly an important debate and one that merits attention. But beyond that debate

is the issue that students perceived her rhetoric as racist and a further indication ofthe school’s deficient attitudes towards, and policies for, minority affairs. The debate

was larger than the facility’s name. As one student argued: ‘Catt Hall has always beenabout more than a politically racist woman’s name on a building. It’s about a patternof behavior at ISU that says people of color don’t count’. [98]

Race-related Issues at Iowa State University in the 1990s

The objections to Catt Hall, which one member of the September 29th Movement

referred to as ‘a burning cross’ on campus, were representative of larger issues. [99]Those championing the name change were quick to point out that they were not

‘anti-Catt’ but rather were ‘working on changing the mindset’ at Iowa State. [100]President Jischke’s adviser on ethnic diversity contended that Catt’s ‘politically racist

comments’ made minority students ‘question their true acceptance on this campus’and changing the name, argued the members of the movement, ‘would show that theuniversity is committed to confronting its own racism’. [101] They substantiated the

charge of racism by citing the low number of black professors, the falling enrolmentand low retention rate of black students, the lack of an Asian-American studies

programme and the low overall minority enrolment. [102]There had been a number of divisive issues leading up to this point in which black

students expressed that they were victims of racism, prejudice and disrespect on theIowa State campus. There were threats that the GSB’s minority senate seat would be

abolished, that there was no money provided for a pageant for black students, thatthe Black Cultural Centre lacked adequate funding and that racialized grievances wereignored. Controversy ensued after a black student was expelled from a class on

African-American history, after charging that the white professor’s views wereinaccurate and declaring a ‘jihad’ against her. [103] Another maelstrom resulted

when a black graduate student noticed an ISU cafeteria worker had a ‘KKK’ (for KuKlux Klan) tattoo on one arm and a swastika branded on the other. In spite of vocal

protests against the worker, he was permitted to keep his job. Black studentsemphasized that while these politicized issues received some publicity, it was the day-

to-day hostility and subtle racism that were particularly traumatizing: ‘If you’reconstantly having to fight for rights you think you should have,’ one African-

American student remarked, ‘then that’s not a nurturing environment.’ [104]In an article published in 1999, an Iowa State English professor found that African-

American students felt the school’s environment was fairly hostile to minorities. One

student declared: ‘Iowa State is racism . . . [I deal with] institutionalized racism

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definitely . . . that’s almost daily.’ [105] Another student blamed state officials anduniversity administration for the lack of black faculty members at ISU, remarking:

‘Blacks don’t want to stay in Iowa because they don’t think that they can get a fairchance to succeed. . . . You aren’t going to see any Black on the Board of Regents.’

[106] The sentiments expressed by these students as well as the other critiques ofISU’s policies on minority student affairs had been levelled at the school and its

administrators since the 1970s. [107]A 1996 university forum on diversity, led by President Jischke, turned hostile as

several people in attendance assailed the institution’s commitment to racial, ethnicand cultural progress. The director of minority student affairs, for instance, called thediversity climate on campus a ‘sinking ship’. [108] Jischke defended the university by

offering the example of the relocation of the Jack Trice statue to the entrance ofCyclone Stadium/Jack Trice Field as evidence of the school’s spirit of inclusiveness.

[109] According to former GSB president Adam Gold, however, administratorsinitially resisted moving the statue, only consenting after considerable pressure from

students. [110]

The Black–White Divide in 1990s US Society

Critiques of Iowa State’s racial climate were indicative of larger discussionshappening across the country during this time. The controversy over Catt Halland the dedication of Jack Trice Stadium came when public attention was

particularly directed towards issues of race in ways that polarized black and whiteAmerica. In early 1997 a Washington Post/ABC News poll showed that a majority of

Americans viewed race as a ‘serious problem’. [111] Later that year, US president BillClinton announced his ‘One America in the 21st Century: The President’s Initiative

on Race’, designed to ‘have a diverse, democratic community in which we respect,even celebrate our difference, while embracing the shared values that unite us’.

