Projeto Brasil

7.–19.6.2016 / HAU1, HAU2, HAU3

The Sky Is Already Falling

➞ IllustrationsThe visual artist Paulo Nazarethworks on strategies of cultural reappropriation in his works.The series of images in this publication shows some of his drawings, in which Nazareth docu-ments how names and terms from Brazil’s indigenous culture have been removed from theiroriginal purpose and used for logos and marketing, thus making them commercially viable. Aspart of the festival “Projeto Brasil / The Sky Is Already Falling”, HAU Hebbel am Ufer – in collab-oration with the Meyer Riegger Gallery – is showing the reproduced logos as well as otherworks by Paulo Nazareth in the exhibition “Genocide in Americas” at HAU2.

The images of Brazilian protests against the Football World Cupin June 2013 seemed to mark a new beginning for an increasingcritique of the holders of political power. Although a quarter ofthe Brazilian population has risen to the middle class under thegovernment of the Worker’s Party of Lula and Dilma Rousseff, so-cial inequality is still growing. But hardly any thought was givento ecological resources and indigenous ways of living. The clea-rance of the rain forest – closely connected to European compa-nies and markets – clearly shows our involvement in Brazilian po-litics. For the festival "Projeto Brasil / The Sky Is Already Falling",HAU Hebbel am Ufer – in collaboration with five other producinginstitutions – invites artists to share their views on the currentsituation in their home country. With dance, theatre, music anddialogue, “Projeto Brasil” shows another Brazil beyond samba,Copacabana, football, and caipirinhas. “Projeto Brasil” is a joint project of the five production houses HAU Hebbel am Ufer Berlin, HELLERAU – Europäisches Zentrum der Künste Dresden, TanzhausNRW Düsseldorf, Künstlerhaus Mousonturm Frankfurt und Kampnagel Hamburg, supported by Kulturstiftung des Bundes. With additional support by Goe-the-Institute in collaboration with Serviço Social do Comércio de São Paulo (SESC SP).

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“There is only one sky and we must take careof it, for if it becomes sick, everything willcome to an end.” With these words, takenfrom his book The Falling Sky: Words of aYanomami Shaman, Davi Kopenawa pointsout the threats facing the traditions andmodes of existence of the Yanomami in theAmazon rainforest.

But these are by no means simply metaphor-ical words or the apocalyptic visions of anactivist. A whole section of the Amazon’spopulation is in danger of being wiped out.Indigenous modes of existence are being an-nihilated with barely a thought. The origin ofthis existential threat can be traced back tothe sixteenth century, when the Portuguese“conquered” Brazil. A current example of thisdestruction of people and environment canbe found described in the article by Ian Stein-man, who not only covers the consequencesof the dam failure in the area of Minas Gerais,but also draws attention to how political andeconomic agents are entangled in it.

Kopenawa’s words and the real threat thathe thematises are also the starting point forthe premiere of the play “Para que o céu nãocaia / For the Sky Not to Fall” by the chore-ographer Lia Rodrigues, which will open thefestival “Projeto Brasil” at HAU Hebbel amUfer. The exhibition by Paulo Nazareth,“Genocide in Americas”, also follows this line.Not only does the indigenous perspectivetake the foreground here, but also the sys-tematic exploitation of the Afro-Brazilianpopulation, with its notoriously fatal conse-quences in the context of the economics ofslavery, which was only abolished in 1888.

With the perspective taken in his text“Metafísicas Canibais”, the Brazilian anthro-pologist Eduardo Viveiros de Castro calls forexpanding access to the world, succinctlystating: “Keeping the values of the Other im-plicit does not mean celebrating whatevertranscendent mystery it supposedly keepsenclosed in itself. It consists in refusing toactualize the possibilities expressed by in-digenous thought, making a decision tomaintain them, infinitely, as possibles–nei-ther derealizing them as fantasies of the oth-er nor fantasizing that they are actual forus.” An excerpt from the book can be readhere for the first time in German translation.

In this context, the construction of new sub-jectivities forms the trajectories for works byMichelle Moura, Thiago Granato and Cena 11/ Alejandro Ahmed. Their plays are about rit-uals that are meant to evoke new and differ-ent states of consciousness. They are remi-niscent of shamanistic practices or spiritualsessions in a post-psychedelic indigenousworld, in which the human and the non-hu-man are placed on one symmetrical level.

Urban Brazil, with all its contradictions, is thefocus of works by Alice Ripoll, Leonardo Mor-eira and Christiane Jatahy. Ripoll’s produc-tion presents us with a unique dance stylethat emerged in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro.Moreira and Jatahy portray Brazilian societyin a very direct and local way, attempting toshow the protagonists’ struggles for socialchange and autonomy – despite their lack ofhope for a better future.

In the open and precarious state in whichBrazil currently finds itself, it is not possibleto do justice to a society in its full complex-ity. “Projeto Brasil / The Sky Is AlreadyFalling” attempts to present artistic projectsthat testify to the possibility for creative col-lective actions in the face of an uncertainand unpredictable future, actions that count-er the presumption that there is no way out.

While these lines were being written, welearned that Dilma Roussef had been oustedfrom office. The country is now in a state ofpolitical paralysis; the (temporary) impeach-ment procedures against the president of thePartido dos Trabalhadores (PT) can be seenas the advance of the conservatives. Duringthis period of economic recession, they areclearly thinking of distracting people fromtheir own involvement in corruption by re-tracting the social achievements that havebeen made.

With this festival, we hope to rise to the chal-lenge that we need to take up here in Ger-many and to make a contribution to invertingour ordinary ways of looking at things.

Ricardo Carmona, Annemie Vanackere and the team at HAU Hebbel am Ufer

The Sky Is Already Falling

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How do artists work under the difficult conditions in a Brazilianfavela? In a conversation with journalist and curator Nayse Lopéz,the choreographer Lia Rodrigues talks about her current piece“Para que o céu não caia / For the Sky Not to Fall”, asking into the liberating potential of dance in view of current climate catas-trophes, great social inequality and extreme racism, and what unleashing this potential might do to oneself at the same time.

“We’re danc ing forpeople whocan’t dancethemselves.”

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Nayse: Lia, when did you come to the Centrode Artes da Maré and what kind of place isit?

Lia: My first visit was in 2003, when I was invit-ed by our dramaturge Silvia Soter. In 2005 webecame part of the network “Redes da Maré”.This resulted in several fruitful collaborations,including the establishment of the “Centro deArtes da Maré” in a large, 1200 square meterhall, which we converted and have been ren -ov ating bit by bit since the beginning of 2009.Not only it is the home of Companhia, ourtroupe, but it is also a space for the networks’various activities. For in-stance there are meetingsthere with resident associa-tions, a conference aboutpublic security, the local the-atre project of the UNIRIO andof course dance and theatreperformances. All our piecesare premiered there. In 2012 we inauguratedthe independent dance school “Escola Livrede Dança da Maré”, which already has over300 students, as well as a group of youngpeople who get a comprehensive dance train-ing there, which is part of the creative processat Companhia. The Centro’s technical capacities are stillquite modest. There’s nowhere to get away,it’s loud and very hot. But the space exists, it’sthere and its ours and full of life!

Nayse: To what degree has the situation in thishall – on cement floors and under a tin roof,in one of the largest favelas in the world –influenced the rehearsals for the current pro-duction?

