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Griffith Asia Institute

Asian Century Futures Initiative: 2018 Asia Future Fellows program

for undergraduates – Essays

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About the Griffith Asia Institute The Griffith Asia Institute produces relevant, interdisciplinary research on key developments in the politics, security and economies of the Asia-Pacific. By promoting knowledge of Australia’s changing region and its importance to our future, the Griffith Asia Institute seeks to inform and foster academic scholarship, public awareness and considered and responsive policy making. The Institute’s work builds on a long Griffith University tradition of providing multidisciplinary research on issues of contemporary significance in the region. Griffith was the first University in the country to offer Asian Studies to undergraduate students and remains a pioneer in this field. This strong history means that today’s Institute can draw on the expertise of some 50 Asia–Pacific focused academics from many disciplines across the university. ‘Asian Century Futures Initiative: 2018 Asia Future Fellows program for undergraduates – Essays’

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Asian Century Futures Initiative Griffith University was established over 40 years ago with a strong focus on the Asian region as one of its founding principles. We were the first university to develop and offer a degree in Modern Asian Studies and many of our discipline areas are heavily engaged in Asia-relevant research. In our short history we have forged successful partnerships with some of the region’s premier institutions. We have established significant research collaboration with key institutions, particularly in China, with partnerships in environment/water sciences, nanotechnology, material science, medical sciences, and social sciences. Given this historical commitment, Griffith is ideally placed geographically and intellectually to capitalise on the dramatic shift of economic power to the Asian region in recent years. Preparing for and adjusting to this change, will make considerable political, economic and social demands on Australians and universities have a key role to play in assisting the process. Griffith University is committed to continue making a substantial contribution to the education and development of an Asia-capable Australia and to be a thought leader in more deeply engaging the countries of Asia. The Griffith Asian Century Futures Initiative is the University’s strategic commitment to enhancing our engagement with Asia and the near Pacific and to consolidate our reputation as one of Australia’s most Asia-engaged universities. The Griffith Asia Institute has been successfully leading the Asia agenda through our series of high profile Dialogue events in partnerships with government, universities, industry, and leading international think tanks. www.griffith.edu.au/asiainstitute © Griffith University 2019

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Contents Comparative study of educational systems across Australia and China .... 1

References ....................................................................................................... 10 Comparative desertification management strategies: Australia and China ............................................................................................. 12

References ....................................................................................................... 19 Jumping off the coal train: Will China continue using Australian coal? ................................................................................................... 23

History of Trade Between Australia and China .................................... 24 Sino-Australian Diplomatic Relations ...................................................... 26 Belt and Road Investment .......................................................................... 28 Renewable Energy ......................................................................................... 30 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 33 References ....................................................................................................... 34

Service comparisons between rural and urban communities across Australia and China ............................................................................... 38

Australian and Chinese Mental Health Perspectives .......................... 41 Australian and Chinese Oral Health Perspectives ............................... 44 References ....................................................................................................... 46

Comparative analysis of the degree of government intervention: Lives of children with absent parents .......................................................... 51

Introduction ..................................................................................................... 51 Background Information .............................................................................. 52 Comparison of Government Intervention ............................................. 54 Recommendations ........................................................................................ 55 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 57 References ....................................................................................................... 57

Comparative study of educational systems across Australia and China

Asia Future Fellows program for undergraduates – Essays 1

Comparative study of educational systems across Australia and China

Ann Cheng, Alexander Byrne, Enouch Pun and Gloria Du

A central idea to most global perceptions of equity is access to basic services such as an impartial judicial system, amenities, healthcare, public infrastructure and most importantly, education. Studies have shown that educational prosperity and access to necessary financial, material and social resources have had a positive impact on children’s cognitive development (Hancock et al., 2018). In circumstances where family environments have been unable to provide such care, the state has often taken this role, especially through mediums such as public education institutions. In most cases, this disregarded factors such as socioeconomic background, social class, or wealth. However, the increasingly commoditized nature of education due to the ‘pervasive influence’ of the ‘neoliberal cascade’ (Raewyn Connell in Riddle, 2014) has created a system in which wealth and prestige are seemingly the new dictators of access to high-class educational resources across the globe. This has produced a result that not only entrenches social and demographic divides but simultaneously inhibits the potential for transition of social class. Indeed, in both Australia and China, intangibles such as social status have increasingly been accepted as currency for educational success, whether this be through higher funding or inroads into prestigious tertiary institutions or organisations. Although these barriers don’t eliminate the chances of social transitions by those from

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disadvantaged backgrounds, the pervasiveness of this trend is not dissipating. Ultimately, this mechanism only serves to inhibit future development and therefore it is only through an underlying structural change in the way education is delivered that countries such as Australia and China can grow. In recent times, there has been a substantial downward trend of the influence of family background on individual educational achievement within Australia (Marks & Mooi-Reci, 2016). However, research has demonstrated that a correlation exists between the Australian and the Western societal framework, where both cultural and socioeconomic variables influence an individual's educational achievement, a feature that has been consistent in Australian education systems (Marks & Mooi-Reci, 2016; Chesters & Daly, 2017). Indeed, this notion is further substantiated by Hancock et al. (2018), who draw a statistically significant correlation between an individual's numeracy and literacy scores and the educational achievement (i.e. undergraduate, postgraduate degrees, etc.) of both their maternal and paternal parents and grandparents (see also Pfeffer, 2008, Redmond et al., 2013 in Chesters & Daly, 2017). Indeed, this has been further highlighted by differences in NAPLAN achievement between children with parents possessing high and low educational backgrounds (Cobbold, 2017 in Perry, 2018) and equated to approximately two and a half years of education. Developing literacy and numeracy skills in the early years of schooling continues to be a key focus of recommendations in the Australian education system. Literacy and numeracy are essential foundational skills that allow young people to succeed in life (ABS, 2014). The enduring goal of educational, economic, and social policy in Australia is to improve the educational outcomes of children, thereby increasing the likelihood that they will transition into employment and participate fully in society.

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Figure 1. NAPLAN achievement gaps 2017

Source: Perry 2018, The Conversation. This is further highlighted in the 2014 report on socioeconomic factors and student achievement in Queensland published by the Australian Bureau of Statistics.

Figure 2. Proportion of students below national minimum standard for reading by parents’ level of education

Source: ABS 2014, Educational Outcomes, experimental estimates, Queensland 2011.

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This educational inequality can be attributed largely to an inherent disparity in our society, enforced by social segregation, either intentional or unintentional, or Australian schools (Perry 2018). Indeed, our education system has one of the highest gaps in resource allocation between both advantaged and disadvantaged schools in the OECD (Perry 2018). Moreover, it would be fair to argue that a correlation exists between the average socioeconomic status (SES) or social demographic of a neighbourhood and the quality of teaching and educational resources that students in such an area would receive. This notion was underscored in a 2012 OECD education report exploring, in part, the process by which schools populated by children from a low SES often lacked the necessary capabilities and resources to improve student achievement and nurture an environment of success (OECD, 2012). This has many far-reaching consequences, affecting not just the individual but also society. Indeed, those children who came from low SES backgrounds were not just inherently disadvantaged by their inability to obtain consistent jobs with stable income streams. This disadvantage often leads into other avenues such as increased likelihood of criminal activity. It is evident that these inequalities of educational outcomes are partially driven by poverty and disadvantage outside school. These socioeconomic inequalities are then amplified by schooling as socially advantaged students in Australia often receive more educational advantages than their less privileged peers, not less. Socially segregated schools are a consequence of these inequalities of educational opportunities and experiences. Disadvantaged schools in Australia have far less educational materials such as books, facilities, laboratories, or even highly skilled labour (teachers) than more advantaged schools. Additionally, this divide is further reinforced down the educational supply chain into university admission through the Australian Tertiary Admission Rank (ATAR) system as a definite measure of student calibre (Brown 2013). This admissions mechanism is an imperfect system and is often closely correlated with social class and wealth status (Brown 2013). Thus, through the ATAR which is used as an ever more defined measure of student potential and thus access to high-grade tertiary institutions, an ever greater disconnect

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from an equitable reality is exacerbated (Brown 2013). To summarise, the Australian education system reproduces current socioeconomic inequality by rewarding privilege and denying those without (Zyngier 2011). Like many of the English-speaking market democracies, Australia’s education system was built upon the foundation of a merit-based society in which everyone has a ‘fair go’. This foundation has enabled the creation of school systems that guaranteed all children, no matter their origins, access to a publicly funded education. However, the current reality of these education systems is that they are socially stratified and rife with inequalities. There is much evidence to suggest that Australian schools, rather than promoting equity, are effectively serving as engines of inequality where students from high socioeconomic backgrounds tend to go to high-fee independent high schools, and students from low socioeconomic backgrounds go to government high schools and have less opportunities to fully integrate into society. In China, people have always held a strong belief that knowledge changes destiny (Li 2000). Unfortunately, however, the pyramidal education resource allocation structure means that not everyone can get quality higher education resources. Educational success is often associated with ascribed social status, which includes family economic status, parents’ social network, living environment and so on. In Chinese culture, social status can exert a significant influence on the probability of a student gaining acceptance to their chosen university. In general, many students take the National College Entrance Examination, in turn directing their relevant university preferences, much like the ‘ATAR’ university admission system in Australia. Therefore, the imbalance of high school education resources plays an important role in this process. Higher social status, or to be more specific, a financial or puissant family superiority, can provide students an enhanced study environment. This will lead to two outcomes. The first is easier access to key high schools, bringing higher-quality educational resources, more efficient learning methods and more experienced teachers. The

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second is the greater possibility of receiving preferential policies. To elaborate, students can gain more extensive and accurate information regarding universities and majors. Based on such information, students can select and apply for the most relevant universities, whilst simultaneously making up for deficiencies in grades through their participation in extracurricular activities. As a result, students from higher social status will gain a systematic advantage over their peers from ‘lower rung’ schools in this often-intense inter-school competition. Thus, in such an environment, higher social status will bring a better learning atmosphere and further to this, greater family education. Figure 3.