Urging Americans to engage in a ‘great and unprecedented conversation about race’,the initiative staff staged campus-week dialogues, state-wide dialogue days, town hallmeetings and other public discussions across the country. [112] The staff even

brought the issue to the world of athletics, arranging for a public forum on race andsport to be broadcasted on cable television’s ESPN. [113]

Several racially-charged incidents built up to this moment, highlighting racializedinequalities and the black-white breach on race-related issues in the US. [114] While

Clintonian policies on affirmative action, crime and welfare reform had powerfulracialized significance, Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray’s highly

controversial The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life(1994) argued that low intelligence, which they believed to be a genetically

determined trait, was strongly correlated with a myriad of social ills. Based on thisidea, they proposed that no matter what is done to address and ameliorate the manyproblems in the US, minority groups lack the intelligence to move beyond their

marginal status. [115]

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In 1995 Minister Louis Farrakhan, leader of the Nation of Islam, led the MillionMan March on Washington, DC, to raise black unity, pride and empowerment while

simultaneously espousing ideologies of racial divisiveness and anti-Semitism.Nationwide debates raged over whether it was appropriate to teach ‘Ebonics’, or

black English vernacular, to teachers in the Oakland, California, school district inorder to better prepare them to raise the level of English proficiency among their

black students. [116] In 1992 the televised beatings of Rodney King, a black motorist,by several white members of the Los Angeles Police Department and the subsequent

acquittal of the officers instigated riots that resulted in 55 deaths, 2,000 injuries, andthe damage or destruction of 1,100 buildings. [117] Two years later, the country’sattention was captured by the double homicide charges brought against former

football great O.J. Simpson. Simpson, an African-American, was accused ofmurdering his ex-wife Nicole Brown Simpson and her friend Ron Goldman, both

of whom were white. In the court of public opinion, judgements about Simpsongenerally fell along racial lines; when the ‘not guilty’ verdict was announced following

his criminal trial, a poll by USA Today found that 49 per cent of whites thought thefinding was wrong while only 10 per cent of blacks believed it the incorrect decision.

[118] These events dramatically underscored a huge perception gap between whiteand black citizens on social, political and legal issues.

There were also several racially significant moments happening in the world ofsport when officials finalized the decision to dedicate Jack Trice Stadium. At nearlythe same time, the United States Tennis Association dedicated Arthur Ashe Stadium,

honouring the pioneering African-American tennis player – perhaps, according tosport scholar Nancy Spencer, to ‘ward off allegations that [the organization] had not

done enough for minorities’. [119] An even greater controversy concerning Ashetook place in his hometown of Richmond, Virginia, as residents debated whether a

statue on the man belonged on Monument Avenue – a street that had been home tofive ‘heroes’ of the Confederacy for the previous century. Athletes of colour

continued to challenge additional bastions of whiteness. In 1997 Tiger Woods burston to the professional golf circuit with his victory at the Master’s Golf Championshipand Venus Williams competed in the finals of the US Open tennis tournament. The

year was also an occasion to acknowledge the historic plight of celebrated blackathletes as the media recognized the 50th anniversary of Jackie Robinson’s entrance

into Major League Baseball. In observance of his accomplishments, Robinson’snumber 42 became the first number retired by every team in the league. [120] It was

within this context that Iowa State officials made their decisions about whether ornot to honour Jack Trice and Carrie Chapman Catt.

Student Protests against Catt Hall

In addition to researching Catt’s life, the September 29th Movement embarked onother tasks to get administrators’ attention and publicize their cause. Many of their

methods were reminiscent of students’ earlier efforts for Jack Trice Stadium.

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Members of the movement circulated a number of petitions and fliers to inform theISU community about what they felt to be the inappropriateness of naming the

building for Catt. There were candlelight vigils, marches and the sale of T-shirtsreading ‘Change the name of Catt Hall’ to show university officials that their cause

deserved respect and would not disappear (Figure 10). There was an impressiveletter-writing campaign as well. For nearly one year, on every school day, President

Jischke received five letters signed by students, faculty and staff, denouncing the CattHall designation. Constituents of the September 29th Movement adopted Martin

Luther King, Jr.’s four-step programme for civil disobedience, as outlined in his‘Letter from Birmingham Jail’, and used teach-in and sit-in techniques taken fromstudent protests during the 1960s. One member of the movement embarked on a

hunger strike and intended to continue until administrators met several requests,including reopening the naming process of Catt Hall. After six days, the strike ended

when the student was hospitalized. [121]There were several incidents where it seemed that Iowa State administrators were

not willing to hear students’ grievances on the Catt issue. On 5 November 1996 theSeptember 29th Movement called a ‘town meeting’ on renaming Catt Hall. Held in

the lobby of the administrative building, four individuals addressed a crowdconsisting of about 200 members of the ISU community. University protocol,

however, called for all public events to be registered and authorized to take place on

Figure 10 ‘Change the Name of Catt Hall’ T-shirt design (Courtesy Iowa StateUniversity/Special Collections Department)

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school property, and the movement never formally requested permission to gather.The administrators tried to break up the gathering, arguing that ‘We have certain

places on campus for students to do their First Amendment thing’. [122] Facultymembers were also involved in the meeting, but their presence was overlooked by

ISU administrators, who seemed bent on punishing members of the September 29thMovement.