Lia: The rehearsals took place in summer,which I had actually always avoided, since it’sextremely physically demanding. But becauseof the date set for the premiere, there was noother possibility. And in the summer globalwarming has raised the temperature by twodegrees Celsius, which meant that we wereworking every day at temperatures that neverwent below 42° or 43°C. The heat was a factthat we just had to deal with. The artists of theCompanhia, who worked very closely with meduring the initial phases, never let it get tothem, braving these adverse conditions withgreat perseverance. For every new piece thatwe work on I try to improve the situation atthe Centro de Artes at the same time. For “Pin-dorama” this was a new water tank, since weused a great deal of water for this piece. Forthe current piece we built a large woodenfloor to cover the cement floor, which always

produced a lot of dust and where the dancerswere always getting injured. It’s strange thatthe title of the piece is: “Para que o céu nãocaia” (English: “For the Sky Not to Fall”) andthat in order to do it we first needed a newfloor.

Nayse: Apart from the external circumstances,how do you assess this being-on-site whenyou look back today? How has it providedimpulse for your movement and dramaturgi-cal work?

Lia: It changed me completely. I think that, ineverything I do, I’m immersedin the favela and the favela isimmersed in my creativework. The favela is a placethat is constantly changing,there’s no predictability likein Europe, where you knowhow things work – for in-

stance, taking the underground to get from Ato B. You have to reorient yourself all the time.I’m from the south of Rio and I find it incredibleto experience how completely different life inthe favela is organised. It’s another kind ofwalking the streets, moving about, organisingyourself. The favela is very intense, there’s alot going on everywhere, there are many,many people and there’s a lot going on at thesame time and the noise level is constantlyvery high. Everything is up for negotiation.And that forces you to be creative and flexibleall the time. And it requires tremendous con-centration. I think these experiences gets in-scribed into our bodies and our creative workin one way or another.

Nayse: The presence of this sensory propertyof the favela is always quite obvious in yourwork, this feeling of chaos, which startsfalling into place after a few minutes watch-ing it… The situation at thenational level is also highlythematised in your work.How did the idea for this pro-duction come about?

Lia: It comes quite directlyfrom “Pindorama”. The end of the piece wasopen and I had the feeling that I’ve been look-ing for a sequel since 2015. It was very impor-tant for me that the Companhia make theproject together with the young people fromthe dance school: An affective-cultural-phys-ical survey, which we used to interview sever-al inhabitants on the streets of Maré. Startingfrom these individual accounts with their po-litical and aesthetic dimensions, we then de-

veloped a choreographic translation. Asidefrom that, in 2015 we joined the Amnesty In-ternational campaign “Young, Black, Alive”.Both activities were very inspiring. But after-wards we went into a really intense rehearsalperiod, and these seven hours of collective re-hearsal every day form the site at which a cre-ative process arises with everyone together.

Nayse: Compared to the rest of the world,Brazil is the country with the most homi-cides. Most of the victims are young peoplebetween the ages of 15 and 29 and 77 per-cent of these are black. The reality of every-day violence is also a bodily problem.

Lia: I work in the Maré every day, so I’m veryclose to this reality in the Brazilian favela.How can we find forms to continue and to ne-gotiate? What rituals are needed? What dowe want to do? What can we do? These werequestions that we asked ourselves. And whatwe started to do with our time was mostly todance. That’s our job. I’m 60 years old andhave been a professional dancer since I was17. That’s my life. And what is it then, thatwe’re doing? It is not at all so much dancing“in place of”, but dancing for people who can’tdance. For me this is a privilege, but also a re-sponsibility.

Nayse: “For the Sky Not to Fall” – is the title ofa gigantic task, namely – literally – of “hold-ing up the sky”.

Lia: That’s just a turn of speech, a phrase, amurmur. Obviously we can’t hold up the skyover Brazil, over the world. Every individualholds up what s/he can and in her/his veryown way. I sense how I hold up your sky.You’ve already held mine up at times. Later Ihold somebody else’s for a while. And s/heholds up mine. The basic idea comes from the

wonderful book by theYanomami shaman DaviKopenawa and the anthro-pologist Bruce Albert, “TheFalling Sky”. Things would bemuch worse off in this worldif they hadn’t held up our sky.

Their sky already came crashing down a longtime ago. I also learned a lot reading “Metafísi-cas Canibais” (“Cannibal Metaphysics”) by theanthropologist Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, orhis extraordinary text, co-written with Débo-rah Danowsky, “Há mundos por vir?” (“Is Thereany World to Come?”). I also found GuimarãesRosa’s story “My Uncle the Jaguar” very inspir-ing for talking about mutations and metamor-phoses, becoming-animal, becoming-human,

“The favela is a place that is con-stantly changing.”

“But the spaceexists, it’s thereand its ours and full of life! “

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becoming-other. Also the works by the artistTunga, which I come across all the time in pub-lications for art producers and which chal-lenge and stimulate me.

Nayse: For those who are unfamiliar with it,Guimarães Rosa’s story is deeply connectedwith the traditions of indige-nous Brazilians. Its narratormutates into a jaguar.

Lia: It’s also about the meta-morphosis of language. Thestory is highly complex in itsaesthetic aspect. It’s not justabout the metamorphosis ofone man into a jaguar, but indoing so it expresses an ab-solute precision, almost a geometry in thewriting, which I find very exciting. In this piecewe try to do something similar: an exactnessthat serves to support our experiences. A fewweeks ago it was still a collection of material– testing things out with coffee and flour,dancing, moving cells, ideas. We decided tobring everything together and do a runthrough. When the rehearsal ended almosttwo hours later, I notice that something waslooking at me. Do you know the birth scene in“Macunaíma”1? It looked at me and I looked atit, we found each other and from that momentit was clear that there was a path that wecould pursue.

Nayse: I find the image of materials, of powder,of things that pile up and transform verystrong.

Lia: Suddenly one image or one element pro-vided the impulse for the next. We experi-mented with spices and colours. And finally itbecame a piece in which the air is just rife with

scents. Even that became clear to us in whatwe were doing. Layers that overlap. Skin onskin, metamorphoses.

Nayse: Because of the stage effect that youoften evoke, the impact of exploding matter,messing up and soaking things, the specta-

tors sometimes barely no-tice the extremely preciseorganisation and control inthe choreography. I find it in-teresting to think of how thechaos that goes along withcreation becomes a well-or-ganised structure. Is yourchoice to use images froman indigenous Brazil, viewedfrom its grotesque, but also

problematic side, also an echo towards aBrazil that is discovering itself anew?

Lia: I do think that all of that resonates in thisproduction. Despite the great improvementsduring Lula’s first term in office, Brazil is still acountry with great social inequality and ex-treme racism, and the people in the Maré feelthis in every aspect of their ordinary lives.

Nayse: The title of the work is meant to belinked to the perspective that someone whodoesn’t dance, does dance. As an artist yourepresent a place that is unrepresentable. Anon-existent Brazil, a Brazil that you carrywith you and inside you. You suggest thatperhaps something that we do togethermight hold up this falling sky. Do you believethat making art can somehow hold up thesky?

Lia: No idea. But since it’s the only thing Ilearned how to do, I keep doing it. That’s myjob. Apart from the fact that I’m not certain

about anything, I always strive to set myselfnew challenges. That has always been thecase, and that’s how it’s going to remain.

Nayse: As for what concerns Brazil, that’s alsogoing to remain. We have no plan for howthings should go forward with the country.