Source: 中国人民大学“首都大学生成长跟踪调查”（2009）

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In addition, the degree of acceptance to higher education institutions is also closely related to the social attributes of an individual. In comparison however, it is important to highlight that the college entrance examination system (高考) does provide a possibility for class transition. However, achieving acceptance into a well-known university does not imply a high degree of educational success. This is often due to the expensive cost that further study may entail thus it has the effect of discouraging a significant proportion of students. Figures taken from Peking University will be used to illustrate this point: tuition fees for many professional postgraduate degrees can range from 80 thousand to 300 thousand RMB [~$16,000-$61,000AUD] (PKU, 2018). This is undoubtedly a heavy burden for Chinese students and their families, in a country where household per capita disposable income is often less than 40 thousand RMB (NBS, 2017). Figure 4. Peking University tuition fees

Source: National Bureau of Statistics of the People’s Republic of China (2018).

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Figure 5. Peking University entrance examination

Source: Gaokw.com (2018). Furthermore, the tradition of ‘human society’（人情社会) in China (Fei Xiaotong, 1947), in essence the process of learning and practicing professional knowledge, means that students with large families and in turn, social networks can obtain superior information, thus leading to a higher degree of personal development. In such cases, it is often students who can obtain greater resources through their own efforts or those of their family. However, this has the reverse effect on students with a lower social status, as they are only able to obtain average or below average educational resources and information. Thus, the educational gap between these social classes is widened ever further. To summarise, under the current system in China the social status of students, especially of their families, is closely related to educational success. The educational system of the two countries have some commonalities as mentioned but significantly some important differences as well. First, the education mode of high school provides the foundation for higher education. Furthermore, differences in the levels of such education between China and Australia are a major contributor to determining the differences in students’ future tertiary education choices. Unlike China’s high school education model, Australia’s education is more diverse especially with regard to the educational curriculum. The Australian model,

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consisting of both compulsory and elective courses assists in effectively diversifying individual learning preferences, allowing students to choose according to their interests and needs. Second, extracurricular activities have enriched the life of students. An illustration of such would include volunteering in community organisations such as St Vincent De Paul. Last, the variety in graduation opportunities such as university or trade practices is in vast contrast to the Chinese system. The reform direction of China’s educational system is like that of Australia. One important distinction, however, is the relative difference in spending on research and training in each country. In 2013, Australia spent only 0.44 per cent on this area relative to its GDP in contrast to a Chinese investment of 4.11 per cent relative to its GDP in 2014 (Tobias & Zhang, 2015). The huge population of China makes it necessary for it to be cautious about any policy change, especially in terms of education which concerns a large portion of its population. In 2016, for example, there were 14 million school-age students in China (assuming they all apply for college at 18 years old), about 70 times as many as students of the same age in Australia. Additionally, the economic and social costs of such developments are not to be underestimated. On this basis, although the inequality of social and economic factors has spread to the education field, it is still necessary to recognise that the college entrance examination system provides students with fairer competition and the possibility of class transition. As such the current system is recognised by the clear majority of modern Chinese families, especially those from lower social classes. As a result, this has legitimised the existing system and made the potential for future changes incredibly difficult. In conclusion, it is evident that within both Australian and Chinese culture, there exists an invisible barrier that impedes the ability of the disadvantaged to escape their socially-constructed prison through educational empowerment. The way education systems are designed can influence initial inequalities and have a negative impact on student motivation, engagement, and overall success. Elimination of system-level obstacles to equity will be the first step to improving equity amongst all students and benefit disadvantaged students. Reducing school failure is beneficial for both society and individuals as it can also contribute to

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economic growth and social development. Equity in education means that personal or social circumstances such as gender, ethnic origin or family background are not obstacles to achieving educational potential and that all individuals reach at least a basic minimum level of skills to participate in society. In these education systems, the clear majority of students would have the opportunity to attain high-level skills, regardless of their personal or socioeconomic circumstances.

References

ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics). (2014). Socioeconomic Factors and Student Achievement in Queensland. Australian Bureau of Statistics Educational Outcomes, Experimental Estimates, Queensland, 2011. Canberra. Retrieved from: http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Lookup/4261.3Main+Features32011

Brown, C. (2013). ATARs – You May as Well Use Postcodes for University Admissions. The Conversation, 17 October. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/atars-you-may-as-well-use-postcodes-for-university-admissions-19154

Chesters, J. & Daly, A. 2017. Do Peer Effects Mediate the Association between Family Socio-Economic Status and Educational Achievement. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 52(1): 63–77.

Fei Xiaotong (1947). From the soil: The foundations of Chinese society. Gaokw.com (2018) http://www.gaokw.com/ Hancock, K.J., Mitrou, F., Povey, J., Campbell, A. & Zubrick, S.R. 2018.

Educational Inequality across Three Generations in Australia. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 53(1): 34–55.

Li, K. (2000). ‘A new fraternity’, Li Ka Shing Foundation. Retrieved from www.lksf.org/eng/media/interview/print/19990621.shtml.

Lubienski C. & Perry, L. (2014). Australian Schools: Engines of Inequality. The Conversation, 13 March. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/australian-schools-engines-of-inequality-23979

Lusher, D. 2011. ‘Masculinity, Educational Achievement and Social Status: A Social Network Analysis’. Journal of Gender and Education, 23(6): 655–675.

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Marks, G.N. & Mooi-Reci, I. 2016. The Declining Influence of Family Background on Educational Attainment in Australia: The Role of Measured and Unmeasured Influences. Journal of Social Science Research, 55: 171–185.

NBS (National Bureau of Statistics, China). (2017). National BIM Report 2017. OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development). (2012).

Equity and Quality in Education: Supporting Disadvantaged Students and Schools. Equity and Quality in Education Report. Retrieved from: http://www.oecd.org/education/school/49478474.pdf

Perry, L. (2018). To Reduce Inequality in Australian Schools, Make Them Less Socially Segregated. The Conversation, 20 April. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/to-reduce-inequality-in-australian-schools-make-them-less-socially-segregated-95034

Pfeffer, F. T. (2008) ‘Persistent Inequality in Educational Attainment and its Institutional Context’. European Sociological Review, 24(5): 543–565, https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcn026

PKU (Peking University). (2018). https://www.cucas.edu.cn/studyinchina/admission/Peking_University_74_256.html

Riddle, S. (2014). Why Poor Kids Continually to Do Poorly in the Education Game. The Conversation, 4 March. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/why-poor-kids-continue-to-do-poorly-in-the-education-game-23500

Tobias, S. & Zhang, Z. (2015). The Rise of China: A Threat or Opportunity for Australian Universities? The Conversation, 10 November. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/the-rise-of-china-a-threat-or-opportunity-for-australian-universities-49145

Zyngier, D. (2011). Unfair Funding Is Turning Public Schools into ‘Sinks of Disadvantage’. The Conversation, 9 June. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/unfair-funding-is-turning-public-schools-into-sinks-of-disadvantage-751

刘县书,潘燕.知识改变命运[M].生活.读书.新知三联书店,2000 (01) 杨际军.资源配置力量的博弈与高等教育结构的建构[J].现代教育科学

,2006(03):88-91. 费孝通.乡土中国[M].中华书局,2013 吴康宁.教育究竟是什么——教育与社会的关系再审思（What Is

Education on Earth ——Reconsidering the Relationship between Education and Society）[J].教育研究,2016,37(08):4-12.

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Comparative desertification management strategies: Australia and China

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Comparative desertification management strategies: Australia and China

Amelia Grace, Wang Ting, Meisha Liddon and Gao Qiaochu

Desertification is the process through which fertile dry land becomes degraded due to both human activities and natural changes in the climate. Desertification is typified by a decrease in vegetation coverage, lower biodiversity and an overall loss of bioproductivity, resulting in land which is no longer suitable for agricultural applications. It may occur with soil salinisation, acidification, water and wind erosion, usually as a result of land mismanagement or climate change (Williams, 2015). With thirty per cent of the earth’s landmass classified as dryland, and over two billion occupants of dryland areas, desertification poses a significant risk to the health and livelihood of future generations, and has serious implications for food security (Thai, Rahm & Coggburn, 2007). Estimates by the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment suggest ten to twenty per cent of the world’s drylands are currently in a state of degradation (Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005). Presently, China is experiencing the highest rate of desertification, with the Gobi Desert growing at a rate of 3600 square kilometres per year, transforming arable grassland to unfertile desert (Tudela, 2012). Australia is also highly susceptible to desertification due to the high proportion of desert in the centre of the continent and vulnerability to soil salinisation; estimates suggest that over 42 per cent of arid and semi-arid lands have lost perennial grasses, considered