After the meeting a number of individuals were charged with acts of unauthorizeduse of a building and failure to comply with proper order and had to appear before

the All-University Judiciary Committee. ‘It was a farce,’ recalled William Kunerth,faculty advisor to the Iowa State Daily. ‘It was very selective in who they arrested.There were faculty people there and they didn’t arrest any faculty people. Who they

arrested were the ringleaders.’ [123] In the end, 18 students received writtenreprimands. Another five students, all members of the September 29th Movement,

received the more serious verdict of conduct probation, which banned them fromholding leadership positions in university organizations and from serving on

university committees. Showing that the movement had staying power, memberswere again arrested for trespassing in 1998 in a vain attempt to get a face-to-face

meeting with President Jischke on the Catt matter. [124]

A Commemorative Balancing Act

The September 29th Movement was not alone in its fight to change the name of Catt

Hall, receiving support from at least 15 chapters of the NAACP from across the US.These efforts were effective in convincing several one-time supporters of Catt Hall to

change their minds. As a way to raise money for the building’s renovations, forinstance, bricks, purchased for $100 could be inscribed with a woman’s name and

laid at the entrance of Catt Hall in what organizers titled the ‘Plaza of Heroines’. Afterthe movement publicized Catt’s controversial comments, several individuals

requested that their bricks be removed. [125] One woman, for whom her threesons had donated a brick, remarked that the ‘product sold to my children was afraudulent product. I think my sons should each get their $33.33 back, but I know

they won’t.’ [126] She, along with another woman who had purchased a brick inhonour of her mother, glued black cloths over their bricks in protest. University

officials permanently removed the protesting women’s bricks later that year. [127]The Government of the Student Body also got involved in the debate and voted to

ask the State Board of Regents to change the name. The GSB president, however,vetoed the request calling the resolution ‘a sham, a crock and an embarrassment’.

[128] President Jischke agreed, using less inflammatory but equally robust rhetoric bystating that his readings on Catt had led him to conclude that ‘her motives were

honorable, she was not a racist and her accomplishments are worthy of recognition’.[129] The GSB eventually voted 26–1 to pass a resolution entitled ‘Time for Closure’to find some type of conclusion to the ongoing debate. [130] Whether the student

government ever determined what form that closure might take is unclear, but it may

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have been that such a move was unnecessary in light of official decisions and thedissipation of outrage against the name Catt Hall.

After years of determined efforts to be heard, members of the September 29thMovement were finally allowed to present their argument to a meeting of the State

Board of Regents in 1998. Subsequent to hearing their presentations, however, theboard responded that they would not take any action to change the name, indicating

that they would ‘support President Jischke’s decision’. [131] The issue was effectivelyclosed at this point and the September 29th Movement apparently dissolved soon

after.The final act in the renaming drama came with the establishment of the

Committee for the Review of the Catt Controversy to examine the debate and

recommend whether the university should take any action to resolve the issue. Thecommission was carefully constructed with attention to diversity and status on

campus so as to be ‘a cross section of the university community’. [132] Thecommittee was ultimately unproductive, reporting that they neither arrived at a

consensus to rename Catt Hall nor agreed on whether or not the naming processshould be reopened. Despite the ambivalence of their findings, the report nonetheless

lowered the final curtain and concluded the controversy – Catt Hall stands today withno indication of the arduous campaign against it. [133]

Although the subject went without comment in the mid- to late 1990s, there is aconnection between the concurrent decisions to dedicate Jack Trice Stadium and CattHall. Students had been working to name the stadium for Trice since the early 1970s

but their task was accomplished only during the time of protest against Catt Hall.Dedicating Jack Trice Stadium was a conciliatory gesture designed to placate those

offended by the memorial for Carrie Chapman Catt. Iowa State’s collective memoryas a place of acceptance was sustained by a type of commemorative balancing act: the

decision to designate Catt Hall tipped the scales dangerously close to supportingclaims that the school was deficient when it came to issues of race, but equilibrium

was restored by honouring Jack Trice, the first African-American student athlete atthe institution. Each memorial seems to both contradict and counterbalance theother when it comes to the history of race relations at Iowa State University. Perhaps,

like the 1984 Cyclone Stadium/Jack Trice Field decision, the school was satisfied toregister another ‘tie’ in their record books.