Lia: We’re holding up the sky as well as we can.The little shacks that the crack users piece to-gether to hold up their their own sky remindme of the end of the film “Melancholia” by Larsvon Trier, where they build these little shacksto wait for the end of the world. I think we’rebuilding more and more shacks… The Centrode Artes is a shack, my work is a shack, thePanorama Festival is a shack. All of them veryfragile. Little things that exist nonetheless andcan offer some resistance. And in their fragilityI see a special power, a reinventing-oneself. Iused to be much more idealistic. Working inthe Maré has shown me how much violencethere is in inequality and how extremely longthe road that we have to travel is. People arein the process of inventing ways and meansof holding up the sky, different ways andmeans. And respecting that someone is verydifferent from you and that s/he is holding upthe sky that s/he thinks s/he should be hold-ing up. It’s an exhausting task, because every-thing sublime is as difficult as it is rare, whichis what Spinoza says at the end of his “Ethics”(“Ethica, ordine geometrico demonstrata”) –words that keep their validity all life long.

Lia Rodrigues is a Brazilian choreographer and founder of the Panorama Festival and in 1990 of the Lia Rodrigues Companhia de Danças. (See page 34)Nayse Lopéz is a journalist and curator. Since 2006 she is the director of one of the biggest dance festivals in Brazil, the Panorama Festival.She is founder and chief editor of the website www.idanca.net.

English translation: Daniel Hendrickson

1 Tranlsator's note: "Macunaíma" is a 1928 novel by Brazilian writer Mário de Andrade.

“I used to be muchmore idealistic.Working in theMaré has shown me how much violence there is in inequality.”

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#1: Thiago Granato“Eu desejo profundamente que o Brasil dê um fim na violência, real e simbólica, bem como secular e correntecontra os índios, os negros, as mulheres, os pobres e a comunidade LGBTQ. Desejo também que esse fim seja oefeito da tomada de consciência sobre a diversidade davida e a multiplicidade das culturas, que sempre foramcomponentes do substrato da história do Brasil, antesmesmo, e principalmente, dele ser chamado Brasil.”

What do you wish for Brazil? This is the question we askedthe artists participating in the festival. Their answers are published in this publication.

Eudesejo…I wish for …

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Story of a Disaster ForetoldAfter a dam broke in the state of Minas Gerais, the resulting mud-slide literally buried people and entire towns beneath it andturned the Rio Doce, the most important source of drinking waterin southeast Brazil, into a biologically dead river. Ian Steinmanexplains the background to Brazil’s largest environmental catas-trophe and how business and political agents are enmeshed in it.A lesson in the true costs of privatization.

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On November 5, a dam used as a waste dumpowned by the mining company Samarcobroke, causing a flood of toxic mud and waterwhich killed twelve, injured many more, andcompletely destroyed the nearby town ofBento Rodriguez in Brazil. The waste from thespill has gone on to poison the Rio Doce, a ma-jor river linking the interior ofBrazil’s Minas Gerais State tothe eastern coast of EspiritoSanto.

60 million cubic meters ofwaste water has choked offlife in and around the river.More than a quarter of a million people havebeen left without usable water. Entire commu-nities, towns, and cities spread along the RioDoce and in the waters nearby find their liveli-hoods and futures threatened.

The exact causes of the breach are still underinvestigation, however recently released in-formation points towards a construction proj-ect that was meant to connect the dam withanother nearby dam, quintupling the size ofthe facility. Samarco has maintained that thewaters have not been contaminated with tox-ic material and that it represents no threat topeople or the environment. The governmenthas largely supported those claims.

Nevertheless a recent test showed levels ofarsenic and mercury over ten times the legallimit. The United Nation’s Office of the HighCommissioner for Human Rights has also crit-icized the reports by Samarco and has de-clared the company’s and the federal govern-ment´s responses so far to be inadequate.

While the true scale of the disaster is still un-known, the devastating effects will be felt foryears to come. Responsibility for this disasterlies not only with Samarco but also the de-structive economic trends of the last fewdecades, the privatization of Samarco’s co-owner Vale, and widespread collusion be-tween the ruling political class and miningcorporations.A Global Trend Towards Disaster

The disaster comes in the middle of a majoreconomic crisis in Brazil which acutely affect-ed the mining industry. The global drop in thevalue of raw resources like iron has con-tributed to Brazil’s economic downturn.

Mining companies have responded to the cri-sis by laying off workers and focusing on cost-

cutting measures. 2,097 workers in the miningindustry of the state of Minas Gerais were firedin the first semester of 2015. In Espirito Santo,one of the states through which the Rio Docepasses on the way to the coast, Samarco’sparent company Vale fired more than fourthousand workers.

While Samarco maintainsthat the dams passed a gov-ernment inspection in Julyand were considered safe,the method they are using todeposit waste in dammed lo-cal waters is a cheap — and

risky — solution. In Chile, where earthquakesare a consistent threat, many mining compa-nies rely on dry storage techniques whichcost ten times as much.

The construction of water-based storage ar-eas from scratch on virgin land would also besafer but cost twice as much. This is nothingcompared to the death, displacement, anddevastation visiting the environment andcommunities along the river. Yet for a capital-ist business, especially under recessionarypressures, the cheapest method possible willalways prevail.

This kind of disaster is not exclusive to Braziland the developing world. It is in fact part ofa global trend in the mining industry towardsmore and more catastrophic failures of water-based waste storage tech-niques. A report by LindsayBowker and David Chambers1

shows a growing trend to-wards more “serious” and“very serious” failures start-ing in the sixties and increas-ing up to the present.

When companies refuse toopt for costly overhauls,safer storage techniques, and repairs theyturn towards makeshift solutions which oftenexpand the storage dumps far beyond theiroriginally intended and designed limits. Tar-geting the industry’s financial markets and in-vestment trends, the report concludes thatthere is “a clear and irrefutable relationshipbetween the mega trends that squeeze cashflows for all miners at all locations, and this in-disputably clear trend toward failures of evergreater environmental consequence.”The crisis of waste dump failures looks muchlike the general crisis of capitalist investmentin production. It is not profitable to invest in

major overhauls, safe storage techniques, ornew, more technically advanced mines.

Facing the crisis of over-production triggeredby the fall in global ore prices, private compa-nies are attempting to cut costs, raise produc-tivity, and extract as much as possible fromexisting mining facilities. Yet pushing extrac-tion to the breaking point has dire conse-quences for entire communities, regions, andecosystems.

The costs of cleanup and long-term economicand environmental damage are never fullyborne by the company — often itself a sub-sidiary used by larger corporations to evadeliability — but instead are passed on to localand national governments.

In Brazil this is exacerbated as the costs ofadopting safety measures or even operatinglegally often far outweigh the token fines im-posed on companies which violate the law.Fees imposed on Samarco are so far some ofthe largest but still fall far short of the over-whelming economic, environmental, and hu-man cost of this man-made disaster.

Vale was once a national mining company andseen as central to the development of theBrazilian economy and national independ-ence. But the state company was privatizedin 1997 under the neoliberal administration ofFernando Henrique Cardoso in a sale widely

considered to have substan-tially undervalued the com-pany.

Its $3.14 billion price tagglaringly omitted the valueof its patents, mineral rights,reserves, and stock in othercompanies. Though it ac-counted for infrastructure,many mines were still miss-

ing from the assessment. On the day the salewas finalized thousands of protesters clashedwith police in front of the headquarters in Riode Janeiro with similar protests across Brazil.