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the first stage of desertification (Ludwig & Tongway, 1995). The implementation of both prevention and management strategies is critical in order to reduce the impact of desertification upon future generations. Australia and China have created a number of mechanisms to manage desertification. The pre-existing strategies in Australia include the establishment of the Australian Collaborative Rangelands Information System (ACRIS), Indigenous Protected Areas, and the introduction of pastoral education initiatives and ‘conservation farming’ techniques. Comparatively, China’s strategies include the ‘Returning Farmland to Forest’ program and its famed Three-North Shelterbelt Project, commonly known in the West as the Great Green Wall. Exploration and comparison of the current policies and technologies in place across Australia and China will yield valuable insight into the most effective approach to manage and counteract the effects of desertification. Mistreatment of agricultural land is the primary cause of desertification within Australia, owing to the establishment of agricultural practices introduced by English settlers which were not suited to the arid and semi-arid climate of Australia (Harrington, Wilson & Young, 1984). The introduction of livestock constrained within small pastures, the suppression of bushfires and the lack of long-term land management strategies leading to a significant loss of ground cover perpetuated desertification in the early stages of Australia’s colonisation. Furthermore, the response of the Australian government was limited in efficacy as each state maintained the right to implement different management strategies, resulting in a non-unified approach across the country (Ludwig & Tongway, 1995). Early responses to desertification included both remote sensing technology and ground-based assessments; however, the data collected was often inadequate due to the lack of a standardised data collection and collation method. The ACRIS was implemented in 2002 with the aim of remedying these issues, and establishing a partnership between the Australian government, the governmental agencies of all states and territories, CSIRO and Ninti One Ltd. On a national scale, ACRIS synthesises and

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distributes data to all states, highlighting areas at risk and areas requiring restorative action (Bastin, 2013). One particularly successful management strategy implemented to respond to the ACRIS data is the expansion of the Indigenous Protected Areas, maintained by the Country Indigenous Ranger Program (CIRP). Over 67 million hectares of land are managed by Indigenous Rangers who utilise traditional methods to restore damaged land identified by ACRIS data and implement preventative measures for at-risk areas. Practices such as traditional controlled burning consume available fuel and promote regrowth of new shrubbery, greatly reducing the severity of naturally occurring fires, such as those ignited by lightning (Future Policy, 2018). By increasing new plant growth, the topsoil is protected from erosion and runoff rain water is trapped, ensuring the land remains arable. Additionally, the Indigenous Rangers monitor and control the population of non-native and feral species, culling populations who threaten the health of native plant species. This program has both the environmental benefit of reversing the spread of desertification, in addition to the social benefits of increased employment for Aboriginal communities and fostering the development of traditional skills (Future Policy, 2018). As land degradation and desertification are intrinsically tied to Australia’s pastoralist culture, recent management strategies have centred on encouraging conservation agriculture — utilising resources in environmentally effective ways and reducing invasive practices known to contribute to wider land degradation (Ludwig & Tongway, 1995). The issue Australian agriculturalists face, especially in inland regions, is that crop plants have shorter and more delicate root structures than native vegetation, requiring high levels of irrigation to be viable; heavy irrigation raises the water table and draws salt to the ground’s surface, making land effectively unusable (CSIRO, 2001). Preventing and managing irrigation salinity is a key factor in preventing further desertification. Farmer education initiatives, such as the Desert Knowledge Cooperative Research Centre (DKCRC)’s ‘WaterSmart Pastoralism’ program, support farmers in understanding and optimising irrigation, assist in managing grazing, and promote knowledge of

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biodiversity (James & Bubb, 2008). Other techniques have been introduced to diminish the effects of invasive agricultural practices. The no-tilling movement has gained much traction in Australia; reducing plough usage has been shown to improve moisture levels and retain carbon more successfully than traditional methods, and it also eliminates soil erosion, which contributes heavily to desertification (Kirkegaard, 2012). In combination with no-till farming, retaining crop residue on topsoil, rotating crops, and direct drilling seeding are now also used to minimise soil disturbance and reduce erosion (Pratley & Rowell, 2003; Kirkegaard, 2012). Of Australia’s 372 million hectares of agricultural land, 90 per cent are estimated to have been utilising conservation farming techniques as of 2014 (ABS, 2018; Ward & Siddique, 2015). The Australian approach to land degradation has been criticised for its lack of clear obligations for land management, and fragmented state legislation regarding desertification. The educational initiatives that make up a significant part of Australia’s strategy are voluntary, as are conservation farming techniques, and this lack of codification may lead to subpar implementation (Looney, 1991). The 2009 National Land and Water Resources Audit also criticised data collection and monitoring of land degradation, stating ‘Australia is still not well equipped to report on local progress or national soil condition and change’, (cited in Williams, 2015, p. 1). Although the aforementioned strategies have achieved considerable success, improvements must be made if desertification is to be fully contained. Sandy desertification in northern China is one of the main forms of desertification. Characterised by unbalanced human-land relationships in arid, semi-arid and partially sub-humid areas (Wang, 2004), the cultivation of sloping and sandy areas coupled with extensive deforestation has created severe soil erosion. More than 70 per cent of steep sloping farmland above 25°N in China is concentrated in the western region. Due to long-term deforestation and grassland reclamation, the western region has become the region with the most serious soil erosion in China. Two billion tonnes of sediment flows into the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers annually, with two-thirds originating

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from sloping farmland. This has directly led to siltation of rivers and lakes, which has produced serious impacts on agricultural production, and for many, quality of life (Shidong, 2002). In 1999, 4.42 million square kilometres of land were desertified, accounting for 16 per cent of China’s total land area, mainly in Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Tibet, Gansu, Qinghai, Shaanxi, Ningxia, and Hebei. In response to widespread desertification, the Northern Shaanxi province launched the ‘Returning Farmland to Forest’ program (RFFP) in the 1990s. The program encouraged rural farmers to convert peripheral farmland into forest and compensated them for the seeding and monitoring of afforested areas (Trac, Schmidt, Harrell and Hinckley, 2013). The program was soon recognised by the central government and was implemented at the national level (Yonghuan et al, 2006). In 1999, the Sichuan, Shaanxi, and Gansu provinces took the lead in carrying out the pilot project, and in the same year, 0.448 million hectares of farmland were restored to forests or grasslands (Li, 2002). The project was expanded in 2002 with ‘Several Opinions on Further Improving Policy Measures for Returning Farmland to Forests’ (Trac et. al, 2013). According to this document, households are provided with grain subsidies, cash subsidies and seedling subsidies by the central government to compensate for possible loss of income, and act as an incentive for farmers to adopt the program. With yearly grain subsidies of up to 2250kg/hectare, cash subsidies up to 300 yuan/hectare, and seedling subsidies up to 750 yuan/hectare, the program not only aids in promoting reforestation of sloping and barren land, but it also may financially aid struggling farmers. In addition, the agricultural tax after returning farmland to forests is waived (Li, 2002). The returning farmers also have the ownership of forests. After afforestation in the contracted farmland, barren hills, and wasteland, the contract period may be extended to 50 years, for which inheritance and transfer are allowed. This program has proved fairly successful in China. From 1999 to 2008, a total of 26.97 million hectares of land was afforested, and forest coverage increased from 16.55 per cent to 20.26 per cent. However, it has not been without criticism. Lack of pre-emptive research in local ecological capacity has led to low survival rates and

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poor stand quality of afforested areas, and the suitability of returning farmland to forests or grasslands was not fully considered during the implementation process. Although planting trees can reduce the wind speed in the atmosphere, the surface vegetation in degraded areas is sparse and the ground roughness is low. Simple afforestation cannot fundamentally restrict the movement of wind, and soil erosion remains a serious issue (Yonghuan et al, 2006). Another key strategy for desertification management in China has been the ‘Three North Shelterbelt Project’, combining physical barrier techniques and large-scale afforestation to combat soil erosion in northern China since 1978 (Wang, Zhang, Hasi and Dong, 2010). The “Three North” Shelter Belt system includes 559 counties in 13 provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions with a total area of 4.069 million square kilometres, accounting for 42 per cent of China’s land area. The Three-North Shelter Belt Project,is planned to be carried out in three phases and eight periods between 1978 and 2050, aiming to raise the forest coverage rate of the region from 5 per cent in 1977 to 15 per cent by 2050 (Wang et al., 2010). Using hardy, drought-resistant Lucerne trees and encouraging the formation of soil crust with gravel sheets, the project increases ground cover and aids in the prevention of sandstorms (Tan & Li, 2015), which pose a transnational public health threat to China and its neighbouring countries. Wang Chunfeng, the Deputy Director of the International Cooperation Department of the National Forestry and Prairie Bureau stated that the total area afforested has reached 292 000 km2, a 7.92 per cent increase in forest cover from 1977. Despite the apparent success, the program has been criticised for disproportionate attention to afforestation rather than grassland rehabilitation, which plays a major role in sand fixation and prevention of wind-related soil erosion (Huang et al., 2018). Assessing Australia’s and China’s respective management strategies for addressing and preventing further desertification, it is clear each country approaches the issue with some distinct differences. Unlike China’s mostly centralised approach, Australia’s management strategies appear to be quite fragmented; a mixture of non-governmental organisations and government subsidiary bodies and their initiatives tend to the issue

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with a number of methodologies and practices. Australia focuses heavily on preventative measures; pastoral education and adjusting commercial agricultural techniques to better suit the land, whereas China emphasises minimising erosion through large-scale afforestation. This may be due to the differing nature of land degradation and desertification in each country — China is prone to sandy desertification and huge sandstorms, and while the same occurs in Australia, soil salinisation and sodification-related degradation is rife (CSIRO, 2001). As to which techniques may be more effective, China’s afforestation and its focus on commercial viability may be highly beneficial to Australia, where planting trees has been shown to lower saline water tables considerably (Schofield, 1992), although afforestation alone cannot reverse damage to soil already made infertile by rising salinity; pumps and drainage may be required to further rehabilitate dryland and unproductive soil (Clarke et al., 2002). The agricultural focus of both Australia and China’s practices in regard to desertification is strong; through the Returning Farmland to Forest program and initiatives including WaterSmart Pastoralism and conservation farming, agriculturalists are heavily involved in the management of this phenomenon. Nevertheless, the management of land degradation is not only of importance to farmers and rural peoples; effective control of desertification is crucial to continued bio-productivity, food security, and has immense socioeconomic implications (UNCCD, 2013). Desertification is a major environmental issue, however there have been many approaches to minimising and reversing its effects. In Australia, Indigenous Protected Areas, the ACRIS, and conservation farming form the main management strategies currently employed. China utilises afforestation programs to manage the issue. As to which is more effective, the type of desertification occurring must dictate the management it should receive. Although afforestation is a key point in solving desertification, afforestation programs similar to those carried out in China would require much monitoring and on their own they may not be successful in areas undergoing salt-related degradation in Australia. Likewise, China, as a large country with competing financial issues, may not be economically capable of carrying out conservation farming initiatives as readily as Australia. Competing interests — political,

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economic, and environmental — make all-encompassing solutions to desertification difficult to implement, and desertification remains a serious problem in agriculture.