As President Jischke stood before the group that had gathered for the 1997rededication of the stadium, he declared that Jack Trice ‘has become a hero – not so

much for what he accomplished, because his life was cut short – but for what herepresented’ (Figure 11). According to Jischke, Trice exemplifies ‘a number of heroic

qualities, including determination, courage, enthusiasm, and giving one’s all to animportant cause’. [134] While debate has long raged whether and to whom such

characteristics are made meaningful, Jischke was correct in stating that the significanceof Jack Trice is about representation – the historical facts are not solely at issue in astudy on memory. Instead, such studies consider the ways in which groups collectively

use and understand ‘the presence of the past within the present’. [135]

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Jack Trice Stadium is a ‘memory project’, a concept sociologist Iwona Irwin-

Zarecka defines as ‘concerted efforts to secure presence for certain elements of thepast, efforts often coupled with self-justifying rationales’. [136] Likewise, writes

scholar Barry Schwartz, ‘While the object of commemoration is usually found in thepast, the issue which motivates its selection and shaping is always found among theconcerns of the present’. [137] Iowa State University appropriated the past for

political and ideological reasons by inventing traditions and revising memories to suitcontemporary situations. The decision to designate Jack Trice Stadium was made at a

historical moment when the university’s commitment to racial diversity was underconsiderable fire, best evidenced by the turbulence concerning the dedication of Catt

Hall. Ultimately, remembering Jack Trice in such a prominent way servesinstitutional narratives of racial tolerance and opportunity.

Acknowledgements

The author is deeply appreciative of the thoughtful and generous assistance shereceived from Mark Dyreson, Catriona Parratt, Susan Birrell, Bonnie Slatton, Shelton

Stromquist, Stephen Wieting and the anonymous reviewers of this article.

Notes

[1] Quoted in Lisa A. Fung, ‘SU Pays a Belated Tribute to Jack Trice’, Iowa State Daily, 5 Nov.1984.

[2] Bob Dolgan, ‘Big Man, Large Legacy’, Cleveland Plain Dealer, 13 Oct. 1997.[3] Nora, Rethinking France.[4] Ibid. See also Bodnar, Remaking America; Hobsbawm and Ranger, The Invention of

Tradition; Shils, Tradition.[5] Carrier, ‘Places, Politics and the Archiving of Contemporary Memory’, 43.

Figure 11 Welcome to Jack Trice Stadium (Photograph by the author)

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[6] Klein, ‘On the Emergence of Memory in Historical Discourse’, 127. See also Kansteiner,‘Finding Meaning in Memory’; Olick and Robbins, ‘Social Memory Studies’; Shakel, Myth,Memory and the Making of the American Landscape; Thelen, ‘Memory and AmericanHistory’.

[7] Confino, ‘Collective Memory and Cultural History’, 1386.[8] Coser, introduction to Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, 21.[9] Schmitt and Leonard, ‘Immortalizing the Self Through Sport.’

[10] Wieting and Polumbaum, Sport and Memory in North America, 1.[11] Fine, ‘Team Sports, Seasonal Histories, Significant Events’, 299. On sport stories and

memory, see Healey, ‘An Exploration of the Relationships Between Memory and Sport’;King, ‘Violent Pasts’; Mewett, ‘History in the Making and the Making of History’; Sironen,‘On Memory-Work in the Theory of Body Culture’.

[12] Studies concerning sporting moments in collective memory include Cortese, ‘The NotreDame Bengal Bouts’; Dauncy and Hare, ‘The Tour de France’; Fox, Big Leagues; Hardy,‘Memory, Performance and History’; Phillips, ‘Public Sports History, History andSocial Memory’; Phillips, ‘Remembering Sport History’; Rinehart, ‘‘‘Fists Flew and BloodFlowed’’’.

[13] Nathan, Saying It’s So. See also Baker, ‘Sport Films, History, and Identity’; Blaisdell, ‘Legendsas an Expression of Baseball Memory’; Briley, ‘America, Baseball and Historical Memory in1956’; MacKinnon, ‘Myth, Memory, and the Kitchener-Waterloo Dutchmen’; Taylor,‘Football, History and Memory’.

[14] Osmond et al., ‘‘‘Putting up your Dukes’’’; Belanger, ‘Sport Venues and the Spectaculariza-tion of Urban Spaces’; Donovan, ‘Nostalgia and Tourism’; Snyder, ‘Sociology of Nostalgia’;Radley, ‘Artefacts, Memory and a Sense of the Past’; Urry, ‘How Societies Remember thePast’; Zelizer, ‘Reading History against the Grain’.