Today the company has an estimated value ofover $53 billion and has established itself asa global multinational with a reputation tomatch. Behind the illusion of South-South sol-idarity the international operations of thecompany are just as bad as and often evenworse than the practices of European andAmerican multinationals.

Pushing extractionto the breakingpoint has dire consequences forentire communities,regions, and ecosystems.

More than a quarterof a million peoplehave been left with-out usable water.

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Samarco, the company formally responsiblefor the disaster, is itself is a joint ventureowned by Vale and the Anglo-Australian multi-national BHP Bilton.

The PT’s Complicity

While Vale may have been privatized underthe neoliberal leadership of Cardoso and theright-wing PSDB the new owners of the com-pany quickly found willing partners in theWorkers Party of former President Lula da Sil-va and current President Dilma Rousseff. Legalefforts to challenge the privatization over ir-regularities in the sale received no supportfrom the PT, who instead embraced Vale, themining industry, and the banks that own andfinance much of industry.

In 2014 alone Vale invested r$8.25 million inthe electoral campaigns of the PT and r$23.55million to the PMDB — a PT ally which controlsthe Ministry of Mines and Energy as well as theNational Department of Mineral Production.Dilma Rousseff’s reelection campaign countedon r$14 million in donations from Vale – faroutstripping the r$2.7 million that went toright-wing opposition candidate Aecio Neves— as well as another r$14 million from a vari-ety of other mining companies.

One of the largest stockholders in the priva-tized Vale is Bradesco Bank. Joaquim Levy,Rousseff’s main economic minister and archi-tect of recently implemented austerity pro-grams, formerly worked as a director for Brade-

sco. Bradesco recorded record profits of r$4.47billion in the second trimester of 2015, an 18percent growth compared to the previous year.The banking sector as a whole has seen un-precedented growth and rates of profit underthe PT’s administration and has been a willingpartner of the government.

In Minas Gerais, the disaster’sepicenter, the PT’s FernandoPimental is serving as gover-nor. Far from using the crisisas an opportunity to imposetougher regulations, he andthe PT legislatures have in-stead rushed a bill oncechampioned by the PSDB’sAecio Neves that speeds up environmental li-censing for mining companies. What emergesat the state and national level is a web ofcomplicity and support in which the PT has of-ten been Vale’s party of choice to ensure itseconomic interests are defended.

Additionally, under pressure from the econom-ic crisis and deeply affected by the corruptionscandals, there is now a major proposal to pri-vatize huge sections of Petrobras, the Brazil-ian state oil company. Petrobras has beenmoving forward with a plan to sell $15 billionin assets by the end of this year with moresales to come in 2016 and beyond. The esti-mated cost of the Lava Jato corruption scan-dal has been as much as $6 billion and alongwith the fall in oil prices has left the companyheavily indebted and facing a serious crisis.

Workers at Petrobras have attempted to re-sist this trend towards privatization. Petro-bras workers recently ended one of thelargest strikes in recent history in which work-ers in many locals occupied platforms andworkplaces as well as defied the union bu-

reaucracy’s attempts to endthe strike early. Oppositionto the privatization plan wasa major demand of the strikeand a source of rank-and-filedisillusionment with the PTgovernment.

However, the main tradeunion responsible for repre-senting Petrobras workers is

deeply linked to the PT and Petrobas manage-ment. The discontent expressed in the strikewas substantial but still far short of the kindof mass workers movement which would beneeded to block the proposed assets sale.

The threat of both ongoing and future privati-zation represents not only a major issue forPetrobras workers but potentially poses asubstantial environmental threat. If privatizedsectors of the oil and gas industry follow thesame path as Vale the likely consequence willbe even more environmental disasters.Fighting Back

The disaster shows the irreparable damagewhich capitalist businesses wreck upon theenvironment and the growing trends acrossthe mining industry towards ever more risky

#2: Alejandro Ahmed / Cena 11“A tensão entre desejo, abstinência, esperança e memória, aponta uma escultura cinética que tento materializar em dança.Movimento entre diferenças comocomunicação. Desejo assim no Brasil e para o Brasil quese conquiste uma autonomia cognitiva. Uma terra na quala informação não seja apenas acessível, mas capaz deser respeitada e cultivada nas suas mais díspares assimetrias. Fazendo das distâncias de suas diferençaso apontar de múltiplos futuros possíveis. O Brasil nãoé (de) um só !”

The state companywas privatized in1997 under the neoliberal adminis-tration of Cardosoand sold below value.

and damaging techniques. Corporate modelsin environmentally risky industries like miningsocialize the dire risks of extraction while pri-vatizing the financial benefits.

Yet while defending state ownership is impor-tant, it is far from enough. The crisis of Petro-bras and its growing trend towards privatiza-tion has itself been driven by the looting of itsassets by the governing PT party and its allies.The ability of the ruling and allied parties tosteal from Petrobras in league with privatebusiness and company management is aweakness of its state-owned and state-con-trolled character.

The right opposition has until now been ableto use the corruption scandals to push for fur-ther privatization. Rousseff and the PT havethemselves advanced the partial privatizationof Petrobras by asset sales as a solution to theimmense costs of corruption and the deepen-ing economic crisis.

In the aftermath of the disaster there is a po-litical opportunity to strike a blow against thewhole project of privatization. The only alter-native which the ruling parties have to offerBrazil is more privatization at a slower orfaster rate with more environmental disasterssure to follow.

Against both state and corporate corruption,the Left must retake the old slogan of nation-alization under workers’ control — not just asa labor demand but also an environmental ne-cessity. With a crisis at Petrobras and growingpopular hatred of Vale, workers’ managementrepresents the only real alternative to a futureof private profit and socialized devastation.

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Ian Steinman is a journalist and activist. He lives in Rio de Janeiro and writes regularly for online magazines, e.g. La Izquierda Diaria and Jacobin Magazin.

This article was originally published in Feburary 2016 in English by Jacobin Magazine: www.jacobinmag.com

1 Read the study here: http://abr.ai/1TKA1oG

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Brazil in aBindRodrigo Nunes takes the recent ouster of President Dilma Rousseff as a starting point, taking stock of the politics of recentyears. Corruption and the failed politics of the Workers’ Party(Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) have increased the gap betweenthe majority of the population, who long for economic progress,social inclusion and more democracy, and the political elites. Inthe unsettled outcome of this conflict, however, Nunes also seesthe potential for social transformation.

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How to explain the crisis that Brazil is current-ly undergoing and that has reached a newstage with the impeachment proceedingsagainst Dilma Rousseff? First of all we shouldavoid looking for any single cause to explainit. Simple explanations like that it’s “due tocorruption” or it’s just a revolt of the eliteswanting to keep the subalterns at bay are mis-leading. These are partially correct; but itwould be wrong and dishonest to isolate onesingle problem from the oth-ers and propose it as the solecause.