References

ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics). (2018). Land Management and Farming in Australia, 2016–17. Retrieved from: http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/0/5E8858F384C87E8DCA2582B700120AAF?Opendocument.

Bastin, G. (2013). The Australian Collaborative Rangelands Information System (ACRIS): Reporting Change in the Rangelands. Report, Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, Australian Government, Canberra.

Clarke, C., George, R., Bell, R. & Hatton, T. (2002). Dryland Salinity in South-Western Australia: Its Origins, Remedies, and Future Research Directions. Australian Journal of Soil Research, 40(1): 93–113.

CSIRO (Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation). (2001). Soil Salinity in Australia [Video]. Australia.

Future Policy. (2018). Australia’s Indigenous Protected Areas Programme and Working on Country Indigenous Rangers Program. Retrieved from: https://futurepolicy.org/healthy-ecosystems/biodiversity-and-soil/australias-indigenous-protected-areas-programme-and-working-on-country-indigenous-rangers-programme/

Harrington, G.N., Wilson, A.D. & Young, M.D. (1984). Management of Australia’s Rangelands. Melbourne, Australia: CSIRO Publications.

Huang, L., Zhu, P., Xiao, T. et al. (2018). The Sand Fixation Effects of Three-North Shelter Forest Program in Recent 35 Years. Scientia Geographica Sinica, 38(4).

James, C., & Bubb, A. (2008). WaterSmart Pastoralism™ Handbook. Alice Springs, Australia: Desert Knowledge CRC.

Kirkegaard, J. (2012). From Dust Bowls to Food Bowls: Australia’s Conservation Farming Revolution. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/from-dust-bowls-to-food-bowls-australias-conservation-farming-revolution-6020

Looney, J.W. 1991. Land Degradation in Australia: The Search for a Legal Remedy. Journal of Soil and Water Conservation, 46(8): 256–259.

Ludwig, J.A. & Tongway, D.J. (1995). Desertification in Australia: An Eye to Grass Roots and Landscapes. Environmental Monitoring and Assessment, 37(1–3): 231–237.

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Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. (2005). Overview of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. Retrieved from: https://www.millenniumassessment.org/en/About.html

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Pratley, J. & Rowell, L. (2003). Evolution of Australian Agriculture: From Cultivation to No-Till. In J. Pratley ed., Principles of Field Crop Production. South Melbourne, Australia: Oxford University Press, 1–25. Retrieved from: https://www.csu.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/2805521/Chapter1_PratleyRowell.pdf

Schofield, N. (1992). Tree Planting for Dryland Salinity Control in Australia. Agroforestry Systems, 20(1–2): 1–23.

Li, S. (2002). Comparison of Chinese and Foreign Returning Farmland to Forests and Grassland and Its Enlightenment[J]. World Forestry Research, 02: 22–27.

Tan, M. & Li, X. (2015). Does the Green Great Wall Effectively Decrease Dust Storm Intensity in China? A Study Based on NOAA NDVI and Weather Station Data. Land Use Policy, 43: 42–47.

Thai, V., Rahm, D. & Coggburn, J. (2007). Handbook of Globalisation and the Environment Boca Raton. Florida: CRC Press.

Trac, C.J., Schmidt, A.H., Harrell, S. & Hinckley, T.M. (2013). Is the Returning Farmland to Forest Program a Success? Three Case Studies from Sichuan. Environmental Practice: Journal of the National Association of Environmental Professionals, 15(3): 350–366.

Tudela, R. (2012). Fighting Desertification in China. 8 December. Retrieved from: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2012/12/2012126123056457256.html

UNCCD (United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification). (2013). White Paper I —Economic and Social Impacts of Desertification, Land Degradation and Drought. Report. Retrieved from: https://profiles.uonbi.ac.ke/jmariara/files/unccd_white_paper_1.pdf

Wang, T. (2004). Study on Sandy Desertification in China—3. Key Regions for Studying and Combating Sandy Desertification. Journal of Desert Research, 24(1): 1–9.

Wang, T. & Zhu, Z. (2003). Study on Sandy Desertification in China—1. The Concept of Desertification. Journal of Desert Research, 23(3): 209–214.

Wang, X.M., Zhang, C.X., Hasi, E. & Dong, Z.B. (2010). Has the Three Norths Forest Shelterbelt Program Solved the Desertification and Dust Storm Problems in Arid and Semiarid China? Journal of Arid Environments, 74(1): 13–22.

Ward, P. & Siddique, K. (2015) Conservation Agriculture in Australia and New Zealand. In M. Farooq and K.H.M. Siddique, eds. Conservation Agriculture. Cham: Springer, 335–356.

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Williams, J. (2015). Soil Governance in Australia: Challenges of Cooperative Federalism. International Journal of Rural Law and Policy, Special Edition, 1: 1–12. Retrieved from: https://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/journals/index.php/ijrlp/article/download/4173/4809

Yonghuan, M., Lihua, Z., Shengyue, F. & Chaoyang, D. (2006). The Reversal of Land Desertification in China and the Strategic Transformation of Ecological Management Policy[J]. China Soft Science, 06: 53–59.

李世东.中外退耕还林还草之比较及其启示[J].世界林业研究, 2002(02): 22–27.

马永欢,周立华,樊胜岳,董朝阳.中国土地沙漠化的逆转与生态治理政策的

战略转变[J].中国软科学, 2006(06): 53–59.

闫丽珍,闵庆文.退耕还林中“经济林”和“生态林”的概念和比例问题[J].水土

保持研究, 2004(03): 50–53.

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Jumping off the coal train: Will China continue using Australian coal?

星儿, 张宇, Daniel Loneragan, Georgia McDonald and

Tanner Noakes

The Sino-Australian trade relationship, characterised by the import and export of natural resources, has persisted as a foundation for diplomatic interaction between Australia and the People’s Republic of China for the last 46 years. Australia’s reliance upon the mining industry, specifically on coal, has benefitted the state over the past decade, as Australia’s economy grew in synchronism with the rapid economic success of China. However, the economic model of growth that Australia has relied upon in the past and continues to make use of today is, arguably, unsustainable as a perpetual growth model. Keating’s commentary of Australia as being a ‘banana republic’ continues to apply and alludes to the need for greater economic diversification, particularly as China projects a future in which renewable energies will substantially replace the need for coal (Conley, 2009, p. 154). The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), while representing a concentrated effort and vision to increase trade networks and diplomatic relations around the world, could also pose a threat to the Australian economy should China begin sourcing minerals, such as coal, from BRI member states as opposed to Australia. China’s perception that Australia lacks an independent foreign policy and operates foremost with consideration to the United States (US) has created a rift in the Australia-China relationship, which continues to worsen as the bilateral partnership between China and the United States

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deteriorates. This essay will provide evidence that Australia will experience a significant reduction in the demand of coal going into the future as (1) political tensions between Australia and China worsen, (2) China sources cheaper commodities from states party to the BRI and (3) reduces its coal powered industries in favour of renewable energies.

History of trade between Australia and China

The formal recognition of the People’s Republic of China in 1972 marked the beginning of modern Sino-Australian relations and established a partnership that, in the four and a half decades following, would be largely informed by trade relations (National Archives of Australia, 2018). However, growth between Australia and China was almost non-existent until 1978 when Deng Xiaoping introduced the Open Door Policy. The Open Door Policy engendered the establishment of Special Economic Zones (created in 1980) and allowed foreign businesses to invest in China, which cultivated globalisation and effectively set into motion the transformation of the Chinese economy (Zeng, 2015, pp. 3–7). The contribution of trade to China’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was extremely low prior to Deng Xiaoping’s economic initiatives. In 1972 trade accounted for only 5.7 per cent of China’s GDP, compared to 1988 when trade rose to constitute 30 per cent of GDP (The World Bank, 2017). Naturally, as rapid urbanisation and industrialisation occurred, so too did the demand for raw materials, a demand which was in part filled by Australia. Australian exports to China grew from AU$8.8 billion to AU$77.1 billion between 2001 and 2011 and averaged an annual growth of 25.6 per cent (DFAT, 2011).

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Figure 1: Australia’s exports to China

Between 2001 and 2011, China’s GDP growth averaged 10.4 per cent per annum, which was substantially higher than the world average growth of 3.7 per cent over the same time period. China has remained Australia’s leading trading partner since 2009 and continues to remain not only Australia’s largest export market, but also its largest source of human capital (in the form of international students and tourism) and foreign direct investment. To highlight Australia’s dependence on Chinese markets we looked to data evident in Table 1, which indicates that two-way trading is growing at a higher rate than any other partners, with China occupying 23.1 per cent of all Australian imports and exports between 2014 to 2016. This is compared to the United States and Japan who respectively comprised 9.6 per cent and 9.1 per cent of Australian trade.

