THE UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIESST. AUGUSTINE, TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO, WEST

INDIESFACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF BEHAVIOURAL SCIENCES

COURSE OUTLINE -SEMESTER II – 2013

GOVT 2034 – HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR

Lecturer Day : Ann Marie Bissessar

( Professor)

Room : Room 207

Telephone : 1-868-662-2002 ext

82019

Email :

Annmarie.bissessar@sta.uwi.edu

Telephone : 1-868-662-2002 ext 2019

Lecturer Evening : Marlene George- Mitchell

( Mrs.)

40% marks – class and tutorial activity

60% marks- examinations

Please note that these Notes are compiled from Google and as far as possible the authors are acknowledged. It no way

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reflects the original work of Professor A Bissessar or Mrs. Marlene George Mitchell.

The aim of this course is to acquaint students and practitioners with the theoretical and practical perspectives involved in the personnel functions of the Public Sector. It focuses on the changing role of Personnel Administration, and on its critical function in the achievement of the goals of Administrative Reform. It will accordingly deal with issues such as the role of the Public Service Commissions, the factors which redefined the movement from Administration to Management, the impact of the scientific management movement, motivation, performance appraisal, recruitment practices and the special problems associated with the public sector.

Candidates are advised and encouraged to read a number of books and articles on the various topics which are available in the library and on the internet. Class Notes are in NO way comprehensive readings.

Class Rules:

1. Students who enter the class later than fifteen minutes after the commencement of the class will not be allowed in the classroom since it disrupts the students who are prompt;

2. There is no eating or drinking in the classroom;3. Cell phones should be switched off in the classroom;4. There should be NO texting during lecture hours;5. Students who attend less than 75% of their lectures and tutorials will

be debarred from writing the final examinations;6. Students are asked to dress properly when attending classes.

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TOPIC 1

Schools of Management

This topic will focus on the various schools of management commencing with the scientific school and continuing to the guru school.

1.Scientific Management also referred to as Taylorism or the Classical School.

Definition: An early 20th century school of management thought concerned primarily with the physical efficiency of an individual worker.

Scientific management is based on the work of the US engineer Frederick Winslow Taylor (1856-1915) who in his 1911 book The Principles Of Scientific Management laid down the fundamental principles of large-scale manufacturing through assembly-line factories. It emphasizes the following:

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* rationalization

* standardization of work through the following:

i. division of labor,

ii. time and motion studies,

iii. work measurement, and

iv. piece-rate wages

1. When did the idea of Scientific Management emerge ?

The core ideas of scientific management were developed by Taylor in the 1880s and 1890s and were first published in his monographs A Piece Rate System (1895), Shop Management (1903) and The Principles of Scientific Management (1911).

The era of Scientific Management

Relationship to mechanization, automation, and off-shoring

Scientific management evolved in an era when mechanization and automation existed but had hardly gotten started, historically speaking, and were still embryonic. Two important corollaries flow from this fact:

(1) The ideas and methods of scientific management were exactly what was needed to be added to the American system of manufacturing to extend the transformation from craft work (with humans as the only possible agents) to mechanization and automation; but also,

(2) Taylor himself could not have known this, and his goals did not include the extensive removal of humans from the production process. During his lifetime, the very idea would have seemed like science fiction, because not only did the technological bridge to such a world not yet look plausible, but most people had not even

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considered that it could happen. Before digital computers existed, such ideas were not just outlandish but also mostly unheard of.

Nevertheless, Taylor (unbeknownst to himself) was laying the groundwork for automation and offshoring, because he was analyzing processes into discrete, unambiguous pieces, which is exactly what computers and unskilled people need to follow algorithms designed by others and to make valid decisions within their execution. It is often said that computers are "smart" in terms of mathematic computation ability, but "dumb" because they must be told exactly what to calculate, when, and how, and (in the absence of any successful AI) they can never understand why. With historical hindsight it is possible to see that Taylor was essentially inventing something like the highest-level programming for industrial process control and numerical control in the absence of any machines that could carry it out.

But Taylor could not see it that way at the time; in his world, it was humans that would be the agents to execute the program. However, one of the common threads between his world and ours is that the agents of execution need not be "smart" to execute their tasks. In the case of computers, they are not able (yet) to be "smart" (in that sense of the word); in the case of human workers under scientific management, they were often able but were not allowed. Once the time-and-motion men had completed their studies of a particular task, the workers had very little opportunity for further thinking, experimenting, or suggestion-making. They were expected (and forced) to "play dumb" most of the time (which, unsurprisingly to students of human nature, people tend to revolt against).

2. What influenced the thinking on Scientific Management?

While working as a lathe operator and foreman at Midvale Steel, Taylor noticed the natural differences in productivity between workers. These differences were influenced by different factors, namely:

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* differences in talent

* intelligence

* motivations.

Taylor was one of the first people to try to apply science to this application, that is, understanding why and how these differences existed and how best practices could be analyzed and synthesized, then propagated to the other workers. He arrived at the following methods:

1. A standardization of process steps. He believed that decisions based upon tradition and rules of thumb should be replaced by precise procedures developed after careful study of an individual at work, including via time and motion studies, which would tend to discover or synthesize the "one best way" to do any given task. The goal and promise was both an increase in productivity and reduction of effort.

2. It was based on a high level of MANAGERIAL control over employee work practices. Resulted in a higher ratio of managerial workers to labourers. It also led to tensions between various categories of staff

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4. Who were the other writers in the area of Scientific Management?

The field comprised the work of Taylor; his disciples (such as Henry Gantt); other engineers and managers (such as Benjamin S. Graham); and other theorists, such as Max Weber. It is compared and contrasted with other efforts, including those of Henri Fayol and those of Frank Gilbreth, Sr. and Lillian Moller Gilbreth (whose views originally shared much with Taylor's but later evolved divergently in response to Taylorism's inadequate handling of human relations).

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5. When did this school become obsolete?

Taylorism proper, in its strict sense, became obsolete by the 1930s, and by the 1960s the term "scientific management" had fallen out of favor for describing current management theories. However, many aspects of scientific management have never stopped being part of later management efforts called by other names. There is no simple dividing line demarcating the time when management as a modern profession (blending art, academic science, and applied science) diverged from Taylorism proper. It was a gradual process that began as soon as Taylor published (as evidenced by, for example, Hartness's motivation to publish his Human Factor, or the Gilbreths' work), and each subsequent decade brought further evolution.

6. What were the basic elements of Scientific Management?

Scientific Management is a variation on the theme of economic efficiency; it is a late 19th and early 20th century instance of the larger recurring theme in human life of increasing efficiency, decreasing waste, and using empirical methods to decide what matters, rather than uncritically accepting pre-existing ideas of what matters. Thus it is a chapter in a larger narrative that includes many ideas and fields, from the folk wisdom of thrift to a profusion of applied-science successors, including time and motion study, the Efficiency Movement (which was the broader cultural echo of scientific management's impact on business managers specifically), Fordism, operations management, operations research, industrial engineering, manufacturing engineering, logistics, business process management, business process reengineering, lean manufacturing, and Six Sigma. There is a fluid continuum linking scientific management by that name with the later fields, and there is often no mutual exclusiveness when discussing the details of any one of these topics.

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7. What is the Legacy of the Classical or Scientific Management School?

In management literature today, the greatest use of the term "scientific management" is with reference to the work of Taylor and his disciples ("classical", implying "no longer current, but still respected for its seminal value") in contrast to newer, improved iterations of efficiency-seeking methods.

In political and sociological terms, Taylorism can be seen as the division of labor pushed to its logical extreme, with a consequent de-skilling of the worker and dehumanisation of the workers and the workplace. Taylorism is often mentioned along with Fordism, because it was closely associated with mass production methods in factories, which was its earliest application. Today, task-oriented optimization of work tasks is nearly ubiquitous in industry. The theory behind it has evolved greatly since Taylor's day, reducing the ill effects, although in the wrong hands it is sometimes implemented poorly even now.

Key elements of the Old Method of Administration which Taylor tried to Improve

* Soldiering

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Taylor observed that some workers were more talented than others, and that even smart ones were often unmotivated. He observed that most workers who are forced to perform repetitive tasks tend to work at the slowest rate that goes unpunished. This slow rate of work has been observed in many industries in many countries and has been called by various terms (some being slang confined to certain regions and eras), including "soldiering", (reflecting the way conscripts may approach following orders), "dogging it", "goldbricking", "hanging it out", and "ca canae".

Managers may call it by those names or "loafing" or "malingering"; workers may call it "getting through the day" or "preventing management from abusing us". Taylor used the term "soldiering" and observed that, when paid the same amount, workers will tend to do the amount of work that the slowest among them does. This reflects the idea that workers have a vested interest in their own well-being, and do not benefit from working above the defined rate of work when it will not increase their remuneration.

What did Taylor Propose?

He proposed that the work practice that had been developed in most work environments was crafted, intentionally or unintentionally, to be very inefficient in its execution.

He suggested or recommended:

@ time and motion studies combined with rational analysis and synthesis could uncover one best method for performing any particular task, and;

(b) that prevailing methods were seldom equal to these best methods.

(c)Taylor himself prominently acknowledged (although many white-collar imitators of his ideas would forget) that if each employee's compensation was linked to their output, their

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productivity would go up. Thus his compensation plans usually included piece rates.

(d) He rejected the notion, which was universal in his day and still prevalent even now, of the secret magic of the craftsman—that the trades, including manufacturing, were black arts that could not be analyzed and could only be performed by craft production methods.

(e) In the course of his empirical studies, Taylor examined various kinds of manual labor. For example, most bulk materials handling was manual at the time; material handling equipment as we know it today was mostly not developed yet.

He looked at shoveling in the unloading of railroad cars full of ore; lifting and carrying in the moving of iron pigs at steel mills; the manual inspection of bearing balls; and others. He discovered many concepts that were not widely accepted at the time.

For example, by observing workers, he decided that labor should include rest breaks so that the worker has time to recover from fatigue, either physical (as in shoveling or lifting) or mental (as in the ball inspection case). Workers were taught to take more rests during work, and as a result production "paradoxically" increased.