A crisis never has a singlecause – it is always based ona variety of factors with theirown diverse temporal dimen-sions in each case. The crisis in Brazil hasmany such factors. First of all it is about apower struggle among the political elites; at amiddle level one must mention that the politi-cal project initiated by Lula da Silva has nowcome to an end; even more fundamental, how-ever, are the problems that have been startingto show up for some time now, and which arelinked to the end of the hegemony of theWorkers’ Party (PT) within the left and whichindicate the beginning of a long process of re-organisation. Added to this are the upcomingrearrangement of the party system of the No-va República1, the pressure that has emergedin the last ten years of social transformation,and a chronic crisis of representation, whichhas currently reached an acute stage. The re-sult could be agonizing for many years tocome, with governments having extremelylimited claims to legitimacy and pursuing apure class politics. But the potential for a newbeginning it also emerging.

The so-called “pacto lulista”2, which was madeshortly after the electoral victory of the Work-ers’ Party in 2002, took advantage of the in-ternational boom in raw materials to create asituation in which the poor became less poorwhile at the same time the rich became richer.Already during Dilma Rousseff’s first term in of-fice, however, this pact increasingly lost itseconomic basis due to a number of factors –one of which being the international crisis. Theclose results in the elections of 2014, thechange of course to a politics of austerity thatfollowed shortly afterward and the resultingdecline in the government’s popularity meantthat the project was also politically difficult tomaintain. The price for supporting the govern-ment became too high for the coalition part-ners, and in the long run the price of maintain-

ing the coalition became no longer sustain-able for the government. In addition to this sit-uation, the corruption scandals, in which allparties were involved, led to a struggle amongthe elites, who wanted to get rid of the PT,turning it into the sole scapegoat. The PT islike a foreign body that, for all its efforts to ad-just to its host, is never completely acceptedand now must be eliminated.

All of this happened withoutany idea for a new project toreplace the previous one.This was a reaction by thepolitical and business elite,who in an act of self-defenceattempted to use the chaosto topple the PT and, much

worse, who stand for the idea that even a“weak reform politics” like that of Lula mustbegin in the future at a level that lies well be-neath that of 2003, and even beneath the lev-el of the constitution of 1988. The opponentsof the PT seem to base themselves on a planto cut social rights as much as possible by2018, and to strongly limit future efforts in thedirection of social transformation by passingthe necessary laws. The intention is not to endthe PT era by replacing it with another politicalproject, but to engage in a scorched earth pol-icy, a phase of conservative restoration, whichnot only targets what was achieved over thelast ten years, but also any other social ad-vance.

The metaphor of a “scorched earth”, which isnormally used for an army in retreat, containssomething else. To what degree are the groupsthat emerge as the victors from the impeach-ment process against Dilma Rousseff in fact inretreat? This is a further as-pect. It is clear that thesegroups, viewed from thestandpoint of representativepolitics, seem to be the win-ners. But two decisive pointsin understanding the back-ground of the current situa-tion are the temporal dis-tance between representation and society onthe one hand, and the relation between thegrowth of conservatism and recent socialchanges on the other.

The last ten years have allowed for a largepart of the Brazilian population to expandtheir horizons to a certain degree; purchasingpower has risen, access to universities has ex-panded, the possibility of travelling and the

access to cultural goods, internet, etc. has de-veloped. Hopes with regard to quality of lifeand a position image of the state have risen.In many respects we can see a transformationin attitudes. The self-awareness and participa-tion of black people and women has grown,the visibility of LBGTQI* and fluid gender iden-tities among young people has increased. Inaddition, a new political generation has grownup, such as that of the students in São Paulo,Goiânia und Rio. Brazil has transformed andfinds itself even now in transformation.

This was visible in the protests of June 2013,when there was public discussion of a seriesof previously ignored topics such as publictransportation and police violence. Socialchanges were reflected in them, but also theneed to understand the society of the politicalnomenclature. “We are no longer those thatyou know from before; our relationship mustchange.” And to speak with Machiavelli: It ap-peared that fortune, chance, the “pactolulista” was to be renegotiated from below toabove. But the PT was lacking in virtù, in thefighting spirit to transform this chance intopolitics.

It is true that there were some on the streetsback then who later took part in the pro-im-peachment demos. This is exactly the prob-lem. For the anti-government demonstratorsbecame a powerful force when they foundcontacts in business, the media and the polit-ical system, who possessed the necessaryvirtù to take advantage of the chance theywere being offered. What did the demonstra-tors, who were demanding more social trans-formation, get from all of this? Instead of con-structive dialogue they were met with repres-

sion and degradation. Themessage of the PT was thatthey did not represent themand that nothing wouldchange – a clear case of ‘sinkor swim’. In other words,2013 was the moment inwhich the opposition finallylost all fear of the PT, because

they saw that the party had no power on thestreets. And they also lost their fear of thestreets, since they saw that the radical de-mands being expressed there were falling ondeaf ears.

If we view all of this in a longer time frame, thecurrent “putsch”3 is not some internal affairamong the political elites, but a blow by theelites against society as a whole. The implo-

The PT remained a foreign body that now must beeliminated.

No other politicalproject is intend-ed, but a phase of conservativerestoration.

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sion of the PT, which had previously been the“natural contact” for progressive social forces,means that the PT is no longer the addresseeuntil something new consolidates. Conserva-tive forces sensed their opportunity here tocurtail the processes that had become dan-gerous for them and the interests they repre-sent over the short term or the long term. Seenin the short term, they are fighting for their sur-vival, to protect themselves from investiga-tions into corruption, but they are also think-ing of the long haul by organising a counterof-fensive to shape the future of Brazil.

But even that has its price, for the “classe poli-tique” has by now been heavily discredited.Not only due to corruption. This is only part ofa much larger problem: the general feeling thatthe great majority of political representativesare not representing anyone but themselvesand their financial backers. The open battle ofthe political elites and the procedures thatnormally follow an impeachment process,which are another blow against society by thepolitical system, show this. Whether this isdemonstrated with statistics or merely anec-dotally – it is clear that the majority of the pop-ulation, particularly the poor, see the impeach-ment as a farce, as spectacle, which has noth-ing to do with them. They do not feel repre-sented. What’s striking is that the dominant

statements in social networks on the day theparliament voted on impeachment did not ex-press joy or sorrow, but disgust and shame.This gap between the politi-cal system and society is theresult of a long development.It is the crisis of the party sys-tem that was created afterthe end of the military dicta-torship, but ultimately alsothe crisis of our narrative of“low intensity democracy”.

In this sense the fall of the PTis a two-edged sword, for it means the discred-iting of both the political system and the work-ers’ party at the same time, and this might turnout to cost the system as a whole quite dearly.According to polls, 83 percent of the popula-tion is not at all or barely satisfied with Brazil-ian democracy. It is obvious that a corrupt andself-involved political system and a high de-gree of cynicism and disappointment areclosely linked. The less people expect, the lessyou have to offer them. There is, however, onecritical point from which cynicism and disap-pointment might provide the impulse to dis-place those in power, and the hypothesis thatBrazil has been steadily approaching thispoint since 2013 does not seem absurd in theleast. We also have to remember that in the

phase beginning now the political elites havetended to close their ranks, that they are mak-ing private agreements for mutual protection

and are introducing highly re-gressive measures.

This gap between the “classepolitique” and society is pos-sibly the beginning of a horri-ble time in which political rep-resentatives practically acton their own authority. Theawareness of this gap, how-ever, is being realized in a va-

riety of ways; here as well we can see poten-tial for social change.

Antonio Gramsci spoke of the pessimism ofthe intelligence and the optimism of the will.This is a challenge to read reality without pro-jecting our own wishes onto it. On the otherhand it can also mean that we can do some-thing in a situation, as bad as it may be – forthe conditions for becoming active are there,even if they are still very tiny and rudimentary,and even if the means of bringing them intomotion still need to be invented.