Source: DFAT estimate of Australia’s exports to China based on ABS trade data, DFAT (2011), Australia’s Exports to China 2001 to 2011. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. (2011). Australia’s exports to China 2001 to 2011. Canberra: The Department of Foreign Affaird and Trade.

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Table 1: Australia’s top two-way trading partners

The two-way relationship Australia has developed with China has led to fears of overdependence on China as a market for Australian coal and highlighted the importance of economic diversification moving forward should the Sino-Australian dynamic alter. The fear of over-reliance on exporting such large quantities of coal to China is not without merit, particularly as Australia-China relations have begun deteriorating in conjunction with the trade war between the United States and China.

Sino-Australian diplomatic relations

The relationship between China and Australia was once compared to a quarrelling couple, between whom disagreements frequently occur, but never end in divorce (Power, 2018). This comparison is indicative of the complexity of the Sino-Australian relations, which have experienced highs and lows since the Whitlam Government established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China in 1972 (National Archives of Australia, 2018). While friendly interactions persevered as the dominant mainstream image of the bilateral links between the two states, sharp setbacks also occurred, the most significant being the Tiananmen Square Student Protests. Following the events of 1989, Australia imposed harsh sanctions on China, which led to the breakdown of any positive diplomatic relations that had previously existed between

Source: Data from DFAT on Australia’s Two-Way Trading Partners, DFAT (2018).

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the two states (McDonell, 2014). However, the persistence of trade between the nations has acted as a catalyst in repairing the Sino-Australia partnership in the past and largely contributed to the restoration of the bilateral relationship (Holmes, 2014). Between 1995 and 2015, China and Australia engaged in joint efforts to establish a mutually beneficial partnership inclusive of economic, scientific and technological industries that promoted cross-cultural dialogue. The success within this period was marked by two major milestones: the achievement of a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with the Australian government during President Xi Jinping’s visit to Australia in 2014 and the mutual decision to establish the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 2015, which brought economic benefits to both states (Xinhua News Agency, 2014). However, in the two years since the signing of the FTA, Australia-China relations have deteriorated significantly, particularly as the trade war between China and the United States intensifies and endures. Australia’s relationship with the United States has always been a point of tension in Sino-Australian relations and in many ways, Australia’s mentality of being a Western nation located within the Asian region has perpetuated the mistrust between the two states and fuelled Australian anxiety towards the region (Australian Government, 2017, pp. 38–40). While Australia has attempted to seek relative advantage from both China and the United States—with China providing a source of economic prosperity for Australia and the United States offering military security—the kinetic friction between the US and China has made such an approach increasingly difficult. The perception of Australia as being acutely responsive to the actions and decisions of the United States and acting foremost with consideration to Western states has engendered a fracture in the Australia-China relationship that continues to worsen as the degradation of US-China relations continues (Tow, 2005, pp. 415–467). In believing that Australia does not enforce an independent foreign policy, there is every possibility that China may become unwilling to continue such intimate trade relations with Australia and instead source minerals from other states, namely countries party to the BRI.

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Belt and Road Initiative

As the Chinese government strengthens bilateral diplomatic and trade relations with states party to the BRI and sources cheaper minerals, it is likely that China’s industrial metabolism for imported Australian coal will progressively decline. Between 2001 and early 2018, the China Development Bank and Export-Import Bank of China reportedly invested USD$128 billion into energy projects within BRI states, including USD$44 billion invested into coal power projects (Hao, 2017). The emphasis on China’s contribution to coal powered projects, as they relate to the value and production of Australian coal, privileges an approach that largely frames the BRI as technology-agnostic. However, China’s encouragement of BRI member states to ‘protect the environment while pursuing economic and social progress so as to achieve harmony between man and nature and between man and society’ are reflected in initiatives that are largely outside of the scope of this essay, which should be considered alongside these arguments (Xingping, 2017). One of China’s major BRI partners, Indonesia, has become one of the largest exporters of thermal coal to China, thereby rising as a major actor within the energy scene (Bloomberg 2018). As China’s activity within Indonesia increases through the infrastructure and energy programs linked with the BRI, so too does the quantity of thermal coal China is willing to import from Indonesia, demonstrating a decentralisation from Australian coal (Fitch Solutions, 2018). Some analysts have rejected claims that Indonesia will be a threat to Australia in the future, as the country’s demand for domestic coal will rise to 250 megatons by 2030 with increases in population and in demand for electricity (Minerals Council of Australia, 2018, pp. 48–49). However, statistics indicate that Indonesian exports to China totalled 61.8 million tonnes within the first 6 months of 2018, representing an increase of approximately 15.3 million tonnes compared to coal exported at the same time last year (Xu, Mason & Li, 2018). The current raise in the export capacity of Indonesian coal at present does represent a threat to Australia’s export industries, even if solely as a cautionary tale of the prominence BRI states could have in the future as key exporters to China. The export value of

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Indonesian coal continues to remain low despite a 63 per cent increase (USD$1.03 billion to USD$1.68 billion) between January and August of 2017, remaining substantially cheaper than Australian commodities (Indonesia Investments, 2018; Index Mundi, 2018). Indonesia typically produces low-grade coal with an energy value of 4,200 kilocalories per kilogram (kcal/kg), and a fiscal value of AU$48.71 a tonne, diverging from Australia, which can produce 6000 kcal/kg coal valued at AU$115.27 (Russell, 2018). While purchasing low-grade coal at the same time as instituting efforts to reduce industrial air pollution may appear counterintuitive, the low levels of sulphur present within Indonesian coal allow China to source high-grade sulphur, from either a domestic or international supplier, and combine the substances to lower the emissions production of sulphur dioxide and nitrogen oxide (Russell, 2018). The combination of these elements is most often used in thermal heating. China has been able to leverage cheaper, low-grade coal from states that are engaged in the Belt and Road Initiatives to reduce the deficit margin incurred by the external sourcing of energy producing minerals. The fracture between the average Indonesian and Australian coal prices has continued to increase throughout 2018, rising from 50 per cent to 58 per cent (Minerals Council of Australia, 2018, pp. 46–50). Such pricing could become a cause for concern for Australia in the near future, particularly if Sino-Australian relations continue to deteriorate, as Australia will not have the same level of access to maritime ports and routes as Indonesia (Dijk, Van de Mheen & Bloem, 2015, pp. 7–22). The marginal increase in thermal coal exports between Australia and China (42.62 million tonnes to 42.84 million tonnes) that was received from the data of the first 6 months of exchange between Australia and China in 2018 can be viewed as a response to the unusually cold weather experienced in China—not as an indicator for China’s increasing dependence on Australian coal (Russell, 2018). Rather, a more accurate assessment would be that China’s shift towards alternate coal producing countries and preference of renewable energies will lead to a significant reduction in the consumption of Australian coal going into the future, which could have dire economic implications.

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Renewable energy

The orientation towards renewable energy has advanced rapidly within China and marked an important step in responding to environmental concerns throughout the world. China’s policies towards renewable energies have been announced by the National Energy Administration (NEA), who are responsible for the formulation and implementation of energy development plans, the management of energy sectors—both renewable and non-renewable—and providing recommendations on energy prices and aggregate expenditure on imports and exports (NDRC, 2018). Within the latest 13th Renewable Energy Development Five Year Plan released in December 2016 the NEA expressed the need to ‘achieve an overall improvement in the quality of the environment and ecosystems’, decrease reliance on foreign companies, resolve curtailment issues, increase offshore wind power, and be a leader in ‘renewable energy technology innovation’ (NEA, 2016, p. 17). Such plans aim to increase non-fossil energy to 15 per cent by 2020 at 680 GW with 210 GW sourced solely from wind turbines (Zhang et al., 2017). As China’s renewable energy sector becomes a more prominent source of power, it would naturally follow that the quantity of coal the state imports from Australia would begin to decline significantly. A decline in coal demand would have dire implication under Australia’s current economic structure, which relies heavily on coal exports that account for 15.7 per cent of Australia’s GPD (The Observatory of Economic Complexity, 2018). Current Chinese policies detailed by the National Development and Reform Commission titled the Energy Supply and Consumption Revolution Strategy (2016–2030) has stated that by 2030, half of all Chinese power generation will be from nuclear and renewable energy (National Development and Reform Commission, 2018). However, due to the highly politicised nature of renewables and the accelerated pace at which these energy sources are growing, current reliable data is difficult to obtain. Therefore, for the purpose of this report, data and projections from the International Energy Agency (IEA) will serve as the baseline for the research presented (IEA, 2018). In China, there are six main sources of green energy listed in order of

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prevalence: hydroelectricity, solar power, wind energy, nuclear power, biogas, geothermal energy (IEA, 2018). Figure 2: Quantity of Clean Energy Produced in China

Hydroelectricity represents approximately 20 per cent of China’s total energy capacity, demonstrating China’s incentive to move towards renewables. Yet, while output rose from 216 GW to 332 GW between 2010 and 2016, hydroelectricity as a per cent of energy output in China has actually decreased due to the marked expansion of installed energy capacity in other forms of electricity. Wind turbines constitute a smaller but faster growing sector of energy production in China with output increasing from 30 GW to 149 GW in the span of six years. Such growth places China as the world’s largest producer of wind generated electricity. Alternatively, solar power is China’s cheapest source of clean energy and has the potential to occupy a larger percentage of future energy capacity. Projections from the IEA predict that solar energy will account for 22 per cent of energy in China by 2040 compared to hydroelectricity, which will have fallen to represent