[15] Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance, 12.[16] Bodnar, Remaking America.[17] Hodgkin and Radstone, Contested Pasts, 11.[18] 2000 Census Bureau, available online at www.census.gov/, accessed 22 Nov. 2006.[19] Iowa State University enrollment statistics, available online at http://www.iastate.edu/

*registrar/stats/, accessed 22 Nov. 2006.[20] Data from the 2000 Census indicates Iowa’s population at 2,926,324, with 93.9 per cent of

residents identified as white.[21] Originally called Iowa State College, the school changed to Iowa State University in 1959;

however, I will refer to the institution as Iowa State University of Science and Technology (orISU) for the sake of simplicity and consistency.

[22] Underhill, Alone Among Friends, 6.[23] Tindall, America: A Narrative History, 694.[24] Quoted in Davis, ‘The Negro Land-Grant College’, 314. The act, however, did allow the

establishment of separate colleges for white and African-American scholars. See also Ross,The Land-Grant Idea at Iowa State, 6; Richter, ‘The Origin and Development of the Land-Grant College’, 235.

[25] George Bates to Hiram Township (Ohio) Historical Society, 16 Oct. 1956, Department ofSpecial Collections, Parks Library, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa.

[26] Hal Lebovitz, ‘Who was Jack Trice?’ The Plain Dealer, 3 June 1979.[27] See Ashe, A Hard Road to Glory; Carroll, Fritz Pollard; Gems, For Pride, Profit, and Patriarchy;

Henderson, ‘The Negro Athlete and Race Prejudice’; Henderson, The Negro in Sport;Henderson, The Black Athlete; Martin, ‘The Color Line in Midwestern College Sports’;Oriard, King Football; Wiggins, Wiggins, ‘Prized Performers, but Frequently OverlookedStudents’; Yeakey, ‘A Student without Peer’.

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[28] Carver enrolled at Iowa State in 1891, completed his bachelor’s degree in 1894 and stayeduntil 1896, during which time he completed his master’s degree and served on the collegefaculty. See McMurry, George Washington Carver; Holt, George Washington Carver. Forinformation on Iowa State see Ross, A History of Iowa State College; Ross, The Land-GrantIdea at Iowa State College; Underhill, Alone among Friends. For a history of football at theschool see Steward, Cyclone Memories.

[29] Behee, Hail To the Victors!; Edwards, The Revolt of the Black Athlete; Jenkins, ‘The NegroStudent at the University of Iowa’.

[30] ‘Ames Player Dies; Injured on Gridiron’, Des Moines Register, 9 Oct. 1923.[31] ‘Football Card’, Iowa State Student, 3 Oct. 1923.[32] ‘Cyclones Play Opening Game with Minnesota’, Iowa State Student, 3 Oct. 1923.[33] Harry Schmidt, interview by Bill Walsh, transcript, 4 Dec. 1972, Department of Special

Collections, Parks Library, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa.[34] Ashe, Hard Road to Glory, 94; Wiggins, ‘Prized Performers’, 169.[35] ‘How about Jack Trice?’ Iowa State Daily, 10 May 1974.[36] See Donald Kaul, ‘Over the Coffee’, Des Moines Register, 16 Oct. 1981; Rose Marie King,

‘Trice Kin Finds Name Well-Known’, Iowa State Daily, 15 Sept. 1978; Patrick Koffman, ‘JackTrice: ISU’s Unsung Hero Remembered’, Iowa State Daily, 20 Oct. 1983; Gus Schrader, ‘RedPeppers’, The Cedar Rapids Gazette, 14 May 1974; Harry Schmidt interview; ‘Want FieldNamed Trice; ISU Black Died after Game’, Des Moines Register, 1 June 1974.

[37] Behee, Hail to the Victors!; Gems, For Pride, Profit, and Patriarchy; Henderson, ‘The NegroAthlete and Race Prejudice’; Oriard, King Football; Smith, ‘Outside the Pale’; Spivey, ‘‘‘EndJim Crow in Sports’’’.

[38] Michael Keller, ‘Trice Tribute’, Iowa State Daily, 5 Oct. 1983; ‘The Story of the Man WhoDid ‘‘Big Things’’’, Iowa State Daily, 2 Oct. 1975.

[39] Dolgan, ‘Big Man, Large Legacy’; see also Rainbow Rowell, ‘ISU Weighs New Tribute toTragic Football Hero’, Omaha World Herald, 19 Feb. 1997.