Rodrigo Nunes Rodrigo Nunes is a lecturer in modern and contemporary philosophy at the Catholic University of Rio (PUC-Rio). He is the authorof Organisation of the Organisationless. Collective Action after Networks and has edited a dossier for Les Temps Modernes on the 2013 protestsin Brazil.

English translation: Daniel Hendrickson

Translator's notes:1 “Nova República” - Brazilian historical period starting in 1985 with the end of the military dictatorship.2 “pacto lulista” – President Lula da Silva’s pact with the conservatives focusing on limited structural change in Brazil which focused on the poorest sections of society.3 In Portuguese the term “golpe” (putsch) literally means "blow".

#3: Lia Rodrigues“Devo confessar que não consigo expressar todas as coi-sas que penso e desejo para o meu país. A minha gargan-ta está travada com tanta injustiça que vejo, tanto ase fazer e mudar.”

The majority of thepopulation, partic-ularly the poor, seethe impeachmentas a spectacle,which has nothingto do with them.

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#4: OPAVIVARÁ!“Desejamos para o Brasil o que também desejamos para omundo e para todos. O livre uso das substâncias psico-trópicas, a liberdade dos corpos, para a realização doaborto, para a nudez, trocas de gênero e o que mais aimaginação permitir. O uso generalizado de energias re-nováveis. Transporte público gratuito. Uma alimentaçãolivre de agrotóxicos e transgênicos. Livre acesso a in-ternet. Abolição do passaporte e das fronteiras, quenossos corpos possam cruzar todas as terras, mares eares. Que o amor e o prazer revolucionem a vida!”

The protests against president Dilma Rousseff again features nearly all-white upper-middle class displays of racism, the desireto protect status and putting ‘have nots’ back in their place. A blog post by BlackWomenOfBrazil.co.

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Black Women of Brazil

Once again, another protest and once againBrazil shows how divided it is really is alonglines of race and class. Just for the sake ofcontext, if you haven’t already heard fromyour favorite mainstream news source, mil-lions of Brazilians took to the streets on Sun-day in another display of self-serving outrageinvolving the severe economic crisis that hasgripped the country for the past year, corrup-tion charges dealing with the so-called ‘LavaJato’ scandal and calls for the end of 14years of the PT (Workers’ Party) rule. But wasthis all that was at play or were there someother issues that people won’t openly admit? Sometimes it’s very revealing to just sit backand analyze the photos that come out ofsuch displays even without the captions.Take the photo above for example. It encap-sulates perfectly what many people feelabout the true meanings of these protests.What makes the photo so intriguing is thefact that the meme on the top of the photoactually circulated around social networksduring the protests against Dilma in March of2015. The point of the meme sums up Brazilalmost perfectly in terms of race and class.The upper middle class white woman protest-ing and calling for “justice for Brazil” as herblack nanny pushes her children around inthe baby carriage. So many things could besaid about the meme. Reminiscent of slavery

era, as well as modern Brazil where blackwomen were/are believed to be treated like“one of the family”. White feminists who tellblack women that all women are oppressedbut absolutely not understanding her ownprivilege as white.

The meme’s relevance was brought home inyesterday’s protest when a photographercaptured a scene that portrayed the memealmost perfectly! White upper-middle classcouple, black nanny, twin babies in a babystroller. Nothing wrong with that, right? Imean, at least she’s got a job! Other photosalso hint at the reality of race in Brazil. Theoverwhelming whiteness of the crowds. The‘us’ vs. ‘them’ division of the country. Moreblackface and the added ‘bonus’ of making amockery of lynchings, not funny consideringthe ongoing Brazilian obsession with both!The calls for the end affirmative action andsocial welfare policies such as Bolsa Famíliathat have made a university education at-tainable for thousands of Afro-Brazilians andhelped lift millions out of abject poverty re-spectively.

Some of my favorite signs of the whole thingwere those that read “I want my countryback” (Eu quero meu país de volta). I mean,back from what? The slavery era? The Mili-

tary Dictatorship? (strangely enough, therewere those calling for a military coup). Imean, Brazil has been corrupt for decades,centuries … one could even argue that itsbeen corrupt since its very founding. But atthe same time, one has to marvel at thedepths of denial that so many of these pro-testers must be living in. As we’ve seen ex-amples in numerous previous posts, how elsecan you explain this?

Continue reading at https:// blackwomenofbrazil.co (oder directly here http://bit.ly/1Xu6iUh).

Black Women of Brazil is a photographic and informational blog featuring a diverse array of Brazilian Women of African descent. As much ofthe English speaking world is not familiar with the history of African descendants in Brazil, it also features news, essays, reports and interviewsspanning an array of topics including race, racism, hair, affirmative action, police brutality, etc. intended to give a more complete view of theexperiences of black women in particular and black people in general in Brazil with a goal of provoking discussion through the lens of race.

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#5: Alice Ripoll"Gostaria de acreditar que no momento da publicaçãodeste texto tenha passado o bizarro pesadelo que aco-mete meu país, e eu possa desejar mais do que "stopcoup". Bem, sempre gosto de contar que fiz o Suave com20 mil reais, em três meses intensos de trabalho comdez jovens talentosos escolhidos numa audição. Estamosha dois anos apresentando a peça e em nossa segundaturnê internacional!

Garantir o futuro do jovem artista não é uma questãode falta de dinheiro, mas de vontade política. Desejo que o Brasil possa compreender que a arte é umadas mais potentes alternativas para reverter o geno-cídio do jovem negro. É urgente legitimar a intensaprodução artística que existe nas favelas, garantindo-a como um meio de sustento e afirmação cultural paramanter jovem negro vivo!”

#6: Michelle Moura“After listining to MEPs at the "impeachment voting"last 17th april 2016": I wish more intelligent politi-cians, concerned with the complexity and diversity ofus as collective. I wish each one of them behaving in amore authentic way. (so they don't need all to speakthe same things: "a kiss on my son!"). I hope their sonand grandson will make everything different and good.(nepotism, unfortunatly). I wish for coherence (thereare always consequences). Wish for mental-moral-emotio-nal-healing.”

#7: Christiane Jatahy“Alice cai dentro da árvore Pau Brasil, seu corpo descedando voltas no ar e lá dentro o pais está ao revês,Dentro da árvore escorre a utopia do que o Brasil poderia ter sido ou será? E ela vê crianças de todasas cores e classes sociais indo à escolas públicas, elavê os hospitais sem filas da morte, ela vê políticostrabalhando honestamente, e os corruptos sendo presos,ela vê as favelas urbanizadas, ela vê os direitos e asdiferenças sendo respeitadas; onde não se matam os jovens negros, onde não se espancam os gays, onde religião e política não se misturam, onde os rios e asflorestas não são destruídos, onde os índios tem suasterras, as pessoas suas casas, onde a pobreza não assola milhões de pessoas, onde...e seus olhos agoraestão nublados, porque ela chora e não vê mais nada.”