A machinist at the Tabor Company, a firm where Frederick Taylor's consultancy was applied to practice, about 1905

Unless people manage themselves, somebody has to take care of administration, and thus there is a division of work between

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workers and administrators. One of the tasks of administration is to select the right person for the right job.

What were the Benefits of the Scientific Management School?

Scientific management theory tends to improve business efficiency in the short term. By applying rigorous methods to production, it emphasizes results and disdains anything done for its own sake. Entrenched managers with a lifestyle to maintain, workers who’d prefer to idle the day away, and production codes that waste resources are all disdainful to this view. Often this can mean quick boosts in earning potential for the owners and managers.

What were some of the Pitfalls in the Scientific Management School?

By seeking to define an optimal method for production and then repeating it ad nauseum, scientific management theory denies the reality of innovation: it’s an ongoing process. There is no one best way that can be standardized, because most modern production systems are in a constant, iterative design process, constantly re-thinking and re-working business models according to the requirements of emerging technologies.

Taylorism isn’t very good at innovation, and innovation is the linchpin of today’s economy. It doesn’t allocate many of its resources to improving business functions after they’ve been instituted, leaving companies open to the danger of fossilization. To the small degree that it does, it’s performed from the top down – not horizontally integrated the way many exciting discoveries arise. Low-wage drones performing mindless repetitive tasks are unable to participate in the overall success of the company, and this can stymie the creative advantage of the firm.

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2.Administrative Management School or Traditional Principles of Management.

Administrative management basically focuses on:

(a) how a business should be organized and;

(b)the practices an effective manager should follow.

While pioneers of scientific management tried to determine the best way to perform a job, those in the administrative management explored the possibilities of an ideal way (rule of thumb) to put all jobs together and operate an organization. Thus the main focus of administrative school or general management theory is on finding "the best way " to run organizations. Administrative management school is also called "traditional principles of management.” Henry Fayol, a French industrialist, is the chief architect and the father of the administrative management theory. Other prominent exponents include Chester I. Barnard, Lyndal Urwick.

Some people think Max Weber had influenced this school as well. According to them the two major contributors to administrative

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management school of thought were Henri Fayol (1930) and Max Weber (1922). Henri Fayol's 14 principles of management are still relevant, while Max Weber's bureaucracy model still has some relevance in medium and large organizations. Weber's bureaucratic management theory is often presented alongside the work of administrative management researchers such as Henry Fayol, Luther Gulick and Lyndall Urwick.

The administrative theory "emphasized management functions and attempted to generate broad administrative principles that would serve as guidelines for the rationalization of organizational activities" Henry Fayol played a main role in the turn-of-the-century Classical School of management theory. Fayol believed that techniques of effective management could be defined and taught and that managerial organization hold as much importance as management as workers organization. He was the first to identify functions of management.

According to Fayol the five functions of managers were:

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Functions of Managers (According to Henry Fayol)

Planning is the act of anticipating the future and acting on it. "Planning reduces uncertainty by forcing managers to look ahead, anticipate change, consider the impact of change and develop appropriate responses."

Organization is the development of the institution's resources, including material and human.

Commanding is keeping the institution's actions and processes running.

Co-ordination is the alignment and harmonization of the groups' efforts.

Finally, control means that the above activities are performed according to the appropriate rules and procedures.

Fayol's work included a definition of a body of principles, which enabled a manager to construct a formal structure of the organization and to supervise it in a rational way. He focused his research and work on a more managerial level. Fayol developed fourteen principles of management.

Fayol emphasized the role of administrative management and concluded that all activities that occur in business organizations could be divided into six main groups.

-Technical -Commercial (buying, selling, exchange);-Financial (obtaining and using capital);-Security (protection of property and persons);-Accounting (balance sheet, stocktaking, statistics, costing);- Managerial (planning, organizing, commanding, coordinating, controlling).

Fayol concluded that the six groups of activities are interdependent and that it is the role of management to ensure all six activities

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work smoothly to achieve the goals of an enterprise. Main contributors of Administrative Management School are:

- Henry Fayol- Chester I. Barnard- Lyndall Urwick- Luther Gulick- Max Weber

3. Bureaucratic Management

Bureaucratic management may be described as "a formal system of organisation based on clearly defined hierarchical levels and roles in order to maintain efficiency and effectiveness."

Max Weber embellished the scientific management theory with his bureaucratic management theory which is mainly focused on dividing organizations into hierarchies, establishing strong lines of authority and control. Weber suggested organizations develop comprehensive and detailed standard operating procedures for all routinized tasks.

Max Weber was a historian that wrote about the emergence of bureaucracy (or bureaucratic management) from more traditional organizational forms (like feudalism) and it's rising pre-eminance in modern society. Scott defines bureaucracy it as "the existence of a specialized administrative staff". According to Weber, bureaucracy is a particular type of administrative structure developed through rational-legal authority. Bureaucratic structures evolved from traditional structures with the following changes:

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1. Jurisdictional areas are clearly specified, activities are distributed as official duties (unlike traditional form where duties delegated by leader and changed at any time).

2. Organization follows hierarchical principle — subordinates follow orders or superiors, but have right of appeal (in contrast to more diffuse structure in traditional authority).

3. Internal, abstract rules govern decisions and actions. Rules are stable, exhaustive, and can be learned. Decisions are recorded in permanent files (in traditional forms few explicit rules or written records).

4. Means of production or administration belong to office. Personal property separated from office property.

5. Officials are selected on basis of technical qualifications, appointed not elected, and compensated by salary.

6. Employment by the organization is a career. The official is a full-time employee and looks forward to a life-long career. After a trial period they get tenure of position and are protected from arbitrary dismissal.

Max Weber said that bureaucracy resolves some of the shortcomings of the traditional system. Described above was his ideal-type construct, a simplified model (not a preferred model) that focuses on the most important features. Weber's view of bureaucracy (or bureaucratic management) was a system of power where leaders exercise control over others — a system based on discipline.

Weber stressed that the rational-legal form was the most stable of systems for both superiors and subordinates — it's more reliable and clear, yet allows the subordinate more independence and discretion. Subordinates ideally can challenge the decisions of their leaders by referring to the stated rules — charisma becomes less

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important. As a result, bureaucratic systems can handle more complex operations than traditional systems.

The Ideal Bureaucracy

Bureaucracy is the division of labour applied to administration. 'Bureau', is a French word meaning desk, or by extension, an office; thus, 'Bureaucracy' is rule through a desk or office, that is, a form of organization built on the preparation and dispatch of written documents. In contrast to the commonly held view of bureaucracies, they do not 'rule' in their own right but are the means by which a monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, or other form of authority, rules.

Observing the changes that were taking place during the industrial revolution, Max Weber saw Capitalism as 'rational' way to organize activities: rational in the sense that all decisions could based on the calculation of their likely return to the enterprise. Weber's Ideal bureaucracy was therefore devoted to the principle of efficiency: maximizing output whilst minimizing inputs.

By studying the organizational innovations in Germany at the turn of the 20th century, Max Weber identified the core elements of this new form of organization. For Weber, the ideal bureaucracy was characterized by impersonality, efficiency and rationality. The key feature of the organization was that the authority of officials was subject to published rules and codes of practice; all rules, decisions and actions were recorded in writing.

The structure of the organization is a continuous hierarchy where each level is subject to control by the level above it. Each position in the hierarchy exists in its own right and job holders have no rights to a particular position. Responsibilities within each level are clearly delineated and each level has its own sphere of competence. An appointment to an office, and the levels of authority that go with it, are based solely on the grounds of technical competence.

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Max Weber believed that, due to their efficiency and stability, bureaucracies would become the most prevalent form of organization in society. However, he was also concerned that bureaucracies shared so many common structures it could mean that all organizations would become very much alike, which in turn could lead to the development of a new class of worker, the professional bureaucrat.

A Theory of Bureaucratic Dysfunction

In 1964 the French Sociologist, Michel Crozier set out to re-examine Weber's concept of the efficient ideal bureaucracy in the light of the way that bureaucratic organizations had actually developed and constructed a theory of bureaucratic dysfunction based on an analysis of case studies.

The core of his theory stems from the observation that in situations where almost every outcome has been decided in advance, the only way for people to gain control over their lives is to exploit any remaining 'zones of uncertainty'. He argues that organizational relations become little more than strategic games that attempt to exploit such zones, either for their own ends, or to prevent others from gaining an advantage. The result is that the organization becomes locked into a series of inward looking power struggles – so called 'vicious circles' – that prevent it learning from its errors.

Thus, in order to be rational and egalitarian, bureaucracies attempt to come up with a set of impersonal rules to cover every event. The result is that because decisions are predetermined, hierarchical relationships become less important and the senior levels loose the power to govern.

Secondly, in order to maintain the impersonal nature of decision making, decisions must be made by people who cannot be influenced by those who are affected. The effect of this is that problems are only resolved by people who have no direct knowledge of them.

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Thirdly, the elimination of opportunities for bargaining and negotiation creates an organization consisting of a series of isolated strata. The result is peer group pressure to conform to the norms of the strata regardless of individual beliefs or the wider goals of the organization.

Finally, individuals or groups that gain control the zones of uncertainty wield disproportionate power in an otherwise regulated and egalitarian organization. This leads to the creation of parallel power structures, which in turn results in decisions being made based on factors unrelated to those of the organization as a whole.

Characteristics of Bureaucracy

According to Max Weber official functions in the following specific manner:

I. There is the principle of fixed and official jurisdictional areas, which are generally ordered by rules, that is, by laws or administrative regulations.

1. The regular activities required for the purposes of the bureaucratically governed structure are distributed in a fixed way as official duties.

2. The authority to give the commands required for the discharge of these duties is distributed in a stable way and is strictly delimited by rules concerning the coercive means, physical, sacerdotal, or otherwise, which may be placed at the disposal of officials.

3. Methodical provision is made for the regular and continuous fulfilment of these duties and for the execution of the corresponding rights; only persons who have the generally regulated qualifications to serve are employed.