[40] Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance, 18.[41] Jack Trice letter, 5 Oct. 1923, Trice Papers, Department of Special Collections, Parks Library,

Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa (hereafter Trice Papers).[42] ‘Memories of Trice Don’t Fade’, Iowa State Daily, 8 Nov. 1976.[43] Cora Mae Trice to David Lendt, 3 Aug. 1988, Trice Papers.[44] Jack Trice letter, 5 Oct. 1923, Trice Papers.[45] John McCormick, ‘Once upon a Time in Iowa’, Newsweek, 8 September 1984, 12–13.[46] Tom Emmerson, ‘Jack Trice: Victor on the Fatal Field’, Iowa State Scientist, 7 November

1957, 19–20.[47] Tom Emmerson, interview by author, 15 July 2004, tape recording, Ames, Iowa.[48] Jack Trice Memorial Foundation, Jack Trice Scrapbook; Schrader, ‘Red Peppers’, 11;

Jim Smith, ‘Rusted Fading Plaque Last Jack Trice Remembrance’, Iowa State Daily, 7 Feb.1974.

[49] Jim Smith and Alan Beals, ‘Trice: A Forgotten Story Remembered’, Iowa State Daily, 1 Oct.1973.

[50] Charles Sohn, interview by author, Iowa City, Iowa, 16 Aug. 2004.[51] Ibid.[52] In 1975 the Jack Trice Stadium Committee disbanded but the group was reformed in 1976

under the title of the Jack Trice Memorial Foundation.[53] See, for example, Gerry Forge, ‘‘‘Jack Trice Stadium’’ Proposed by Students’, Iowa State

Daily, 6 Feb. 1974.[54] Quoted in Smith, ‘Rusted Fading Plaque.’[55] Quoted in ‘How about Jack Trice?’

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[56] Quoted in ‘Want Field Named.’[57] Chuck Offenburger, ‘Name For ISU Stadium Something to Rave About’, Des Moines Register,

4 March 1978.[58] W. Robert Parks, ‘Ad Hoc Advisory Representatives on the Naming of the Stadium’,

12 March 1976, Trice Papers.[59] See, for example, Edna Y. Clinton, ‘Trice’s Life Not Enough?’ Iowa State Daily, 24 June 1976.[60] Quoted in Jane Zajec, ‘Billboard Touts ‘‘Trice’’ as Name of Stadium’, Iowa State Daily, 27

Aug. 1981.[61] Susan Caslin, ‘KRNT Balks at GSB Radio Ad’, Iowa State Daily, 2 Dec. 1980.[62] Zajec, ‘Billboard Touts ‘‘Trice’’’.[63] Maury White, ‘Former Cyclone Behm Recalls Fateful Play’, Des Moines Register, 20 June 1979.[64] Donald Kaul, ‘Jack Trice Field Dedication’, (Department of Special Collections, Parks

Library, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa, 1984), sound recording 001 734.[65] Quoted in ‘Once upon a Time in Iowa’.[66] Lou Ransom, ‘White University Rights 65-year Wrong’, Jet, 30 May 1988, 49–52.[67] William Thompson, interview by Gary Stowe, transcript, 29 July 1974, Department of

Special Collections, Parks Library, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa.[68] See, for example, ‘Jack Trice Dies from Injuries; Hurt Saturday’, Iowa State Student, 8 Oct.

1923; Albert S. Tousley, ‘His Last Game is Played’, Minnesota Daily, 9 Oct. 1923.[69] John L. Griffith to S.W. Beyer, 9 Oct. 1923, Trice Papers.[70] S.W. Beyer to John L. Griffith, 24 Oct. 1923, Trice Papers[71] Murray White, ‘The Legend of Jack Trice’, The Iowan, Fall 1997, 49–52.[72] Donald Kaul, ‘Over the Coffee’, Des Moines Register, 17 Sept. 1975.[73] ‘‘‘Trice Stadium’’ Would be ‘‘Suitable’’, Ray Says’, n.d., Trice papers.[74] Marcello, ‘The Integration of Intercollegiate Athletics in Texas’; Pennington, Breaking

the Ice.[75] Holloway Smith, an African American football player, competed for Iowa State in 1926 and

1927. Along with Iowa State, the Missouri Valley Intercollegiate Athletic Association, knownas the ‘Big Six’, included the state universities of Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri and Oklahomaand the state college of Kansas. Colorado University was later added to make the Big Sevenand the addition of Oklahoma State University created the Big Eight Conference. Ross, TheLand-Grant Idea, 203. See also Martin, ‘The Color Line in Midwestern College Sports’, 100,110; Oriard, King Football, 9. It was not until 1960 that every school in the conference fieldedintegrated teams.