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Artist’s Biographies

Alejandro Ahmed / Cena 11Alejandro Ahmed was born in Uruguay in 1971 and grew up in Brazil startingin 1974. He is an autodidact and has worked since 1984 as a dancer. In the1990s he participated in master classes with Sasha Waltz and others. Hisartistic work is marked by an interest in the boundaries of the body and thepossibilities of transforming it. Alejandro Ahmed joined the company Cena11 in 1988, and since 1993 has been its director. Grupo Cena 11 are con-sidered the punks of the Brazilian dance and performance scene. With highenergy, physical works like “Monotonia de Aproximação e Fuga para seteCorpos” (2014), “Sobre Expectativas e Promessas” (2013) and “Carta deAmor ao Inimigo” (2012) they keep true to their legendary reputation, even20 years after being founded.

Karol ConkaThe rapper Karol Conka has been active in the young hip hop scene in Brazilfor many years, and is one of the few internationally successful rappers whodo not perform in English. Her music is self-conscious and feminist. In 2013she published her first album “Batuk Freak”, which received important Brazil-ian media awards and was enthusiastically received by music publicationsworldwide. Karol Conka’s music mixes hip hop beats from the clubs withBrazilian rhythms and sounds. Her new album with the label BUUUM Trax willappear in autumn.

Santiago BlaumSantiago Blaum is an Argentine musician, performer and director. He studiedpiano performance and music theory as well as literature, opera singing,contemporary dance and acting. His first projects were seen at the Sophien-sæle in Berlin as early as 2003. Since 2010 he has directed several musictheatre productions as director and composer, which have also been seenat the FFT in Düsseldorf and in Hellerau. Recently at HAU Hebbel am Ufer heshowed his unconventional opera “Nietzsche contra Wagner Nueva Germa-nia Opera Tropical” (2013) and the ironic-musical worst-case-scenario “THISIS NOT OK! Das Musical! (in 2D!)” (2015). He is currently working with thestudents of the Houseclub for the first time.

Thiago GranatoThiago Granato is a performer and choreographer who lives between Braziland Germany. He works on developing new forms of choreographic practice,examining the conditions of art production in contemporary dance. In 2008he participated in Xavier Le Roy’s project “ex.e.r.ce 08” in Montpellier and in2013/14 he was artist-in-residence at the Akademie Schloss Solitude. Thecharismatic dancer has been seen at HAU Hebbel am Ufer together with Jeftavan Dinther in “This Is Concrete” and “As It Empties Out”. Now he presentshis solo work “Treasured in the Dark” (2015), which has toured internation-ally.

Christiane JatahyChristiane Jatahy is a writer and a film and theatre director. Her projects cre-ate dialogue between these different artistic disciplines, examining the bor-ders between reality and fiction, performer and character, theatre and cin-ema. Her pieces have garnered attention not only in Brazil, but also interna-tionally. In 2012 Jatahy took on the artistic direction of the residency proj-ect “Rio Occupation London” as part of the cultural Olympics in London. Herpiece “What if they went to Moscow?” (2014) is her first appearance at HAUHebbel am Ufer since 2008.

Metá MetáMetá Metá come from São Paulo, a city that they themselves describe as“acoustically schizophrenic”, and are considered the inventors of a newBrazilian music scene. Their style mixes the spiritual and rhythmic structuresof Candomblé with influences that range from Afrobeat and Afrosamba tobebop and art rock. The result is a music that can be described as chaoticlife-affirming Afropunk, noticeably influenced by musicians like The Stooges,Sonic Youth, John Coltrane and Sun Ra.

Leonardo Moreira / Cia. HiatoThe writer and director Leonardo Moreira is considered one of the most tal-ented young artists in Brazil. In São Paulo he founded the Companhia Hiato,with which he has created a number of award-winning works for the stagesuch as “Cachorro Morto” (2008), “Escuro” (2009) and “O Jardim” (2012),which have also appeared at international festivals. In 2012 HAU Hebbel amUfer hosted the European premiere of “O Jardim”. The current piece “Ficção/ Fiktion” (2014) has been seen at the Mil Festival in Chile, at Theater derWelt in Mannheim and at Mousonturm Frankfurt.

Michelle MouraMichelle Moura is a performer and choreographer. In her works “Fole” (2013),“Big Bang Boom” (2012) and “Cavalo” (2010) she seeks out artistic answersto the question “What moves a body?” Moura has collaborated with a widevariety of artists as a performer, and has presented her own works at a num-ber of dance centres in Brazil and France. She was a founding member ofthe artists community “Couve-Flor Minicomunidade Artística Mundial”. Sheis currently studying in the master’s programme in choreography at the Am-sterdam University of the Arts.

Paulo NazarethPaulo Nazareth works with video, photography and objects. He was born inthe Brazilian state of Minas Gerais, where he studied linguistics and visualarts. His art is often interdisciplinary and marked by autobiographical influ-ences. Nazareth is concerned with the history and present of Brazil, whichfor him is a conglomerate of a wide variety of influences, making any unifiedsociety or collective memory impossible. He has received a number of Brazil-ian awards, has exhibited in a large number of group and solo exhibitions,both in Brazil and internationally, and in 2013 was selected for the VeniceBiennale and the Lyon Bienale.

OPAVIVARÁ! OPAVIVARÁ! is an artists collective from Rio de Janeiro that carries out artactions in public spaces, in galleries and in cultural institutions. In these ac-tions they present alternative ways to use urban space that facilitate col-lective experiences. OPAVIVARÁ! was founded in 2005 and since then hasbeen a lively component of the contemporary art scene in Brazil. They con-ceived the work “Formosa Decelerator” (2014) especially for the Taipeh Bi-ennale in 2014. In 2015 the group’s actions were seen in many locations inBrazil as well as in France and Switzerland. Their participation in “ProjetoBrazil” marks their first appearance in Germany.

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Alice RipollAlice Ripoll lives in Rio de Janeiro, where she graduated from Angel ViannaCollege. Since 2002 she has been active as a dancer, choreographer and di-rector. In 2009 she took over the direction of the Gruppe Cia. REC, and since2014 she has collaborated with the Gruppe Suave Relíquia. In the same yearshe directed “O princípio da casa dos pombos”, a solo by the circus artistCamila Moura. She achieved her international breakthrough with the work“Suave” (2014). The piece toured throughout Europe in 2015, and was in-vited to the Noorderzon Performing Arts Festival in the Netherlands, to theInternational Summer Festival at Kampnagel in Hamburg and to Zurich’s The-ater Spektakel, where Ripoll was nominated for the ZKB Patronage Prize.

Lia RodriguesLia Rodrigues is a Brazilian choreographer and founder of the RioArte deDança Festival and in 1990 of the Lia Rodrigues Companhia de Danças. Herworks are inspired by ordinary life and by the culture of Rio de Janeiro, whereshe works in Maré, one of the city's largest favelas. For over 20 years now,she and her ensemble have been creating pieces there. Rodrigues Companyhas had great success with many of their works, including “Pororoca”(2009), a highly physical choreography about community and its fragility,with which they toured through Germany, France, Portugal, Belgium, andSpain.