In public and lawful government these three elements constitute 'bureaucratic authority.' In private economic domination, they

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constitute bureaucratic 'management.' Bureaucracy, thus understood, is fully developed in political and ecclesiastical communities only in the modern state, and, in the private economy, only in the most advanced institutions of capitalism. Permanent and public office authority, with fixed jurisdiction, is not the historical rule but rather the exception. This is so even in large political structures such as those of the ancient Orient, the Germanic and Mongolian empires of conquest, or of many feudal structures of state. In all these cases, the ruler executes the most important measures through personal trustees, table-companions, or court-servants. Their commissions and authority are not precisely delimited and are temporarily called into being for each case.

II. The principles of office hierarchy and of levels of graded authority mean a firmly ordered system of super- and subordination in which there is a supervision of the lower offices by the higher ones. Such a system offers the governed the possibility of appealing the decision of a lower office to its higher authority, in a definitely regulated manner. With the full development of the bureaucratic type, the office hierarchy is monocratically organized. The principle of hierarchical office authority is found in all bureaucratic structures: in state and ecclesiastical structures as well as in large party organizations and private enterprises. It does not matter for the character of bureaucracy whether its authority is called 'private' or 'public.'

When the principle of jurisdictional 'competency' is fully carried through, hierarchical subordination–at least in public office–does not mean that the 'higher' authority is simply authorized to take over the business of the 'lower.' Indeed, the opposite is the rule. Once established and having fulfilled its task, an office tends to continue in existence and be held by another incumbent.

III. The management of the modern office is based upon written documents ('the files'), which are preserved in their original or draught form. There is, therefore, a staff of subaltern officials and

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scribes of all sorts. The body of officials actively engaged in a 'public' office, along with the respective apparatus of material implements and the files, make up a 'bureau.' In private enterprise, 'the bureau' is often called 'the office.'

In principle, the modern organization of the civil service separates the bureau from the private domicile of the official, and, in general, bureaucracy segregates official activity as something distinct from the sphere of private life. Public monies and equipment are divorced from the private property of the official. This condition is everywhere the product of a long development. Nowadays, it is found in public as well as in private enterprises; in the latter, the principle extends even to the leading entrepreneur. In principle, the executive office is separated from the household, business from private correspondence, and business assets from private fortunes. The more consistently the modern type of business management has been carried through the more are these separations the case. The beginnings of this process are to be found as early as the Middle Ages.

It is the peculiarity of the modern entrepreneur that he conducts himself as the 'first official' of his enterprise, in the very same way in which the ruler of a specifically modern bureaucratic state spoke of himself as 'the first servant' of the state. The idea that the bureau activities of the state are intrinsically different in character from the management of private economic offices is a continental European notion and, by way of contrast, is totally foreign to the American way.

IV. Office management, at least all specialized office management– and such management is distinctly modern–usually presupposes thorough and expert training. This increasingly holds for the modern executive and employee of private enterprises, in the same manner as it holds for the state official.

V. When the office is fully developed, official activity demands the full working capacity of the official, irrespective of the fact that his

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obligatory time in the bureau may be firmly delimited. In the normal case, this is only the product of a long development, in the public as well as in the private office. Formerly, in all cases, the normal state of affairs was reversed: official business was discharged as a secondary activity.

VI. The management of the office follows general rules, which are more or less stable, more or less exhaustive, and which can be learned. Knowledge of these rules represents a special technical learning which the officials possess. It involves jurisprudence, or administrative or business management.

The reduction of modern office management to rules is deeply embedded in its very nature. The theory of modern public administration, for instance, assumes that the authority to order certain matters by decree–which has been legally granted to public authorities–does not entitle the bureau to regulate the matter by commands given for each case, but only to regulate the matter abstractly. This stands in extreme contrast to the regulation of all relationships through individual privileges and bestowals of favor, which is absolutely dominant in patrimonialism, at least in so far as such relationships are not fixed by sacred tradition.

Bureaucracy and Unresponsiveness

Often public service organizations are criticized for being unresponsive to their customer's needs. One of Weber's most serious concerns was how society would maintain control over expanding state bureaucracies. He felt the most serious problem was not inefficiency or mismanagement but the increased power of public officials. A person in an important, specialized position will become to realize how dependent their bosses are on their expertise and begin to exercise their power in that position. Furthermore, the staff also begin to associate with the special social interests of their particular group or organization. Over history this has caused the shift in power from the leaders of society to the bureaucrats.

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Criticism of Weberian Bureaucratic Theory

One critique was Weber's claim that bureaucratic organizations were based on rational-legal authority. Parsons (1947) and Gouldner (1954) note that Weber said authority rests both in the "legal incumbancy of office" and on "technical competence". This works if superiors have more knowledge and skill, but often this is not the case.

Thompson notes that in modern organizations authority is centralized but ability is decentralized (Thompson 1961). In fact staff-line distinctions seem to be a structural resolution of this authority-ability quandary that Weber overlooked.

Weber also doesn't distinguish between definitions and propositions in his model. His list of distinguishing characteristics are linked between each other.

Udy (1959) found in examining 150 organizations and found no correlation between the bureaucratic attributes of the organization and it's rational attributes.

More recent theorists think that earlier theorists misread Weber and distorted his views. Weber was defining a formal rationality that was not necessarily optimal for efficiency. He realized that formalization could degenerate into formalism, and that bureaucratic forms concentrated power at the top and could cause an "iron cage" to imprison the low-level worker in obscurity and monotonous detail

4. Contingency School

Contingency School of Management is a trend of management thought, which is based on the premises that there is no single best way to manage because every situation and every manager is different. Therefore, there are only a few universal management

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principles, and an appropriate management style depends on the demands of a particular situation. See also classical school of management, quantitative school of management, and systems school of management.

The contingency school of management can be summarized as an "it all depends" approach. The appropriate management actions and approaches depend on the situation. Managers with a contingency view use a flexible approach, draw on a variety of theories and experiences, and evaluate many options as they solve problems.

Contingency management recognizes that there is no one best way to manage. In the contingency perspective, managers are faced with the task of determining which managerial approach is likely to be most effective in a given situation. For example, the approach used to manage a group of teenagers working in a fast-food restaurant would be very different from the approach used to manage a medical research team trying to find a cure for a disease.

Contingency thinking avoids the classical "one best way" arguments and recognizes the need to understand situational differences and respond appropriately to them. It does not apply certain management principles to any situation. Contingency theory is a recognition of the extreme importance of individual manager performance in any given situation. The contingency approach is highly dependent on the experience and judgment of the manager in a given organizational environment.

Contingency theory refers to any of a number of management theories. Several contingency approaches were developed concurrently in the late 1960s.

They suggested that previous theories such as Weber's bureaucracy and Taylor's scientific management had failed because they neglected that management style and organizational structure were influenced by various aspects of the environment: the contingency factors. There could not be "one best way" for leadership or organization.

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Historically, contingency theory has sought to formulate broad generalizations about the formal structures that are typically associated with or best fit the use of different technologies. The perspective originated with the work of Joan Woodward (1958), who argued that technologies directly determine differences in such organizational attributes as span of control, centralization of authority, and the formalization of rules and procedures.

Fred Fiedler's contingency model focused on individual leadership. Other researchers including Paul Lawrence, Jay Lorsch, and James D. Thompson were more interested in the impact of contingency factors on organizational structure. Their structural contingency theory was the dominant paradigm of organizational structural theories for most of the 1970s. A major empirical test was furnished by Johannes M. Pennings who examined the interaction between environmental uncertainty, organization structure and various aspects of performance.

Contingency School began in 1960s. The contingency school focused on applying management principles and processes primarily dictated by each unique situation. In the contingency theory, a leader's ability to lead is contingent upon various situational factors. Its application has been on management issues such as organizational design, job design, motivation, and leadership style.

A few of the major contributors are Fred Fiedler, Joan Woodward, and Paul Lawrence. The Contingency Theory states that the leader's ability to lead is contingent upon various situational factors.

Contingency School of Management

Obviously, these schools made a significant contribution to modern day management, and these early results provide a blueprint for the current leadership paradigms in organizations.

The contingency school of management is based on the idea that there is no one best way to manage and that to be effective, planning, organizing, leading, and controlling must be tailored to

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the particular circumstances faced by an organization. Managers have always asked questions such as "What is the right thing to do? Should we have a mechanistic or an organic structure? A functional or divisional structure? Wide or narrow spans of management? Tall or flat organizational structures? Simple or complex control and coordination mechanisms? Should we be centralized or decentralized? Should we use task or people oriented leadership styles? What motivational approaches and incentive programs should we use?" The contingency approach to management (also called the situational approach) assumes that there is no universal answer to such questions because organizations, people, and situations vary and change over time. Thus, the right thing to do depends on a complex variety of critical environmental and internal contingencies.

Historical Overview of Contingency School

Classical management theorists such as Henri Fayol and Frederick Taylor identified and emphasized management principles that they believed would make companies more successful. However, the classicists came under fire in the 1950s and 1960s from management thinkers who believed that their approach was inflexible and did not consider environmental contingencies. Although the criticisms were largely invalid (both Fayol and Taylor, for example, recognized that situational factors were relevant), they spawned what has come to be called the contingency school of management.

Research conducted in the 1960s and 1970s focused on situational factors that affected the appropriate structure of organizations and the appropriate leadership styles for different situations. Although the contingency perspective purports to apply to all aspects of management, and not just organizing and leading, there has been little development of contingency approaches outside organization theory and leadership theory. The following sections provide brief overviews of the contingency perspective as relevant to organization theory and leadership.

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Contingency Perspective and Organization Theory

Environmental change and uncertainty, work technology, and the size of a company are all identified as environmental factors impacting the effectiveness of different organizational forms. According to the contingency perspective, stable environments suggest mechanistic structures that emphasize centralization, formalization, standardization, and specialization to achieve efficiency and consistency. Certainty and predictability permit the use of policies, rules, and procedures to guide decision making for routine tasks and problems. Unstable environments suggest organic structures which emphasize decentralization to achieve flexibility and adaptability. Uncertainty and unpredictability require general problem solving methods for nonroutine tasks and problems. Paul Lawrence and Jay Lorsch suggest that organizational units operating in differing environments develop different internal unit characteristics, and that the greater the internal differences, the greater the need for coordination between units.