[76] Charles Sohn, ‘In a Name’, Ames Daily Tribune, 24 June 1975.[77] Frederick McConico, ‘Urges ‘‘Jack Trice Stadium’’’, Iowa State Daily, 9 Oct. 1974; Melvin

Williams, ‘Trice Stadium’, Iowa State Daily, 18 May 1979.[78] Farwell I. Brown, ‘Closing Chapter in the Jack Trice Story’, Ames Intelligencer, Spring 1987, 1.[79] Adam Gold, interview by author, tape recording, Iowa City, Iowa, 31 Aug. 2004.[80] Ibid.[81] ‘Art on Campus Information: Jack Trice Stadium’, Dec. 20, 2004, available online at

www.museums.iastate.edu/AOCFactSheetsPDF/jacktrice.pdf, accessed 20 Jan. 2004.[82] Eric Walter, ‘Most at Forum Tout Trice’, Iowa State Daily, 18 Nov. 1996.[83] Martin Jischke, ‘Remarks: Jack Trice Stadium Dedication’, 30 Aug. 1997, Trice papers.[84] Quoted in Tara Deering, ‘One for the Books’, Iowa State Daily, 2 Sept. 1997.[85] Quoted in Tim Frerking, ‘Jack Trice Plays On’, Iowa State Daily, 4 Feb. 1997.[86] Adam Gold interview.[87] Fowler, Carrie Catt; Van Voris, Carrie Chapman Catt.[88] For a timeline of the naming of Catt Hall, see ‘Synopsis of Naming Process by Laura Kline,

University Archivist 1978–1994’ and ‘Chronology of the Naming Process of Catt Hall’,

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Committee for Review of the Catt Controversy, Department of Special Collections, ParksLibrary, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa.

[89] See, for example, Thomas R. O’Donnell, ‘Protesters: Rename Catt Building’, Des MoinesRegister, 7 March 1996.

[90] Quoted in Sara Ziegler, ‘Protest against Catt Hall Continues in Full Force’, Iowa State Daily,10 Sept. 1997.

[91] Quoted in Loewen, Lies Across America, 41. The September 29th Movement summarizedmany of Catt’s writings, especially those containing prejudicial remarks, in September 29thMovement Papers, Department of Special Collections, Parks Library, Iowa State University,Ames, Iowa. See also Cohen, ‘Nationalism and Suffrage’, 712; 721–2.

[92] See also Marion Wondwosen, ‘White Woman’s Burden: Carrie Chapman Catt and Racismwithin the Suffrage Movement’, UHURU!, Aug. 1996.

[93] Amanda Fier, ‘Another Catt Letter Circulated’, Iowa State Daily, 9 Oct. 1996; Amy Houser,‘Media Blitz for Catt?’ Iowa State Daily, 29 Sept. 1996.

[94] Troy McCullough and Jennifer Holland, ‘Controversy Gains Momentum’, Iowa State Daily,12 April 1996.

[95] See, for example, Van Voris, Carrie Chapman Catt, 201.[96] Fowler, Carrie Catt, 83–90. See also Davis, Women, Race and Class, 122; Giddings, When and

Where I Enter; Catt and Shuler, Woman Suffrage and Politics; Finnegan, Selling Suffrage;Graham, Woman Suffrage and the New Democracy; Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism.

[97] Quoted in ‘Suffragette’s Racial Remark Haunts College’, New York Times, 5 May 1996.[98] Milton McGriff, ‘In My View’, Iowa State Daily, 24 Oct. 1996.[99] Milton McGriff, ‘An Open Letter to President Jischke’, UHURU! 9 Sept. 1996.

[100] Diane Heldt, ‘Student Idea: Recognize Catt’s Racism’, Ames Daily Times, 5 April 1996.[101] Derrick Rollins, ‘Rollins: Rename Catt Hall’, Iowa State Daily, 15 Sept. 1996; Arianna Layton,

‘Catt Protest Continues’, Iowa State Daily, 8 Sept. 1997.[102] Alice Lukens, ‘Catt Hall Dispute is about More than the Building’, Ames Daily Times,

13 April 1996; Sara Ziegler, ‘September 29th Movement Tells Regents Call Hall Case is Being‘‘Ignored’’’, Iowa State Daily, 17 June 1998.