Source: Capacity of renewable energies in China, International Energy Agency. (2018). China 13th Renewable Energy Development Five Year Plan (2016-2020). Retrieved 10 October 2018, from International Energy Agency: https://www.iea.org/policiesandmeasures/pams/china

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14.7 per cent (IEA, 2018). Nuclear power, biogas, and geothermal energy all form smaller sections of the energy market but hold interesting promises for the future. Biogas, which is fuelled by plant/animal waste, signifies an important means of energy production in rural communities where traditional waste-heavy heating sources are abundant and environmentally damaging. Biogas could provide solutions to rural communities that would not be as effective in urban areas, while nuclear energy is likely to play a larger role in city centres in the future (Gregory, 2010). The target stated in the government’s Energy Development Strategy Action Plan 2014–2020 is to build 20 new nuclear power plants to be added to the 40 already existing in China and increase production to 58 GW by 2020 (World Nuclear Association, 2018). China now represents the single largest investor in renewable technologies, investing approximately 0.9 per cent of GDP into clean energy, which is the equivalent investment from Europe, the United States and India combined (Ritchie & Roser, 2016). China’s investment in renewable energies coincides with a clear reduction in both the quantity of coal that China is producing and using. This is evident in Figure 3, which illustrates a decrease in the production and use of coal within China between 2012 and 2015 (Tverberg, 2016). The reduced use of coal within China resulting from the state’s orientation towards clean energy, again points to the likelihood that the demand for Australian coal will begin decreasing correspondingly. The reduction of Chinese coal imports corroborates the claim that Australian coal will become less significant to China in the future, as China’s coal imports decreased from 327.02 million tons in 2013 to 255.43 million tons in 2016 (The Statistics Portal, 2016).

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Figure 3: China: Production and Consumption of Coal

Conclusion

The trade relationship between Australia and China has for decades endured as a pillar for dialogue between the two states and acted as a catalyst for reconciliation of Sino-Australian relations during times of political tension. However, as China moves towards renewable technologies to power the country and reduces the amount of carbon emissions it produces, its reliance on Australian coal will inevitably begin to wane as a large percentage of China’s total energy capacity emerges from different energy sectors. The move to reduce production and consumption of coal is further compounded by China’s orientation towards the importation of natural resources from states party to the BRI with whom it has formed close diplomatic and trade partnerships, namely Indonesia. The competitive price of Indonesian coal will likely

Source: Data on China’s production and consumption of coal between 1981 and 2014, Tverberg, G. (2016). China: Is Peak Coal Part of its Problem? 20 June. Retrieved 11 October 2018, from Our Finite World: https://ourfiniteworld.com/2016/06/20/china-is-peak-coal-part-of-its-problem/.

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prove to be an incentive to the Chinese government, as the addition of high-grade sulphur can be used to nullify the low-grade coal Indonesia exports. However, this is not to say that the purity of Australian coal will not continue to attract the attention of China as a resource with less toxic output and use as coking coal, but to indicate that such a reliance on one industry could lead to negative economic implications for Australia as Chinese demand for Australian coal lessens. Australia must not only revise its diplomatic approach to maintain positive relations with China, as Sino-Australia relations falter amidst the trade war between China and the United States, but also begin to diversify its industries to ensure a stable economy that can meet the challenges of the future.

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Buckley, T. & Shah, K. (2018). IEEFA Update: Offshore Wind Power, the Underexplored Opportunity that Could Replace Coal in Asia. Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, 30 August. Retrieved from: http://ieefa.org/offshore-wind-power-the-underexplored-opportunity-to-replace-coal-in-asia/

Bygrave, S. (2014). Australia’s Coal and Gas Exports Are Being Left Stranded. The Conversation, 21 November. Retrieved from: https://theconversation.com/australias-coal-and-gas-exports-are-being-left-stranded-34496

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Dijk, C.V., Van de Mheen, P. & Bloem, M. (2015). Indonesia Maritime Hotspot. Nederland Maritiem Land.

Fitch Solutions. (2018). Belt and Road: Coal Power Exports to Remain Key Focus. Retrieved Fitch Solutions, 31 July. Retrieved from: https://www.fitchsolutions.com/corporates/utilities-power/belt-and-road-coal-power-exports-remain-key-focus-31-07-2018

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Service comparisons between rural and urban communities across Australia and China

Dana-Maree Buffett, Abigail Joseph, Zena Al-Falahi, Zhang Mengqian and Tan Lei

Health has been identified as a key outcome to achieve Sustainable Development Goal three: Good Health and Wellbeing (UNDP, 2018). These outcomes are to be achieved through prevention, treatment and education methods as well as universal health coverage, with access to safe and affordable services (UNDP, 2018). Health plays an important role in promoting equity in Australia and China (Callander & Schofield, 2015; Mingwang, Yanhong, Qingen & Qinghua, 2014; UNDP, 2018). Within individual nations there exist differences between urban and rural populations (UNDP, 2018). Therefore, this essay compares rural and urban populations with respect to physical, mental and oral health for both Australia and China. Recommendations are provided as ways to balance health differentials in order to fulfill the criteria of the Sustainable Development Goals (UNDP, 2018). The Australian and Chinese governments, like most other countries in the world, are implementing strategies to reduce the inequities within health services. First, Australia has one of the highest quality health care systems worldwide, backed by the universal, tax-financed health insurance scheme, Medicare. However, almost one-third (31.5 per cent) of Australians live in a rural or remote area of the country

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(Services for Australian Rural and Remote Allied Health, 2012). As a consequence, many Australians have limited access to healthcare, resulting in poorer health outcomes (Health Direct, 2017). A shortage of rural practitioners has exacerbated this issue, in addition to financial pressure on rural general practices, who often only have a small number of regular patients (Howarth, 2018). Australians living in regional, rural or remote areas have a higher rate of chronic disease and lower life expectancy than those in major cities (AMA, 2017). These individuals often have to travel long distances to access general practitioners and specialists, therefore they are more likely to defer a visit to a general practitioner. These community members also have higher rates of preventable hospitalisation (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2017). General practice clinics also face problems, with the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners Tasmanian chairwoman, Dr. Jenny Presser, noting that 60 per cent of rural practices are actively advertising for staff (Howarth, 2018). Enticing medical practitioners to work in regional areas for extended periods of time has been particularly difficult over the past decade (Howarth, 2018). Factors such as inadequate remuneration, lifestyle and professional isolation have resulted in a maldistribution of the medical workforce in Australia (AMA, 2017). In 2017, for the first time, the federal government introduced the new role of National Rural Health Commissioner, appointing Professor Paul Worley to this position (Borys, 2017). A key focus of this role is to encourage medical practitioners to work in rural and remote Australia, particularly through development of the National Rural Generalist Pathway (Hayes, 2018). This pathway enables a doctor to be trained in both primary and secondary care, minimising the need for specialists in rural hospitals (Borys, 2017). This incentive will likely boost the numbers of rural practitioners and enable better healthcare delivery to more parts of regional Australia. Additionally, telehealth consultations show great promise in connecting patients to a medical practitioner. Currently, individuals living in eligible regional, rural or remote areas of Australia will have access to telehealth consultations, which are covered by Medicare (Department of Health, 2014). This incentive

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prevents patients having to travel long distances to visit a doctor or specialist. Moreover, a model such as this may also be trialed and implemented in China to address the nation’s rural health disparities. In China, clinical hospitals in first-tier cities are relatively convenient. In the primary, secondary and tertiary hospitals, patients can directly register for treatment, however, there are long waiting lists in tertiary hospitals (Zhou, Xiao, Zhao & Shi, 2015). In first-tier cities a hierarchical medical system and two-way referral are being promoted in order to reduce pressure on tertiary hospitals, and to ensure effective patient flow (Zhou et al., 2015). General hospitals account for about 80 per cent of health resources, while most primary health institutions experience issues such as outdated medical equipment, shortage of essential medicines, and limited medical staff: the lack of these essentials results in individuals being inclined to attend general tertiary hospitals (Kuang, 2015). As a result, there are long waiting times to access medical services (Kuang, 2015). In 2015, the Guiding Opinions on the Comprehensive Reform of Urban Public Hospitals plan issued by the General Office of the State Council proposed the establishment of the first-level primary consultation, rapid division and treatment, and two-way referral (Kuang, 2015). Additionally, the Construction of Graded Diagnosis and Treatment System policy issued by the General Office of the State Council calls for reform of diagnosis and treatment in public hospitals of pilot cities and provinces (General Office of the State Council, 2015). Compared with big cities, the convenience of rural treatment in China is greatly reduced. Due to the geographic distance from treatment services, 11.42 per cent of rural patients lack timely treatment for serious illnesses (Li, 2014). In addition, compared with cities, rural areas are provided with significantly fewer medical resources and basic medical services, particularly in the western region (Lv, Chen, Huang & Pei, 2014). Therefore, strengthening the basic medical service capacity of rural locations in western China remains important (Wang, 2003).

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Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, China’s rural medical construction equipment has been valued, thus in 2003 China launched a new rural medical insurance system called the New Rural Cooperative (Cheng & Zhang, 2012; Wang, 2005). In 2009, China further extended the reform of the medical and health system and focused on strengthening the construction of the primary health care service system (Cheng & Zhang, 2012). On the positive side, empirical studies show that the New Rural Cooperative has improved participation in rural medical services and alleviated the urban-rural inequalities (Song, 2015). Overall, across Australia and China actions are being taken to understand and overcome barriers to ensure the optimal physical health of rural patients. Psychological wellbeing is another important aspect of health under consideration in this paper.