Joan Woodward found that financially successful manufacturing organizations with different types of work technologies (such as unit or small batch; large-batch or mass-production; or continuous-process) differed in the number of management levels, span of management, and the degree of worker specialization. She linked differences in organization to firm performance and suggested that certain organizational forms were appropriate for certain types of work technologies.

Organizational size is another contingency variable thought to impact the effectiveness of different organizational forms. Small organizations can behave informally while larger organizations tend to become more formalized. The owner of a small organization may directly control most things, but large organizations require more complex and indirect control mechanisms. Large organizations can have more specialized staff, units, and jobs. Hence, a divisional structure is not appropriate for a small organization but may be for a large organization.

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In addition to the contingencies identified above, customer diversity and the globalization of business may require product or service diversity, employee diversity, and even the creation of special units or divisions. Organizations operating within the United States may have to adapt to variations in local, state, and federal laws and regulations. Organizations operating internationally may have to adapt their organizational structures, managerial practices, and products or services to differing cultural values, expectations, and preferences. The availability of support institutions and the availability and cost of financial resources may influence an organization's decision to produce or purchase new products. Economic conditions can affect an organization's hiring and layoff practices as well as wage, salary, and incentive structures. Technological change can significantly affect an organization. The use of robotics affects the level and types of skills needed in employees. Modern information technology both permits and requires changes in communication and interaction patterns within and between organizations.

Contingency Perspective and Leadership

Dissatisfaction with trait-based theories of leadership effectiveness led to the development of contingency leadership theories. Fred Fiedler, in the 1960s and 1970s, was an early pioneer in this area. Various aspects of the situation have been identified as impacting the effectiveness of different leadership styles. For example, Fred Fiedler suggests that the degree to which subordinates like or trust the leader, the degree to which the task is structured, and the formal authority possessed by the leader are key determinants of the leadership situation. Task-oriented or relationship oriented leadership should would each work if they fit the characteristics of the situation.

Other contingency leadership theories were developed as well. However, empirical research has been mixed as to the validity of these theories.

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5. Neo Classical School of Management Thought

There are 3 neoclassical theories:

1.Human Relations theory :

Explains the modern advancement of Human Relations Management theory which takes into account human factors like the employer-employee relationship. Human relations theory is largely seen to have been born as a result of the Hawthorne experiments which Elton Mayo conducted at the Western Electrical Company.

The important strand in the development of modern management was the increase in attention to the human factors, which has become known as the 'human relations school of management.’ The core aspect of Human Relations Theory is that, when workers were being observed and included in the research, they felt more important and valued by the company. As a result, their productivity levels went up significantly.

This represented a significant departure from many of the classical theories, particularly Fordism, as it went against the notion that management needed to control workers, and remove their autonomy at every step. Instead, it showed that by engaging with workers and considering their requirements and

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needs, company’s could benefit from increased productivity.

2.Behavioral theory.

The behavioral management theory is often called the human relations movement because it addresses the human dimension of work. Behavioral theorists believed that a better understanding of human behavior at work, such as motivation, conflict, expectations, and group dynamics, improved productivity.

The theorists who contributed to this school viewed employees as individuals, resources, and assets to be developed and worked with — not as machines, as in the past. Several individuals and experiments contributed to this theory.

3.Social systems theory.:

Developed by Niklas Luhmann is an option for the theoretical foundation of Human Resource Management (HRM). After clarifying the advantages of using a grand (social) theory as the basic theoretical perspective, the roots of this social systems theory - the deterministic view of systems as machines, the open systems approach and non-linear systems theory - are addressed. Based on the view of social systems as autopoi-etically closed systems, five major contributions to a theoretical foundation of HRM are identified:

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(1) the conceptualisation of organising and managing human resources as social processes, thus overcoming an individualistic angle;

(2) the new importance of individuals as essential element in the system's environment;

(3) the abstention form far reaching or highly unrealistic assumptions about the 'nature' of human beings;

(4) the interaction between various levels and units of analysis built into the theory which is essential for comprehensive and in-depth analyses of HR phenomena and

(5) the openness for additional theories for which social systems theory provides the overall framework.

George Elton Mayo was in charge of certain experiments on human behavior carried out at the Hawthorne Works of the Western Electric company in Chicago between 1924 and 1927. His research findings have contributed to organizational development in terms of human relations and motivation theory.

Elton Mayo's contributions came as part of the Hawthorne studies, a series of experiments that rigorously applied classical management theory only to reveal its shortcomings. The Hawthorne experiments consisted of two studies conducted at the Hawthorne Works of the Western Electric Company in Chicago from 1924 to 1932.

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The first study was conducted by a group of engineers seeking to determine the relationship of lighting levels to worker productivity. Surprisingly enough, they discovered that worker productivity increased as the lighting levels decreased — that is, until the employees were unable to see what they were doing, after which performance naturally declined.

A few years later, a second group of experiments began. Harvard researchers Mayo and F. J. Roethlisberger supervised a group of five women in a bank wiring room. They gave the women special privileges, such as the right to leave their workstations without permission, take rest periods, enjoy free lunches, and have variations in pay levels and workdays. This experiment also resulted in significantly increased rates of productivity.

In this case, Mayo and Roethlisberger concluded that the increase in productivity resulted from the supervisory arrangement rather than the changes in lighting or other associated worker benefits. Because the experimenters became the primary supervisors of the employees, the intense interest they displayed for the workers was the basis for the increased motivation and resulting productivity. Essentially, the experimenters became a part of the study and influenced its outcome. This is the origin of the term Hawthorne effect, which describes the special attention researchers give to a study's subjects and the impact that attention has on the study's findings

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6. The Guru School of Management Thought

The most enduring guru of all the management thinkers was Peter Drucker (1909-2005). He was the author of more than three dozen books, translated into almost as many languages. In 1997 McKinsey Quarterly said: “In the world of management gurus, there is no debate. Peter Drucker is the one guru to whom other gurus kowtow.”

But unlike some of those that might have kowtowed to him, Drucker was a guru with charm who never set out to diminish others. Some commentators have remarked that although he was firmly embedded in the human-relations school of management—along with Douglas McGregor and Warren Bennis for example—the guru he himself most admired was Frederick Winslow Taylor, the father of “scientific” management.

“There are many books I could have written that are better than the ones I actually wrote. My best book would have been 'Managing Ignorance', and I'm very sorry I didn't write it.”

Though born in Vienna, Drucker started his professional life in Frankfurt as a financial reporter, and he never lost his journalistic eye for a witty aphorism or a memorable metaphor. His writing is never dull, but nor is it superficial, in a field where both dullness and superficiality are common. He brought to it a Renaissance breadth of knowledge, and was as likely to refer to his beloved Jane Austen as to Taylor. Rosabeth Moss Kanter once wrote: “In the Drucker perspective … quality of life, technological progress and world peace are all the products of good management … at root, Drucker is a management Utopian, descended as much from Robert Owen as Max Weber.”

Drucker moved to England in the early 1930s and thence to America in 1937, where he stayed until his death 68 years later. He started in the United States as a correspondent for a number of British newspapers. From 1950 to 1972 he was professor of business at New York University Graduate School of Business. In

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1971 he moved to California to help develop one of the country's first executive MBAs at Claremont Graduate University, and its business school is now named after him.

From his first management book, “The Concept of the Corporation”, published in 1946, to his last article, “What Makes an Effective Executive” (which won the prestigious McKinsey award for the best article to appear in Harvard Business Review in 2004), Drucker never failed to sympathise with the difficulties of managers and the demands of their task.

In his 1954 book “The Practice of Management”, he argued that management was one of the major social innovations of the 20th century, primarily a human activity, not a mechanical or an economic one. He pioneered the idea of the corporation as a social institution.

“In the next economic downturn there will be an outbreak of bitterness and contempt for the super-corporate chieftains who pay themselves millions.”

In “The Concept of the Corporation”, Drucker argued strongly in favour of decentralised decision-making at a time when corporate role models such as General Motors were concentrating more and more power in their headquarters. He argued that the assembly line, so embedded at the heart of industrial efficiency, was in fact very inefficient because it only allowed things to be done in sequence. He also introduced the idea of management by objectives, aiming for long-term goals by setting a series of short-term ones. In 1969 he coined the phrase “knowledge worker”.

Drucker thought of himself as a loner, as someone well outside the mainstream of management education. “I have always been a loner,” he said once. “I work best outside. That's where I'm most effective. I would be a very poor manager. Hopeless. And a company job would bore me to death. I enjoy being an outsider.”

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Drucker was awarded the American Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2002.

TOPIC 1: TUTORIAL- 5 marks

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1. By way of a table, list the various elements of each of the five schools of thought.

2. The class will be divided into five sections; each section will debate with the others the benefits to be derived from the selected school of thought and the disadvantage of the other schools of thought.

Each group will be allotted from 1-5 marks for its debating efforts. ( This will constitute a total of 5 marks in the final examinations) each two groups will have a total of ten minutes……

TOPIC 2

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The Rise of New Public Management and Human Resource Management

The forces that led to the emergence of New Public Management

Differences between the Public Sector and the Private Sector

The key differences between traditional method of administration and the new models of administration - Implications for HRM

The new dimensions of personnel management

Prior to the latter part of the 1980s and early 1990s, the public services were based on the ideal model as defined by Weber. The elements of this model were as followed:

There is the principle of fixed and official jurisdictional areas, which are generally ordered by rules, that is, by laws or administrative regulations.

1. The regular activities required for the purposes of the bureaucratically governed structure are distributed in a fixed way as official duties.

2. The authority to give the commands required for the discharge of these duties is distributed in a stable way and is strictly delimited by rules concerning the coercive means, physical, sacerdotal, or otherwise, which may be placed at the disposal of officials.

3. Methodical provision is made for the regular and continuous fulfilment of these duties and for the execution of the

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corresponding rights; only persons who have the generally regulated qualifications to serve are employed.

4. The principles of office hierarchy and of levels of graded authority mean a firmly ordered system of super- and subordination in which there is a supervision of the lower offices by the higher ones..'