[103] ‘News and Views: Catt Fight at Iowa State’, 73; Tom Emmerson interview.[104] Quoted in Lukens, ‘Catt Hall Dispute is about More than the Building’.[105] Quoted in Wallace and Bell, ‘Being Black at a Predominantly White University’, 307.[106] Ibid., 320.[107] See Swan, ‘From Vietnam to Don Smith and Beyond’; Underhill, Alone Among Friends, 149–72.[108] Amanda Fier, ‘Catt Debate Heats Up with Memo’, Iowa State Daily, 19 Sept. 1996.[109] Tracy Lucht, ‘Minority Leaders: ‘‘We’re Being Silenced’’’, Iowa State Daily, 3 Feb. 1997.[110] Adam Gold interview.[111] Michael Fletcher and Dan Balz, ‘Race Relations Initiative May Pose Risks for Clinton’,

Washington Post, 12 June 1997.[112] Quoted in Kim, ‘Managing the Racial Breach’, 77.[113] Peter Baker and Michael A. Fletcher, ‘Clinton’s Town Hall Taking Discussion of Race into

Sports Arena’, Washington Post, 14 April 1998.[114] See Sigelman and Welch, Black Americans’ Views of Racial Inequality.[115] Herrnstein and Murray, The Bell Curve.[116] See Lusane, Race in the Global Era, 55–68.[117] ‘Riot Results’, Online Focus, 28 April 1997, available online at http://www.pbs.org/newshour/

bb/race_relations/jan-june97/riot_4-28.html, accessed 21 Dec. 2004.[118] Richard Price and Jonathan T. Lovitt, ‘Poll: More Now Believe O.J. is Guilty’, USA Today,

4 Oct. 1996. On the racialization of the Simpson trial, see Johnson and Roediger, ‘‘‘Hertz,Don’t It?’’’; Lusane, Race in the Global Era, 69–84.

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[119] Spencer, ‘From ‘‘Child’s Play’’ to ‘‘Party Crasher’’’, 90.[120] Marc Fisher, ‘Jackie’s 50th; Baseball Retires No. 42 Forever As It Celebrated Day of

Integration’, Washington Post, 16 April 1997.[121] The student’s requests were reiterated in Keesia Wirt, Rhaason Mitchell and Tara Deering,

‘University Reaction is One of Concern’, Iowa State Daily, 23 Sept. 1997.[122] Quoted in Tracy Lucht, ‘University Charges 20 from Last Week’s Protest’, Iowa State Daily,

13 Nov. 1996.[123] William Kunerth, interview by author, 19 July 2004, tape recording, Belle Fourche, South

Dakota.[124] Luke DeKoster and Kate Kompas, ‘Three Movement Members Arrested in Jischke’s Office’,

Iowa State Daily, 8 April 1998.[125] Tim Frerking, ‘Two More Asking University to Remove Catt Hall Bricks’, Iowa State Daily,

25 Sept. 1996.[126] Quoted in Heather Wiese, ‘New Bricks to be Placed in Plaza’, Iowa State Daily, 12 April 1996.[127] Matthew T. Seifert, ‘Investigation Sought in Name Uncoverings’, Iowa State Daily, 2 July

1996; Kristin Kernen and Matthew T. Seifert, ‘University to Remove Bricks’, Iowa StateDaily, 25 July 1996.

[128] Quoted in Thomas R. O’Donnell, ‘Bid to Rename ISU’s Catt Hall is Quashed’, Des MoinesRegister, 28 March 1996.

[129] Quoted in ‘Catt Hall Sparks Controversy’, The Iowa Stater, Feb. 1997, available online athttp://www.iastate.edu/IaStater/1997/feb/catt.html, accessed 21 Jan. 2005.

[130] Carrie Tett, ‘GSB Votes to Lay Catt Hall Issue to Rest’, Iowa State Daily, 6 March 1998.[131] Ziegler, ‘September 29th Movement Tell Regents Catt Hall Case is Being ‘‘Ignored’’’.[132] Committee for the Review of the Catt Controversy, Official Report, Department of Special

Collections, Parks Library, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa.[133] See, for example, ‘History of Campus Buildings at Iowa State’, available online at http://

www.lib.iastate.edu/spcl/exhibits/buildings/catt.html, accessed 14 March 2005.[134] Martin Jischke, ‘Statement from Martin Jischke’, 3 Feb. 1997, available online at http://

www.iastate.edu/*nscentral/releases/97/TriceStadium.html, accessed 30 July 2004.[135] Nora, ‘Between Memory and History’, 20.[136] Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance, 8.[137] Schwartz, ‘The Social Context of Commemoration’, 395. Hobsbawm and Ranger, The

Invention of Tradition; Adamczyk, ‘On Thanksgiving and Collective Memory’, 343–65;Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country; Schudson, ‘The Present in the Past versus the Pastin the Present’; Schwartz, ‘Memory as a Cultural System’; Shils, Tradition.

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