Australian and Chinese mental health perspectives

Rickwood, Van Dyke and Telford (2015) address mental health disorders as the leading cause of ill health and disability worldwide, therefore global health systems are searching for more effective ways to meet the needs of the communities they serve. In 2015, 17.5 per cent of Australians reported experiencing a mental or behavioural condition, with half of all Australians experiencing mental illness at some stage in their life (ABS, 2015; Rickwood et al., 2015). In Australia, through the current health policy the government is seeking to reallocate resources to ensure adequate mental health services are provided to those most in need. Populations with mental health conditions are not accessing available services to the extent populations without mental health conditions are (Williams & Doessel, 2016). Headspace centres are among the first innovations to address this issue. The work of Headspace is well known throughout the nation as the centres work to address the specific needs of the local community while engaging the community by establishing partnerships, links and activities to promote early intervention and service delivery to at risk populations with respect to mental health (Rickwood et al., 2015). Whilst recognising that good work is being achieved in the mental health space, there continues to be a question

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around how areas of need for such initiatives could be identified to allocate scarce resources effectively. Differential mental health support services and experiences were identified between rural and urban areas in Australia as revealed by a brief survey of recent literature. In a study of Australian adolescents, rural students were found to experience greater benefits from higher social capital relating to health status (Beaudoin, Wendel & Drake, 2014). Notably, women in rural areas accessed available support services less frequently than men, while the latter in rural localities experienced greater quality of life compared to their female counterparts (Bolton, et al., 2016; De Silva et al., 2017). Such gradient in service access between genders is of concern as mental health and behavioural conditions are more prevalent among women (ABS, 2015). Moreover, uptake of the Medicare Better Access Scheme in Australia found women living in urban areas had greater participation in services compared to non-urban women (Dolja-Gore, Loxton, D’Este & Byles, 2014). It must also be noted that mental health issues exist in male communities; an online survey of young gay men found rural men had significantly lower self-esteem, lower life satisfaction, lower social support and were more likely to be psychologically distressed than their urban counterparts (Lyons, Hosking & Rozbroj, 2015). Predictors of psychological stress for rural men include lower levels of support and education (Lyons et al., 2015). These factors reflect several barriers that exist for mental health accomplishment. Numerous barriers and risks to effective mental health service delivery were identified. In rural Australian locations these include long waiting times, lack of public transport, poor client health, unmet needs, low general practitioner knowledge of psychology techniques for treatment, inadequate patient rapport, social isolation, cost of treatment, transportation, geographical location, stigma and lack of education concerning available services (Carey et al., 2017; De Silva et al., 2017). Rural services could be improved by addressing proximity of services; assessing for early intervention for at risk populations; accounting for differing needs between genders; increasing government funded psychiatric services available in rural areas; home

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visits from mental health professionals; reducing stigma; and promoting doctor-patient relationships and continuity of care (Bolton et al., 2016; Carey et al., 2017; De Silva et al., 2017). Overall, research indicates differences exist between rural and urban areas in terms of prevalence of and participation in services relating to mental health in Australia. Similarities were found between China and Australia when approaching the challenge of providing adequate health services to rural areas. The cultural background of the Chinese nation has resulted in the heterogeneity of two different cultural types, the local agricultural culture and the urban industrial culture (Haizhong, 2005). This dual social structure has led to two different cultural fabrics that may have differing mental health needs (Haizhong, 2005). Specifically, mental health differences between rural and urban areas may be summarised to manifest as two key factors: issues relating to development inequalities, and treatment of individuals accessing mental health services. Development inequalities relate to the modernisation, industrialisation and urbanisation process in China and their consequences for differing psychological outcomes. Notably, educational opportunities can differ between locations across China (Sun & Xu, 2015). As a result, youth in both rural and urban regions must leave their families to attend college located in cities (Du, 2000). When youth leave rural areas the community left behind, including the elderly, may also be at risk psychologically as their access to social support from youth has decreased (Chen, 2012). Additionally, youth in rural areas may leave their families and migrate to urban regions seeking work to meet financial demands (Xiao & Shen, 2014). Therefore, individuals from rural regions residing in urban areas may face challenges to their mental health associated with psychological risk factors such as stress and lack of social support (Yang, 2016). In contrast, urban individuals may be more aware of mental health issues with greater access to education than those in rural regions (Sun, Jin & Wang, 2011). Thus, rural individuals may ignore psychological symptoms or may be unaware of environmental factors that interact with mental states to create issues, and may therefore

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blame themselves for their distress (Sun et al., 2011). Thus treatment can be hard to administer, with friends and parents often attempting to fulfill the role of therapist (Xu, Zhang, Wang & Liang, 2014). Although this may also occur in urban areas, individuals are more often encouraged to access services for assistance, and are better able to do so if they desire (Sun et al., 2011). Therefore, the uptake and access to psychologists and mental health professionals in rural regions in China requires attention from the government. In conclusion, both Australian and Chinese urban and rural demographics face unique mental and oral health experiences and challenges. The next section will examine oral health.

Australian and Chinese oral health perspectives

Dental care has crucial effects on oral health, which is essential to general health and is a determining factor for the quality of life (WHO, 2003). Several factors affect how frequently people use dental services (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015). Individuals living in rural and countryside areas often face significant barriers in accessing dental care, for example, lack of dental insurance, transportation and dental providers (Vargas, Ronzio & Hayes, 2003). Thus, individuals in rural areas do not always receive adequate oral health care to meet dental needs and report substandard oral health status (Sohn, Ismail, Amaya & Lepkowski, 2007). In Australia, urban residents were found more likely to regularly visit the dentist, followed by rural and remote residents: a protective factor for dental disease (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2006). With one in three residents living in remote areas not having visited the dentist in the past two years, residents of rural and remote areas are far more likely to seek dental care for a problem, rather than a regular checkup, compared to urban residents (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2006). Understanding barriers to oral health in communities may contribute to ensuring complete healthcare. Financial burden is often cited as the foremost reason individuals do not seek regular dental services or comply with the recommended treatment plans, with 44 per cent of uninsured Australians avoiding

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dentist appointments altogether due to cost (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015; Wynne, 2016). The Australian Dental Association Dental Fees Survey reported the mean cost for a dental visit, comprising a dental examination, 2 bitewing X-rays, and a scale and clean service, is approximately $200 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015). Although in Australia some may purchase a private health insurance policy to assist with dental costs, 20 per cent of individuals with private health insurance did not visit the dentist (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015; Wynne, 2016). Furthermore, dental care is not subsidised by the government in Australia unless an individual is experiencing a chronic medical condition, such as cancer or diabetes (Prepare for Australia, 2018). Further evidence suggests oral health differentials across urban and rural Australian populations: adults living in inner regional areas had the highest average number of missing teeth due to decay, while adults living in major cities had a higher average number of filled teeth due to decay (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015). Additionally, males have a higher number of untreated decay than females (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015). In 2013, the percentage of people aged 65 and over experiencing toothache in major cities was lower (9.4 per cent) than in remote areas (26.1 per cent) (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2017). Analogous issues and evidence have been identified in Chinese populations. Similarly, the divergence between rural and urban dental care is reflected in China with socioeconomic status gaps determining accessibility to medical insurance coverage and dental care (Wu, 2007). Overall, there exists a high prevalence of oral diseases in China, particularly within the elderly demographic (Wu, 2007). Furthermore, the prevalence of complete tooth loss or edentulism among individuals aged 45 and above in China is increasing, 12.1 per cent in 2013 to 14.6 per cent in 2015 (China Government Network, 2017). Although generally available, specialised dental care is often too expensive for the general public to use, particularly considering limited private health insurance participation (Kassebaum et al., 2017). Thus, risks for vulnerable groups in need of dental care have increased due to barriers to access and are further exacerbated by rural geographic locations (Li,

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Yao & Yin, 2018). Summarily, oral health issues observed for rural and urban populations may be understood to relate to socioeconomic factors that may create disparities in healthcare. Overall, health differentials have been identified between remote, rural and urban populations in both Australia and China. A key barrier faced by non-urban communities across health sectors was identified as limited access to healthcare that may result from long waiting lists, shortages of rural practitioners, lack of social support, financial cost of service access and limited symptom knowledge. Solutions such as the National Rural Generalist Pathway, Medicare, Headspace, the New Rural Cooperative, resource reallocation, telehealth consultations and reform policies are positive steps towards addressing inequities. To meet global health targets both Australia and China may find international connections across physical, mental and oral health sectors a resource in their search for solutions to shared challenges. Such solutions may include seeking ways to address service access; early intervention for at risk populations; differing gender needs; and subsidisation for prohibitive healthcare costs.

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Comparative analysis of the degree of government intervention: Lives of children with absent parents

Darcie Fisher, Lauren Shortus, Zhang Yixuan and Xiao Yaning

Introduction

The crisis of children living without parents has become increasingly prevalent in both the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Australia in recent years. Australia is facing a severe shortage of foster carers, and China reportedly has millions of children living without parents in rural areas. Research on the effects of growing up without suitable guardians has found that children are more susceptible to mental illness and behavioural problems, which can remain with them throughout their adult lives. This paper will discuss and compare the degree of intervention that the Australian and Chinese governments exercise in response to the crisis, as well as offer recommendations to improve the lives and wellbeing of children who are unable to live with their parents.