When the principle of jurisdictional 'competency' is fully carried through, hierarchical subordination–at least in public office–does not mean that the 'higher' authority is simply authorized to take over the business of the 'lower.' Indeed, the opposite is the rule. Once established and having fulfilled its task, an office tends to continue in existence and be held by another incumbent.

5.The management of the modern office is based upon written documents ('the files'), which are preserved in their original or draught form. There is, therefore, a staff of subaltern officials and scribes of all sorts. The body of officials actively engaged in a 'public' office, along with the respective apparatus of material implements and the files, make up a 'bureau.' In private enterprise, 'the bureau' is often called 'the office.'

6.In principle, the modern organization of the civil service separates the bureau from the private domicile of the official, and, in general, bureaucracy segregates official activity as something

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distinct from the sphere of private life. Public monies and equipment are divorced from the private property of the official.

7.It is the peculiarity of the modern entrepreneur that he conducts himself as the 'first official' of his enterprise, in the very same way in which the ruler of a specifically modern bureaucratic state spoke of himself as 'the first servant' of the state.

8.Office management, at least all specialized office management– and such management is distinctly modern–usually presupposes thorough and expert training. This increasingly holds for the modern executive and employee of private enterprises, in the same manner as it holds for the state official.

9. The management of the office follows general rules, which are more or less stable, more or less exhaustive, and which can be learned. Knowledge of these rules represents a special technical learning which the officials possess. It involves jurisprudence, or administrative or business management.

Class Discussion:

The class is broken into groups and asked to arrive at:(a) The advantages of this model(b) The disadvantages of this model

What factors were responsible for the transition from this model of administration to the new model called New Public Management?

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(i) The model was no longer working? Why?(ii) The public services were too large?(iii) The public services were too costly?(iv) New Technology?(v) Automation?(vi) Structural adjustment measures?

See :(1) Christopher Hood- A New Public Management/ A Public

Management for All Seasons?(2) Ann Marie Bissessar- Colonial Administration, A Reader(3) Ann Marie Bissessar- The Forgotten Factor(4) Ann Marie Bissessar- The Crisis of Public Sector reform

in the Caribbean.

What was the New Model Suggested?

By the beginning of the 1990s, a new model of public sector management had emerged in most advanced countries and many developing ones. Initially, the new model had several names, including: ‘managerialism’ (Pollitt, 1993); ‘new public management’ (Hood, 1991); ‘market-based public administration’(Lan and Rosenbloom, 1992); the ‘post-bureaucratic paradigm’(Barzelay;1992) or ‘entrepreneurial government’ (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992).

The elements of this new model comprised of:(i) A flatter structure;(ii)Breaking away from the ‘monolithic’ public sector into smaller more competitive units(iii)Allowing managers the freedom to manage;(iv)Movement away from rules and regulations;(v) Movement away from Personnel administration practices to HRM practices.

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What was Personnel Administration?

Public personnel administration is related to human resource management. It is concerned with the following:

(a)acquisition,

(b)development,

© utilization and;

(d)compensation of a public organization’s workforce.

The term "public personnel administration" includes three key words.

First, "public" refers to regional and local governmental agencies as well as non-profit ones.

Secondly "Personnel" refers to human resources who work in the public sector and provide public services to society.

Third, "administration" refers to the management of employees in public organizations in an effective and efficient way that helps the organization reach its goals and objectives.

There are four main functions of public personnel administration.

*The first, planning, includes preparing staffing plans and budgets, deciding how employees will be used, and setting pay rates.

*Acquisition is the second, and refers to selecting and recruiting employees.

* The third is development, which involves employee training and advancement programs, as well as performance evaluations. Sanctions,

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*The fourth function, deal with employer-employee relationships, and may include workplace safety and handling grievances.

What are the key elements of a Human Resource Management Process?

Planning and Appraisal: How an organization sets goals, plans performance, provides ongoing coaching, and evaluates performance of employees (individuals and/or teams).

Individual and Team Development: How an organization identifies the needs for employee skill development, education, and growth and how they meet those needs.

Career Planning: How an organization strives to help employees to learn their strengths and to match these strengths, aptitudes, preferences, and abilities to future work.

Hiring: How an organization defines and fills positions and roles with qualified people from within and/or outside the organization; how an organization orients these new employees.

Career Pathing: How an organization (for key positions and roles) determines the logical progression of jobs, roles, assignments, and development to provide a sufficient pool of qualified candidates and incumbents.

Succession Planning: How an organization systematically identifies key roles and positions, determines performance requirements and targets a group of people to fill these positions and roles in the future.

Job Design: How an organization determines the best methods for accomplishing a work product or result. The two major types are the individual job and the team.

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Classification: The systematic process for evaluating the size and appropriate salary ranges for different jobs and roles in an organization.

Compensation/Recognition/Other Rewards: How an organization pays and rewards employees (individuals and/or teams), through salary, bonuses, benefits and/or non-financial rewards

Tutorial Topic 2

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1. In a tabular form- define the basic elements of the public sector versus the private sector

2. Discuss the challenges in introducing a system of HR in the public sector

3. Compare and contrast the experiences of two countries in their attempt to reform their public sector by introducing New Public Management.

TOPIC 3

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Bureaucracies in the Commonwealth Caribbean: (Jamaica, Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago.

With the exception of Suriname and Haiti, the machinery of public administration in CARICOM member states was shaped by the British colonial government during the period of colonial rule.

British institutional forms and traditions are deeply embedded in our societies following on three centuries of unbroken British administration prior to the achieving of independence.

The Westminster based parliamentary political system which in the Caribbean evolved from crown colony status, through embryonic ministerial systems, to the development of full cabinet systems, internal self government, and finally the post independence systems with the Queen as Head of State excepting Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, and Dominica.

CLASS ACTIVITY – 5 marks

CLASS ACTIVITY:

Draw the key organizational structure of the Colonial Public Service and describe the various lines of authority ( See Bissessar: Colonial Administration and Structural Adjustment: The Agony of Reform ( 2000, School of Continuing Studies.) A Total of five marks may be allotted to each group…….

The Whitehall model of public administration based on the notion of civil

service neutrality, anonymity, and impartiality In the colonial period, day to day administration was carried out through various departments each administered by a chief professional officer who was in turn responsible to a Colonial Secretary, or Governor in some instances, who was in turn responsible to the imperial government.

With self government then independence, decision making and executive authority was transferred from Governors and Colonial Secretaries to local elected politicians serving as ministers.

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Under this form of ministerial system which obtains up to the present time, responsibility for policy decisions shifted from chief professional officers to ministers of an elected government assisted by officials, the senior of whom are the Ministers’ senior advisors, the Permanent Secretary or as re dubbed in Belize in 2000, the Chief Executive Officer

In managerial terms, a fundamental change in leadership and decision making at the strategic apex of these public bureaucracies had occurred.

The status of the chief professional officer positions transformed into to the head of department/chief technical officer configurations that were established.

A clear separation of leadership and managerial functions at the macro organizational level that had not existed hitherto was instituted.

A new political elite emerged coinciding with the birth of a new administrative cadre, the Permanent Secretaries and Heads of departments the latter now clearly responsible for purely operational and policy execution duties at the micro organization/department level

Generally, the post colonial administrations attempted to follow the White Hall model based on the notion of:

a politically neutral public service, organized around a career-based group of professional administrators and chief technical officers; recruited, appointed and promoted using merit criteria, one of the hall marks of the model.

The establishing of Public Service Commissions in the period of internal self government provided a virtually autonomous framework for the recruitment, promoting and disciplining of civil servants. They were later embedded in the respective independence constitutions

In the post independence period most of the CARICOM governments created Public Service Ministerial portfolios with specific ministerial configurations to manage public service management affairs

There emerged a form of organization that emphasized the sovereignty of politics over the supremacy of administration. Politics became the most important activity with ministers assuming unquestionable supremacy over decision making.

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Over time political influence on personnel matters has increased and has deteriorated into instances of nepotism, patronage based appointments, and denial of jobs to non supporters of the governing party.

The result is that administrative structures have evolved into patronage institutions and not agencies of change and development.

The system of meritocracy has eroded as a result of this assault and the doctrine of neutrality, impartiality and anonymity as a prerequisite for depoliticized service rings increasingly hollow.

The over centralization of authority at the strategic apex of ministry organizations has led to the following observation:

“Heads of departments do not have the authority to discharge their responsibilities of running their departments efficiently because they do not have sufficient authority, particularly in relation to discipline” (Bain).

A general weakness in human resource planning and development has also been identified as a matter requiring priority and sustained attention.

Related to this is the almost intractable issue of the recruitment and retention of technical, managerial, and professional staff, too often lured by better paying prospects in the private sector and abroad.

The brain drain continues unabated.

A general inability to provide training in service to middle level and potential top managers is seen to be an important factor causing a decline in the quality of organizational leadership and management.

Low morale, poor performance, and low productivity levels have emerged as common characteristics of the region’s public administration organizations( Taken from Power Point Presentation: A Review of National and Regional Issues and Challenges David Gibson).

Building public HRM capacity in Latin America and the Caribbean

Lessons learned from history and development management47

First, administrative systems in general (and public HRM systems in particular) in developing countries tend to evolve along a single track toward increased rationality and transparency as indicators of effective government and economic development (Kiggundu, 1989).

With respect to HRM systems, this generally involves a sequential transition from independence to patronage, from patronage to civil service, and from civil service to a range of alternative HRM systems reflecting competing values.

Second, a country’s public administrative systems must be fairly welldeveloped for these favorable trends and conditions to exist. Robust administrative systems are largely present in developed countries such as the United States; but their existence in developing countries is more problematic (Heady,1996). These countries may not only lack administrative capacity, but also the conditions in civil society and government that engender it.

Because most governmental expenditures are for employee pay and benefits, this applies particularly to public personnel systems (Sigmund, 1990).

Third, a large body of literature summarizes state and local governments’experience with privatization and service contracting in the United States (Savas, 1989–1990). In general, outcomes are most likely to be successful when governments:

(1) pick a service with clear objectives that can be measured andmonitored; (2) use in-house or external competition and avoid sole sourcecontracting; (3) develop adequate cost accounting systems to compare servicealternatives and monitor contractor performance; and(4)consider negative externalities such as impacts on an existing work force, impacts on the local economy, other governments or functions, governmental policies, or certain societal groups (Siegel, 1999). All these require public administrative competence, particularly a civil service that can rationally plan, manage, and evaluate privatization efforts.