Artist’s Biographies

#8: Metá Metá"Our music is influenced directly by the present polit-ical crisis, it´s filled with anguish and turbulence,we´re about to suffer a coup d´etat. We witness themost conservative, reactionary and fascist sector ofour society rise to power, contaminated with hatredagainst a few recently conquested civil rights bywomen, black people, the LGBT community and the poorestpeople in the country, all promoted by the main media,hundreds of TV channels, newspapers and magazines, allbelonging to only five super rich and powerful fami-lies. A strange time to be making music in Brazil, andfor the same reason, a very important one, to counter-point so much misinformation and hate with art, andtrhought it, glimpse at the possibility of a better,more tolerant place.” Preise:Kategorie A: (30,00 €) / 25,00 € / 20,00 € / 15,00 € / (10,00 €), ermäßigt 10,00 € Kategorie B: 20,00 € / 15,00 € / (12,00 €), ermäßigt 10,00 € Kategorie C: 15,00 € / (12,00 €), ermäßigt 10,00 € Kategorie D: 13,00 €, ermäßigt 8,00 € Kategorie E: 8,00 €, ermäßigt 5,00 €Ermäßigte Karten für Schüler*innen, Student*innen, Azubis, Erwerbslose, Sozialhilfeempfänger*innen, Schwerbehinderte. / Preise in Klammern veranstaltungsabhängig.

ImpressumKonzept “Projeto Brasil / The Sky Is Already Falling”: Ricardo Carmona / Programm: Ricardo Carmona, Zuri Maria Daiß, Pascal Jurt, Annemie Vanackere / Redaktion: Ricardo Carmona, Laura Diehl, Annika Frahm,Pascal Jurt, Ben Mohai, Isabelle Zinsmaier / Gestaltung: Jürgen Fehrmann / Illustrationen: Paulo Nazareth / Übersetzungen: Laura, Diehl, Lea Hübner, Sven Scheer, Mieke Woelky / Dank an: Merve Verlag, Jacobin Ma-gazine, BlackWomenOfBrazil.co / Hrsg: HAU Hebbel am Ufer, 2016 / Künstlerische Leitung & Geschäftsführung: Annemie Vanackere.

KasseTageskasse im HAU2 (Hallesches Ufer 32, 10963 Berlin) / Montag bis Samstag ab 15 Uhr bis jeweils eine Stunde vor Vorstellungsbeginn, an vorstellungsfreien Tagen 15 bis 19 Uhr. / Sonn- und feiertags ge-schlossen. / Tel. +49 (0)30.259004 -27 / Online-Buchung: www.hebbel-am-ufer.de

AdressenHAU1 – Stresemannstraße 29, 10963 Berlin / HAU2 – Hallesches Ufer 32, 10963 Berlin / HAU3 – Tempelhofer Ufer 10, 10963 Berlin

Festival Calendar

Di 7.6.20:00 / HAU2 Lia RodriguesPara que o céu não caia / For the Sky Not to FallTANZ / Kategorie C

Mi 8.6.18:30+21:30 / HAU2Lia RodriguesPara que o céu não caia / For the Sky Not to FallTANZ / Kategorie C

20:00 / HAU2 Gespräch mit Lia RodriguesDIALOG / Eintritt frei

Do 9.6.20:00 / HAU2Paulo TavaresOver the Ruins of Amazonia: At the Frontiers of Climate Change / Vortrag mit anschließendem GesprächDIALOG / Englisch / 5,00 €, ermäßigt 3,00 €

Fr 10.6.18:00–1:00 / HAU3Leonardo Moreira / Cia. HiatoFicção / FictionTHEATER / Brasilianisches Portugiesisch mit deutschen und engli-schen Übertiteln / Zwischeneinlass möglich / Kategorie C

20:00 / HAU1 Alice RipollSuave / SoftTANZ / Kategorie C

Sa 11.6.18:00–1:00 / HAU3 Leonardo Moreira / Cia. HiatoFicção / FictionTHEATER / Brasilianisches Portugiesisch mit deutschen und engli-schen Übertiteln / Zwischeneinlass möglich / Kategorie C

20:00 / HAU1 Alice RipollSuave / SoftTANZ / Kategorie C

21:30 / HAU2 Karol ConkaKonzertMUSIK / Kategorie D

Im Anschluss: Party im WAU / Eintritt frei

Mo 13.6.20:00 / HAU2 Copy & Dance#3 Sports EditionMUSIK, PERFORMANCE / 5,00 €, ermäßigt 3,00 €

Di 14.6.18:00 / HAU3 HouseclubHouseclub präsentiert: Santiago BlaumMas que nada / Was soll’s?Zusammen mit Schüler*innen derHector-Peterson-SchulePERFORMANCE / Eintritt frei

20:00 / HAU2What Happened, Brazil?Mit Max Jorge Hinderer Cruz, Tatiana Roque u.a. / Moderation: Margarita TsomouDIALOG / Englisch / 5,00 €, ermäßigt 3,00 €

Mi 15.6.11:00 / HAU3 HouseclubHouseclub präsentiert: Santiago BlaumMas que nada / Was soll’s?Zusammen mit Schüler*innen derHector-Peterson-SchulePERFORMANCE / Eintritt frei

19:30 / HAU3Michelle MouraFoleTANZ / Kategorie D

20:30 / HAU1Metá MetáKonzertMUSIK / Kategorie C

Do 16.6.20:00 / HAU3Michelle MouraFoleTANZ / Kategorie D

Im Anschluss: Publikumsgespräch

Fr 17.6.19:00+21:30 / HAU2Christiane JatahyE se elas fossem para Moscou? / What if they went to Moscow?THEATER, FILM / Brasilianisches Portugiesisch mit deutschen Über-titeln / Theater: Kategorie C / Live-Film: Kategorie E / KombiticketTheater + Live-Film (frei kombinierbar): 20,00€, erm. 13,00€

Sa 18.6.18:00+21:00 / HAU1Cena 11 / Alejandro AhmedMonotonia de Aproximação e Fuga para sete Corpos / Monotony of Approach and Fugue for Seven BodiesTANZ / Kategorie D

19:00+21:30 / HAU2Christiane JatahyE se elas fossem para Moscou? / What if they went to Moscow?THEATER, FILM / Brasilianisches Portugiesisch mit deutschen Über-titeln / Theater: Kategorie C / Live-Film: Kategorie E / KombiticketTheater + Live-Film (frei kombinierbar): 20,00€, erm. 13,00€

20:00 / HAU3 / Deutsche PremiereThiago GranatoTreasured in the DarkTANZ / Kategorie D

Im AnschlussParty im WAUMit DJ Anna Leevia (Tonkind)MUSIK / Eintritt frei

So 19.6.18:00+21:00 / HAU1Cena 11 / Alejandro AhmedMonotonia de Aproximação e Fuga para sete Corpos / Monotony of Approach and Fugue for Seven BodiesTANZ / Kategorie D

19:30 / HAU3Thiago GranatoTreasured in the DarkTANZ / Kategorie D

Installationen /AusstellungOPAVIVARÀ!Formosa DeceleratorINSTALLATION / Eintritt frei

7.–19.6., 15:00–23:00 / HAU2 (Open Air)

Indigenous VoicesINSTALLATION / Eintritt frei

7.–9.6., 11.6., 13.+14.6., 17.+18.6.,18:00–23:00 / HAU2

Paulo NazarethGenocide in AmericasAUSSTELLUNG / Eintritt frei

7.–9.6., 11.6., 13.+14.6., 17.+18.6.,18:00–23:00 / HAU2

Festival-Kombi-Ticket: 3 Vorstellungen für 30,00 €, ermäßigt 20,00 € (frei wählbar 7.–19.6.)

Gefördert von der Kulturstiftung des Bundes. Mit Unterstützung des Goethe-Instituts. www.hebbel-am-ufer.deFoto zu “For the Sky Not to Fall” von Lia Rodrigues / © Sammi Landweer