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Background information

China

Since the implementation of the Reform and Opening-up policy in 1978, China’s burgeoning economy has widened the gap between urban and rural areas. The influx of migrant workers into large cities has been enormous, leaving their children behind in the countryside, causing the phenomenon that has since then plagued Chinese society: the left-behind children（留守儿童）. The exact number of left-behind children in China varies greatly depending on methods and standards of estimation. In 2013, the All-China Women’s Federation calculated the number according to China’s 2010 sixth census data and reported that China has a total of 61.025 million left-behind children in rural areas. In 2016, several government departments reported the number of left-behind children under the age of 16, whose parents work in cities, to be 9.02 million (Beijing, China: On the Road to School, 2016). The root of the problem is the urban-rural economic gap, which leads to the continuous flow of young and middle-aged labour force to large cities. Due to the restriction of the household-registration policy (known as the Hukou System in China) health care, public education and other social welfare are not effectively provided for children who live outside of their hometown (Carney, 2016). Parents of these children, migrant workers who are constantly threatened by unemployment and are far from being treated equally, have difficulty affording the expenses of nurturing their children in the cities where they work. As a result of this migration pattern, the children left behind remain in the care of relatives, mostly grandparents, but also family friends. In some cases, they have to fend for themselves. Left-behind children are more likely to display developmental and behavioural problems, as well as long-term psychological and emotional issues such as attachment disorders. To remedy the situation, the Chinese government introduced the State Council Opinions on Efforts to Strengthen Care and Protection of Rural Left-Behind Children (Guo Fa 2016, No. 13). Provincial governments

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soon introduced corresponding policies, stating that a fully developed system of laws and regulations on the issue related to left-behind children will be established by 2020. While action is being taken to support the children, there are concerns surrounding the lack of a comprehensive long-term system of specific operational rules for implementation.

Australia

In Australia, parents are expected to be the primary carers of their children, however, there is significant societal expectation that the government will intervene when parents fail to provide appropriate care. Poverty, homelessness, drugs and alcohol addiction, domestic violence, mental health issues and social isolation are the issues that lay the foundations for outcomes such as failing family units, child abuse and neglect (Department of Families, Housing, Community Affairs, 2008). A public health model detailing three levels of intervention is utilised to ensure the safety and wellbeing of all children. The primary level includes a wide variety of financial, health and social support for all families; the secondary level provides support to families with significant problems and additional needs; the tertiary level is the crisis response to children who are at risk of being harmed, or have been harmed. The Foster Care System is one of the interventions provided at tertiary level. According to the AIFS Census of 2011, 2 per cent of Australian children under 15 lived without their parents (Baxter, 2016). Home-based care accounts for 93.6 per cent of children living in out-of-home care (Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2017). Of these children, 48.6 per cent live in kinship care while 38.7 per cent live in foster care. Despite the sheer number of children in foster care, only 315 adoptions were finalised in 2016–2017 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2017), demonstrating a lack of opportunities provided to children to give them permanency and stability. One of the main concerns for children living away from parents for their own safety is that most child protection orders have time limitations of one or two years without guardianship or custody being granted. Once the order has ended, the child is returned to their family. This approach benefits the parents; however, it may not always be in

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the best interest of the child. Multiple placements can impact a child’s life trajectory, according to McHugh and Pell, and can compromise wellbeing, disrupt education and negatively impact foster parents and social workers (McHugh & Pell, 2013). The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2018, p. vii) found that ‘74% of children who received child protection services were repeat clients’ in 2016–2017. This demonstrates that reuniting the child with their family is often not the best action. In addition to this, another issue that has become relevant in recent years is the struggle to recruit and retain foster parents. Current numbers of foster carers are not able to meet the demands of an increasing number of children with challenging needs and behaviours.

Comparison of government intervention

While the situations in China and Australia are very different, the mental effects of living without parents or suitable guardians are relatively the same. It is important to note that left-behind children in China are not living away from their parents due to concerns for their own safety, unlike children in the Australian foster care system. Rather, their situation is the result of how the economy has developed in China. In Australia from 2016 to 2017, “1 in 32 children received child protection services” (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2018, p. vii), demonstrating the high degree of intervention by the government. Australia also has a three-tiered system in place, which provides a clear framework to identify different levels of unfit care and what actions should be taken against it. These very different degrees of government intervention contradict stereotypes of the two countries. China is often perceived as having a high level of government intervention across the board, whereas Australia’s government is seen to have less involvement in the lives of individual citizens. Why are government responses the other extreme when it comes to children living away from parents? In China, a system to address the issue is yet to be implemented. Economic development is still the main focus of the government and

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the evaluation and promotion standards of officials in local governments are mainly based on GDP, leaving social welfare issues less attended. No special fund has been set up to address this, leading to difficulty in the normalization and institutionalization of long-term operations. Due to the structure of the government and the autonomy of local governments, creating a well-functioning system with cooperation across multiple departments could prove difficult, with possible frictions hindering efficiency. These difficulties are heightened by the differences between regions, and one set of national policies might not cater to local needs. In addition to this, there are differing historical and cultural backgrounds that impact how the governments react. As the establishment of a well-functioning legal system is still on the way, parents of left-behind children are not fully aware of duties and responsibilities attached to their legal status as guardians. The traditional mindset places great importance on family autonomy, reducing excessive government interference. While Australia is also culturally against excessive government interference, there is the community expectation that action will be taken by the government to remove the child from danger. Despite the enormous number of children in foster care, there are very few adoptions that take place. This can partly be attributed to Australia’s recent history of forced adoptions, particularly in Indigenous and Torres-Strait Islander communities, that triggered severely negative impacts on the children, families and communities involved. The Australian government may be wary of encouraging adoptions due to this history, resulting in many children residing in temporary care.

Recommendations

China

From the level of public policies, one way to help alleviate problems related to left-behind children is to establish a more flexible and comprehensive performance appraisal system for local officials. Instead of using GDP as the sole criterion for promotion, local officials

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should be encouraged to pay more attention to social welfare issues, with an emphasis on education and children’s growth. A system should also be implemented to measure contributions. In addition to this, increasing the number of local authorities trained in social work would allow more members of rural communities to be well-equipped to provide support to the children. Implementing mandatory rural service for social work graduates can ensure that rural communities, especially those struggling with this issue, receive help and support at all times. Care facilities such as day care could be provided, so that older children can attend school to gain an education and not be burdened with looking after their younger siblings during the day. Providing supplies like books that are distributed by social workers (who can make assessments on the levels of need based on equity) will lessen the financial strain on parents.

Australia

Currently, rather than taking a child-centred approach, it seems the Australian foster care system has a narrow focus of returning the child to his/her family of origin. While this is a possibility in some cases due to the home environment being safe, for many others it results in multiple placements that can cause more harm to the child. To ensure that every child’s specific needs and situation are catered to, the focus of foster care should be on the child’s wellbeing, which could be reuniting the child with their family, or finding stability and permanency in out-of-home care. Each case should be examined thoroughly to properly ensure the approach that benefits the child the most is the chosen one. In addition to this, adopting a child-first approach would also allow for the child to be included in the discussion of matters such as contact and reunion with family, placement, and transition from the foster care system. Another key issue of foster care is the amount and type of support available to carers. While financial support is important to foster parents being able to provide the proper care to children, providing additional practical support is relevant to ensuring that the mental wellbeing of both the child and carers is not affected. This could include

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social workers relieving foster carers of duties for a short time each week, as well as increased assistance in understanding how to effectively support and care for a child with complex needs. Moreover, with increased support for carers, more people would be motivated to become foster parents. This would help to alleviate the problem of recruiting and retaining carers, and the professionalisation of foster care may also assist. While these recommendations focus on remedying the situation once damage has already been done, the best way to mitigate the problem is to try to prevent it before it occurs. Providing counselling to both children and parents, as well as educating families that are at risk of domestic violence will greatly reduce the number of children experiencing abuse at home.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it would be beneficial for both governments to review current policies and strategies that are in place to combat the issue of children living away from parents. The left-behind generation in China and the foster care crisis in Australia are issues that have very different causes but similar effects. It is important to protect the wellbeing of children, especially as they are the future of the countries, and perhaps governments could learn from each other effective ways of combatting mental illness amongst youth.

References

Australian Institute of Family Studies. (2017). Children in Care. October. Retrieved from: https://aifs.gov.au/cfca/publications/children-care.

Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2017). Adoptions Australia 2016–17. Australian Government, 13 December.

Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2018). Child Protection Australia 2016–17. Report, Child Welfare Series no. 68. Australian Government.

Baxter, J. (2016). The Modern Australian Family. Research Summary, May. Retrieved from: https://aifs.gov.au/publications/modern-australian-family.

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Beijing, China: On the Road to School. (2016). White Book on Psychological State of Chinese Left-behind Children. Retrieved from: https://wenku.baidu.com/view/1206d2ef4b35eefdc9d333a4.html?pn=51

Carney, M. (2016). A Generation Left Behind: Millions of Chinese Children Abandoned as Parents Seek Work. ABC News, 13 September. Retrieved from: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-09-06/millions-of-chinas-children-left-behind/7816010.

Department of Families, Housing, Community Affairs (Australia). (2008). Australia’s Children: Safe and Well. Discussion Paper, Australian Government, May. Retrieved from: https://www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/childprotectiondiscussionpaper.pdf.

Fengqin, Y. (2018). Reflections on the Construction of Care and Protection System for Left-behind Children: Text Analysis Based on Local Policies. Contemporary Education and Culture. doi: 10.13749/j.cnki.cn62-1202/g4.2018.04.005.

McHugh, D.M. & Pell, A. (2013). Reforming the Foster Care System in Australia. Report, University of New South Wales & Berry Street, September.

Xiaotong, F. (2012). From the Soil: The Foundations of Chinese Society. Peking: Peking University Press.

Xiulin, S. (2013). Land Finance and the Tax-Sharing System: An Empirical Explanation. Peking: Social Sciences in China.

Zhongguo, F., Hamilton, G. and Zheng, W. (1992). From the Soil: The Foundations of Chinese Society. Berkeley: University of California Press.