Privatization outcomes are more likely to be positive if there are competitive bidders, a public policy process that relates government effectiveness to larger societal issues, and a cadre of professionally and technically qualified

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public administrators to develop adequate contract specifications and monitor private sector performance. And in any case, privatization in less developed countries is not likely to reduce costs and provide better service unless the country has already made successful transitions from independence to statehood, to patronage, and to civil service. Until thesesuccessive transitions occur, it is unlikely that a country’s government hasadequate administrative capacity to manage the process. And if not, privatization is more likely to suffer from crony capitalism, military diversification into the civil economy, or administrative formalism (Welch, 1998).

Lessons forgottenFirst, and in apparent contradiction to the first lesson learned, is that the evolution of public HRM systems in developing countries is not necessarily like our own. This is not an assertion that administrative systems invariably evolve uniformly: in some cases, countries’ evolution skips steps, or changes the order (Kiggundu, 1989).

Nor is it an assertion that international lenders have been uniformly successful at implementing administrative reforms. Despite (or because of) globalization, the opposite may be true—political dialogue in many less developed countries often focuses on the sovereignty issues that underlie opposing parties’ agreement with, acquiescence or opposition to reforms ‘‘suggested’’ by international donor agencies.

Second, ‘‘development’’ is an evolutionary process rather than an end point.Just as developed countries are still evolving, ‘‘developing’’ countries are atdifferent stages. Some have not yet developed effective patronage systems.Others have not completely developed the culture, laws, agencies or administrative procedures necessary for a functioning civil service. Some have, and are now confronting the that accompany mature public personnel systems.

So even though developing countries are on average poorer than the United States, the most significant differences are those related to culture, circumstance and power.

Political culture.Even the development of stable patronage systems may be hampered by societal conditions such as non-functional justice systems, inability to meet even minimum standards of education and health care, political leadership

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based on ‘‘cults of personality’’ rather than true pluralist political parties, and overly centralized and authoritarian political systems (Klingner, 2000).

These conditions generally impede the evolution of rational administrative structures and systems (Ruffing-Hilliard, 1991). For example, organizations in many less developed countries share common structural and managerial attributes that differ from those typically found in North America, Europe, and Japan: low levels of role specialization, formalism, and morale; highlevels of centralization, paternalism, authoritarian leadership, rigid stratification, and dysfunctional conflict (Kettl, 1997).

Third, clearly the most significant difference between the evolution of publicHRM in the United States and in developing countries today is that in the case of the US, they were able to first progress from patronage to civil service, second to integrate them into an effectiveness model that combined efficiency and patronage, then integrate affirmative action and collective bargaining into the mix, and finally establish the boundaries between public personnel management and emergent market-based techniques like privatization and contracting (Klingner and Sabet,).

By contrast, fledgling personnel systems in less developed countries are likely to face obstacles—pressure for patronage, underpaid and poorly qualified civil servants, and inadequate public program planning, budgeting, management, and evaluation. A less developed country that has successfully moved from patronage to civil service still faces pressure from unions and the emergent middle class for high levels of public employment, and pressure from lenders to reduce public employment and favor export-oriented agriculture, mining, and logging activities over the domestic industries and services needed to achieve economic and social development.

Building public HRM systems in Latin America and the Caribbean, then, requires some awareness of the impact of culture and history on administrative systems. Dominican Republic and other Caribbean nations, domestic and international pressures led to a series of government modernization reforms intended to counteract a traditional culture of authoritarianism (caudillaje) and corruption.

Despite the inroads made by New Public Management, public HRM systems continue to reflect a colonial legacy of passivity, slavery and plantation agriculture. Even after a century or more of independence, the cultural legacy of colonialism continues, expressed by such attitudes and behaviors

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as non-participative decision-making, excessive centralization and reluctance to delegate (Chaudhry, Reid, and Malik, 1994).

In HRM, this imposes serious limitations on agency effectiveness and employee rights. These tendencies are countered-balanced by economic pressures on the public sector, which have in turn increased the demand for greater efficiency and better quality of service delivery. Public HRM has also reformed because of the need to enhance managerial responsibility, increase transparency of public budgeting and remain competitive with the private sector in the face of changing workforce conditions. In the Dominican Republic, Cuba and Puerto Rica, and in the Caribbean publicHRM reform efforts focus on:

. Decentralized HRM responsibility from central agencies to line departments.

. Delegated HRM responsibility within line departments or agencies.

. Policy oversight that emphasizes basic standards and good practices ratherthan micromanagement.

. More flexibility with respect to payment, employment and hiring systems.

. Training and development to build agency capacity to meet program demands.

. Measures to reduce costs by downsizing and improving efficiency.

*External pressures for reduced government spending and internal demands for more responsive and accountable government have led to decentralization of many municipal services, and privatization of others (LeeChing, 2001). Yet autonomous public agencies continue to control many public services that are normally privatized in Western countries (electricity, telephone service, water supply, trash collection), and others (like petroleum refining) remain at high risk for corruption because they are used as ‘‘off-budget’’ sources of government revenue.

*public employment, reduce government spending and maintain employee rights constitute a political climate that makes change difficult, particularly in a society that values harmony and consensus (Klingner, 1996).

*Administrative formalism and computerization of customs services in51

Jamaica. In Jamaica, recent efforts to reform and rationalize the customsservice involved computerized record keeping and shipment tracking (Germa´ n Pe´ rez, 2001). Three interrelated political issues led to slow and relatively ineffectual computerization: extreme centralization of the customs service, the recognized importance of customs revenues for national economic development, and the requirement by international lending agencies that government capacity be increased as a condition of continued credit. The end result was a top-level political decision to computerize, in order to meet the demands of external lenders and government officials. But the process was hampered administratively because software, training and other administrative details were neither planned adequately nor coordinated effectively with the top-level decision.

Summary and conclusionsPublic HRM is the:(1) functions needed to manage human resources in public agencies, (2) process by which a scarce public jobs are allocated, (3) seven symbiotic and competing values (political responsiveness, efficiency, individual rights, and social equity under the traditional pro-government model; and individual accountability, downsizing and decentralization, and community responsibility under the emergent anti-government model) over how public jobs should be allocated, and (4) personnel systems (the laws, rules, and regulations) used to express these abstract values.

Public HRM in developing countries in Latin America and the Caribbean isdifferent than in the United States because the development of administrative systems in general (and public personnel systems in particular) in less developed countries tend to evolve along a single track toward the model of increased rationality and transparency valued by international lenders as indicators of effective government and economic development.

With respect to public HRM systems, this generally involves a sequential transition from statehood to patronage, from patronage to civil service, and from civil service to a range of alternative personnel systems. Development is a complex process affected more by economic, political and social conditions within each country, and their impact on civic culture, government and public administration. ( Taken from Building Public HRM Capacity in Latin America and the Caribbean: What Works and What Doesn’t DONALD E. KLINGNER and VIOLETA PALLAVICINI CAMPOS

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TUTORIAL TOPIC 310 marks- group presentations

By reference to one Caribbean country, trace the evolution of the 53

public sector

Each group will present for a total of 30 minutes- marks will be awarded for creativity of presentation/ knowledge of academic literature and presentation. ( reading from notes is highly discouraged)

TOPIC 4

The Problems in Caribbean Bureaucracies

Ethnicity and the need for more representative bureaucracies Affirmative action Regulatory institutions

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A race is a human population that is believed to be distinct in some way from other humans based on real or imagined physical differences. Racial classifications are rooted in the idea of biological classification of humans according to morphological features such as skin color or facial characteristics. An individual is usually externally classified (meaning someone else makes the classification) into a racial group rather than the individual choosing where they belong as part of their identity. Conceptions of race, as well as specific racial groupings, are often controversial due to their impact on social identity and how those identities influence someone's position in social hierarchies (see identity politics).

Ethnicity, while related to race, refers not to physical characteristics but social traits that are shared by a human population. Some of the social traits often used for ethnic classification include:

nationality tribe religious faith shared language shared culture shared traditions

Unlike race, ethnicity is not usually externally assigned by other individuals. The term ethnicity focuses more upon a group's connection to a perceived shared past and culture.

Defining Plural Societies

J.S. Furnivall (1945), Arthur Lewis (1965) and M.G. Smith (1969) attributed post-colonial political instability to the existence of “pluralism” in many newly independent states. In plural societies, separate and self-contained ethnic groups co-exist under a single political superstructure. While they “share a common system of basic institutions,” in that they are subject to the same political rules, they are “systematically differentiated at the secondary level of institutional organization in which alternative occupational, political, and religious or ethnic structures predominate” (Smith 1969).

While “basic” national institutions, including executive, legislature and judiciary authority, may be held in common, the “secondary” institutions most intimately associated with daily life—the church, the cooperative, and

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the diffuse web of personal connections that bind communities together—are contained within exclusive ethnic boundaries (Jackson 1976).

In plural societies, ethnic diversity can be a recipe for enduring conflict. Political mobilization tends to exacerbate ethnic divisions, since elections and other distributional questions pit ethnic groups against each other in a struggle for control of national resources. Contrary to the expectations of modernization theorists, who assumed that “primordial” ethnic identities would disappear over time, independent national control of politics and the economy has instead frequently intensified and cemented communal identities.

Plural societies are structurally dissimilar from fully integrated nations because the boundaries of political identities do not coincide with the administrative borders of the nation state (Eriksen 1993). Competition for ethnic control of the state apparatus may dedevil any attempt to build a cohesive national identity, and may produce ongoing social and political instability.

Challenges in Plural Societies ( Taken from Ann Marie Bissessar/ Challenges facing senior administrators in plural societies)

The nature of these and similar societies have, however, overtime produced two different types of elites, the administrators (who control political / and or administrative power) and the entrepreneurs (who are excluded from effective political participation).

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While from a normative perspective, the nature of plural societies necessitate that ethnic elites work towards establishing a genuine multiracial society with acceptable mechanisms for defusing and controlling ethnic conflicts it has been found, generally, that ethnic security concerns and the desire to maintain political domination dictate that ethnic leaders, especially the intellectual or elite class, act in accordance with communal pulls. In addition, elites tend to prioritize and pursue interests which are meant to enhance the security and welfare of their own group. In other words, the collective good of the society is often sacrificed for private or ethnic interests. Thus, one can argue, that irrespective of the administrative structure or systems that are in place in public bureaucracies in these societies, to a large extent the group that occupies the top positions in the public service, determines the output and kind of public service delivery. This situation obtained largely because the political parties are ethnic based and therefore when they formed a government problems about the limits and nature of public service reform are bound to arise.

It was found in Trinidad and Tobago, that during the period 1956 – 1986 that the African segment monopolized not only the political arena but to a large extent exercised control as administrators in the public services, the police services, and the armed forces. It was not surprising, therefore, that when East Indians complained of discrimination in not only the employment policies that were in place in the public sector, including promotion to high public offices, but were largely critical of the government for what they believed to be inequity in the distribution of state resources, in particular the distribution of housing, the award of scholarships, the establishment of community centres and funding to non-governmental organizations.

To a large extent these claims were substantiated when in , 1992, a study conducted by The Centre of Ethnic Studies, which was established at the University of The West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad, found that there was gross under-representation of the Indian group at the top level of the public services. Data gathered and presented in this report revealed that in 1992, while East Indians occupied 35.6% of the top positions in the public service, compared with 64.4% for Africans. The Report also noted, though, that so far as professional positions were concerned, East Indians reached and surpassed the equity ratio in areas of medicine and finance.

Here the criteria are clearly technical. However, the retention of power legitimately by one ethnic group is understandable in the case of plural societies and is what has often been described as a parentela relationship ( Peters, 1995). What obtains is that one ethnic group loyal to the political

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party in power largely benefits from patronage and becomes the dominant group in the bureaucracy. Also the age-old principle of seniority ensured that the African descended group would inherit the power from the departing colonials.

Yet at the outset, the bureaucracy in Trinidad and Tobago was largely established along ‘ neutral lines.’ Like most of the former British colonies, these islands had inherited a civil service that was based on some basic principles. One of the chief features of this bureaucracy was the centralized hierarchical structure that was adopted. This essentially “ Weberian” structure had a number of distinct advantages, especially for plural societies.

For example, control mechanisms such as Public Service Commissions ensured that there was a distinct separation between the political and the administrative spheres. One expected advantage of such a principle or model would have been that equality and neutrality in the allocation of rewards and services would have prevailed.

Another important feature of the public services in these countries was the concept of a permanent career civil service. It was based on the premise that a complex organization of people could serve different political masters and render loyal and effective service to each, given the measures that were in place to protect their independence. It also implied, as Ryan (1972) suggested in his book, Race and Nationalism in Trinidad and Tobago, that while departments and ministries accumulated a stock of technical and managerial knowledge, their professional integrity demanded that in matters of policy they would support competently and loyally, the will of the government of the day in all its diverse aspects. The maintenance of a permanent career civil service also implied that public officers would make it their business to try to understand the philosophy, policies and attitudes of the current government and would point out pitfalls which the minister might have overlooked. It was also believed that in the career civil service, civil servants, because of their long experience, would guide the minister and having advised him would accept his opinion and wholeheartedly implement sound measures to carry out policies.

It was evident, however, that while institutions were introduced to ensure ‘neutrality’ and to define clear levels of responsibility in the public sector, to a large extent these objectives were not achieved in Trinidad and Tobago. Mills (1970), a Jamaican writer, has rightly suggested that the failure of the British model in the Caribbean was largely due to ecological considerations. For him, the apathy of the civil society born out of a history of non-

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participation in public affairs and decision-making was the distinguishing characteristic of slave and indentured societies.

What Mills (1970) was suggesting, then, was that while the model of administration left by the departing colonials was meant to ensure a neutral, impartial and efficient public service, it was clear from the reports of the various commissions which were set up over-time, that these objectives were not achieved. Rather public services, state-owned enterprises and other state-owned agencies initially served the interest of the political elites in power and their followers. It followed, then, that since the African descended group was in power for over thirty years and given the veto power of the Prime Minister over senior appointments, it was to be expected that that group would come to dominate the public service in later years.

Indeed, it was evident, particularly in the case of Trinidad and Tobago, that decision-making was largely exercised by the Cabinet rather than at the level of the individual ministries or agencies. What was found was that decision-making was highly centralized and the issue of over-centralization was raised in a number of reports that were commissioned by the state. The O’ Neil Lewis Report of 1964 for instance stated :

The process of decision-making has slowed down significantly since Independence. Practically every decision, no matter how simple, now seems to involve the personal approval of the highest level of officers and not infrequently, of the highest executive authority itself ( para. 59). …. There is a high degree of centralization of authority particularly since 1966…….. Cabinet following the tradition of the previous Executive Council continues to deal, not primarily with broad policy formulation, but also with a large number of details…..

In addition, O’Neil Lewis, a former Head of the public service, suggested that some senior civil servants seemed to have adopted the view that the substitution of ‘ministers’ for expatriate decision-makers was all that was needed to render the former ‘colonial’ civil service appropriate to the requirements of the new state. He observed that in many cases the best possible advice was not always available to ministers. He pointed out that managers did not have the knowledge or the capacity to carry out their functions and in other instances were ‘careless.’ To a large extent, although some measure of training was introduced during the period 1956 – 1986, there was little or no improvement in service delivery in the public services and the public services continued to be plagued by delays, red tape and cost over-runs. It was also found that there was a lack of accountability and the

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regulations and instructions governing public sector accounting were out-dated.

By the 1980s, however, the decline in the prices of primary commodities which constituted the principal export of many countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean, as well as the expansion of economic activities, led to budgetary and external balance of payment deficits. Consequently, most countries of the Caribbean had no alternative but to seek funding from International Lending Agencies such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The major conditionality of these agencies was the introduction of structural adjustment policies aimed at developing sustainable growth. However, La Guerre (1994) noted that such policies were not confined only to economic transformation of the country but involved corresponding changes in the political and administrative systems as well.

During the period 1991 – 1995, therefore, the Government of Trinidad and Tobago embarked on comprehensive reform of the public sector under the umbrella of New Public Management programmes. In 1992 a Task Force was established with a specific objective to make recommendations for the de-centralization of Human Resource Management functions. Some reforms that were proposed and partly implemented in Trinidad and Tobago during the period 1992 - 2003 included:

Privatization of state-owned enterprises Contracting out of state services Decentralization of central personnel agencies The establishment of Human Resource Management Agencies. The proposal of a new Job Classification Scheme The introduction of computerized systems for payroll and personnel The introduction of new technology including advertising government services via web sites. A new financial system The introduction of a Performance Appraisal System Training directed at senior and middle level managers All these reforms constituted the standard prescription of New Public Management philosophies. As Figure 1 below illustrates, then, the reforms that were introduced in the public sector of Trinidad and Tobago reflected the central tenets of New Public Management.

For ease of reference, these tenets could be summarized under five broad categories: structural re-organization, an emphasis on output, the introduction of human resource systems and practices and the

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introduction of new technology. There could be no doubt, then, that these new reforms would present a number of challenges for senior administrators.

Figure 1: Central Features of NPM and the implications for senior managers Features of NPM

1. Structural Changes

• Privatization • Contracting Out • Decentralization • Creation of Agencies • Establishment of HR Units

2. Emphasis on output 3. Human resource management

Limited role for national government in domestic affairs - Culture must change to one of negotiation - Accountability - Regulatory control -Mechanisms to ensure transparency

Expectation of new and better services by the public Introduce mechanisms for motivating staff

Senior administratorswere caught between the demands of their political masters on one hand and the established regulations of the public services on the other. As public service reports over the years have indicated in the case of Trinidad and Tobago, in a number of cases senior administrators generally gave in to political demands since they were afraid of political reprisals. Whether this would now change under the ‘new’ method of administration is still left to be seen.

Over the years, too, and based on the experience of colonial rule, in the case of Trinidad and Tobago and indeed in many ex-colonial territories as well, a public service culture has developed in which security of tenure, low productivity, a culture of shifting files and a sense of ethnic proprietorship has developed. This ‘ proprietorship’ seemed to be accurately summed in the views of an Afro-Trinidadian public servant when interviewed by researchers from the Centre for Ethnic Studies. He noted:

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We have built a life style, a culture that is rooted in the administrative establishment. Indo-Trinidadians have built their lifestyle on entrepreneurship. In addition, they have been able to keep intact an Indo-Trinidadian culture, grounded in family, community and Indian religions. They are now the dominant population element in the rural agricultural areas and hold a major influence in the industrial south. They dominate in many professions and control a large percentage of the retail trade in Trinidad and Tobago. Moving into our sphere will bring about an imbalance in economic distribution. It will create a disequilibrium and lead to an increase in rivalry, hatred and fear between the two major ethnic groups.(Ethnicity and Employment Practices, xxii)

A major challenge for senior administrators, then, would be to change this culture – to make it more proactive, concerned with results and driven by performance criteria. In terms of human resource management programs, despite the emphasis on merit and performance criteria, and the need to have persons perceived to be loyal in critical positions meant that in practice, seniority continued to play a major role. The Service Commissions themselves were accused of complicity in these practices and recent court cases have tended to vindicate charges of racial discrimination.

As far as one can envisage, then, the challenges for senior administrators in the public services will in the future have to do with transparency in appointments and promotions, productivity and equality in implementation quite apart from other considerations such as the relevant competence and skills, e-governance and a change of corporate culture. Ethnic rivalries and suspicions had in the past led to a mentality which allowed persons of low productivity to be protected. New systems of evaluations will have to be created and given the suspicions, historical rivalries and memories, transparency and accountability will be some of the most formidable challenges facing senior administrators in a plural society such as Trinidad and Tobago.

Affirmative Action

Origins

The term "affirmative action" was first used in the United States in Executive Order 10925 and was signed by President John F. Kennedy on 6 March 1961; it was used to promote actions that achieve non-discrimination. In 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson enacted Executive Order 11246

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which required government employers to take "affirmative action" to hire without regard to race, religion and national origin. In 1967, gender was added to the anti-discrimination list. Comparable procedures in other countries are also known as reservation in India, positive discrimination in the United Kingdom, and employment equity in Canada.

Purpose

Affirmative action is intended to promote the opportunities of defined groups within a society. It is often instituted in government and educational settings to ensure that minority groups within a society are included in all programs. The stated justification for affirmative action by its proponents is that it helps to compensate for past discrimination, persecution or exploitation by the ruling class of a culture, and to address existing discrimination. The implementation of affirmative action, especially in the United States, is considered by its proponents to be justified by disparate impact.

Quotas

Law regarding quotas and affirmative action varies widely from nation to nation. Caste based quotas are used in Reservation in India. However, they are illegal in the United States, where no employer, university, or other entity may create a set number required for each race.

In 2012, the European Union Commission approved a plan for women to constitute 40% of non-executive board directorships in large listed companies in Europe by the year 2020. In Sweden, the Supreme Court has ruled that "affirmative action" ethnic quotas in universities are discrimination and hence unlawful. It said that the requirements for the intake should be the same for all. The Justice Chancellor said that the decision left no room for uncertainty.

United Nations position

The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination stipulates (in Article 2.2) that affirmative action programs may be required of countries that ratified the convention, in order to rectify systematic discrimination. It states, however, that such programs "shall in no case entail as a consequence the maintenance of unequal or separate rights for different racial groups after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved."

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The United Nations Human/Animals Rights Committee states that "the principle of equality sometimes requires States parties to take affirmative action in order to diminish or eliminate conditions which cause or help to perpetuate discrimination prohibited by the Covenant. For example, in a State where the general conditions of a certain part of the population prevent or impair their enjoyment of human rights, the State should take specific action to correct those conditions. Such action may involve granting for a time to the part of the population concerned certain preferential treatment in specific matters as compared with the rest of the population. However, as long as such action is needed to correct discrimination, in fact, it is a case of legitimate differentiation under the Covenant."

National approachesSee also: Reserved political positions

In some countries that have laws on racial equality, affirmative action is rendered illegal because it does not treat all races equally. This approach of equal treatment is sometimes described as being "color blind", in hopes that it is effective against discrimination without engaging in reverse discrimination.

In such countries, the focus tends to be on ensuring equal opportunity and, for example, targeted advertising campaigns to encourage ethnic minority candidates to join the police force. This is sometimes described as "positive action."

The Americas

Some Brazilian Universities (State and Federal) have created systems of preferred admissions (quotas) for racial minorities (blacks and native Brazilians), the poor and people with disabilities. There are also quotas of up to 20% of vacancies reserved for the disabled in the civil public services. The Democrats party, accusing the board of directors of the University of Brasília of "Nazism", appealed to the Supreme Federal Court the constitutionality of the quotas the University reserves for minorities.[11] The Supreme Court unanimously approved their constitutionality on 26 April 2012.

CanadaFurther information: Employment equity (Canada) and Federal Contractors' Program

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The equality section of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms explicitly permits affirmative action type legislation, although the Charter does not require legislation that gives preferential treatment. Subsection 2 of Section 15 states that the equality provisions do "not preclude any law, program or activity that has as its object the amelioration of conditions of disadvantaged individuals or groups including those that are disadvantaged because of race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability."

The Canadian Employment Equity Act requires employers in federally-regulated industries to give preferential treatment to four designated groups: Women, people with disabilities, aboriginal people, and visible minorities. In most Canadian Universities, people of Aboriginal background normally have lower entrance requirements and are eligible to receive exclusive scholarships. Some provinces and territories also have affirmative action-type policies. For example, in Northwest Territories in the Canadian north, aboriginal people are given preference for jobs and education and are considered to have P1 status. Non-aboriginal people who were born in the NWT or have resided half of their life there are considered a P2, as well as women and disabled people.

United StatesMain article: Affirmative action in the United States

Affirmative action was first created from Executive Order 10925, which was signed by President John F. Kennedy on 6 March 1961 and required that government employers "not discriminate against any employee or applicant for employment because of race, creed, color, or national origin" and "take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin".

On 24 September 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed Executive Order 11246, thereby replacing Executive Order 10925 and affirming Federal Government's commitment "to promote the full realization of equal employment opportunity through a positive, continuing program in each executive department and agency". It is notable that affirmative action was not extended to women until Executive Order 11375 amended Executive Order 11246 on 13 October 1967, expanding the definition to include "sex." Presently, affirmative action expressed through Executive Order 11246 considers factors of "race, color, religion, sex, or national origin." In the U.S., affirmative action's original purpose was to pressure institutions into

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compliance with the nondiscrimination mandate of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Civil Rights Acts do not cover veterans, people with disabilities, or people over 40. These groups are protected from discrimination under different laws.

Affirmative action has been the subject of numerous court cases, and has been questioned upon its constitutional legitimacy. In 2003, a Supreme Court decision regarding affirmative action in higher education (Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 US 244 – Supreme Court 2003) permitted educational institutions to consider race as a factor—a small plus factor—when admitting students, but ruled that strict point systems, such as the one previously used by the University of Michigan Law School, are unconstitutional. Alternatively, some colleges use financial criteria to attract racial groups that have typically been under-represented and typically have lower living conditions. Some states such as California (California Civil Rights Initiative), Michigan (Michigan Civil Rights Initiative), and Washington (Initiative 200) have passed constitutional amendments banning affirmative action within their respective states. Conservative activists have alleged that colleges quietly use illegal quotas and have launched numerous lawsuits to stop them

Affirmative action in Brazil: the challenges of racial classificationPost ed on October 29, 2012 by Natalia S. Bueno

It’s old news that Brazil is enacting social quotas – both socioeconomic and racial – for public higher education. This is not the first policy of its kind in Brazil. Yet, it is too soon to discuss the implications and effects of this law. Regardless of the final shape the bill takes, any affirmative action will have to grapple with the basic issue of identification of the beneficiaries.

In Brazil, racial classification has always been a contentious topic. For many decades, the government refused to even collect racial information, arguing that race was not a salient issue on this side of the Americas. However, even if one agrees that there is racial discrimination in Brazil, and that part of the country’s huge inequality hinges upon race and not only class and education, the issue of racial classification is not something to be quickly dismissed. A recent New York Times forum , for instance, shows very different perspectives.

On the one hand, Peter Fry, a leading anthropologist, argues: “[…], unlike the U.S., the majority of Brazilians do not classify themselves neatly into

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blacks and whites. In Brazil, therefore, eligibility for racial quotas is always a problem.”

On the other hand, Antonio Sergio Guimarães, a leading sociologist fights back:

Perhaps the biggest challenge in Brazil is the temptation to introduce a systematic verification of self-declared color or race to prevent fraud in affirmative action programs. Race and color are social constructs. It is impossible to define their borders scientifically. Passing is something inherent to this kind of classification. It can be motivated by selfish economic protection or by political altruistic reasons. The fear of fraud must be restrained to give a chance to these programs to flourish.

Ultimately, these scholars seem to be discussing an empirical and methodological issue of racial classification with wide implications for redistribution. Despite the known complexities of racial classification, much analysis relies on a single self-classification based on fixed, mutually exclusive, choices.

Bailey, Loveman and Muniz (2012) present an interesting analysis of Brazil’s racial make-up and racial inequality, taking different racial classification schemes into consideration:

They demonstrate that very different pictures of Brazil’s racial make-up are created depending on which scheme is followed. Comparing the most extreme cases, Brazil could be either 70.4% or 40.7% White. Beneficiaries of affirmative action could either comprise 29.6% or 59.3% of the population. These are hugely different percentages.

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Furthermore, these different measurements are not necessarily robust. Even if more than one measure is used, there is still a lot of incongruence.

In their paper, they go on to convincingly show that different measures also imply different mappings of income inequality between those groups. Their findings do not necessarily challenge the finding that Blacks are, on average,

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worse off than Whites, but they do bring more precise, rigorous, and contextual evidence to support that claim. In any case, these findings do not mean that race should be disregarded and that it does not influence social interactions in Brazil. They argue that these different measures provide more evidence that race is a multi-dimensional social construct and should be analyzed as such – there is no “true race” to be measured.

But, what do these findings tell us when discussing redistributive policies based on race? Do these inconsistencies hinder any systematic implementation of affirmative action? Or are inconsistencies (and, to some extent, fraud) a “lesser-evil”, with affirmative action a good idea despite these issues? The recent policies seem to have embraced affirmative action despite these problematic measurement issues. The consequences of these choices are still to be fully understood.

What are the Options to allay Charges of Discrimination?

The Ombudsman

The Constitution provides for an Ombudsman who is an officer of the Parliament and who is required to hold no other office of emolument nor engage in any occupation for reward than the duties of his office. The Ombudsman is appointed by the President after consultation with the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition and shall hold office for a term not exceeding five years and is eligible for reappointment.

The principal function of the Ombudsman is to investigate complaints of administrative injustice in respect to decisions made or acts done or omitted by a Minister or department or authority of Government. In short, the Ombudsman can best be described as a "grievance person" to whom a citizen can make a complaint with a view to redressing the mistakes, delays, rigidity and carelessness of the government bureaucracy. However, the role of the Ombudsman is an advisory one and the consequence of any investigation he makes can only lead to recommendations and the submission of reports by him to relevant persons, authorities or to Parliament.

The Ombudsman is responsible only to Parliament, to which he makes annual reports on the performance of his functions including statistics of the complaints received and the results of his investigations. The office is non-political.

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Employment Discrimination- Taken from LLM paper by Jamille Brooms- the LAW- the Equal Opportunity Commission ( the views below are the views of the author)

Discrimination in employment has severe implications for the victims because it often traps people in low-paid jobs. The people who are discriminated against, usually end up with the worst jobs available, as most of them get no opportunity for promotion or training to refine their skills. This failure to eradicate employment discrimination helps perpetuate poverty as most of the lowest paid employees remain in those positions throughout their lives. Even with quotas, reverse discrimination (UK) or affirmative action (US), only a few disadvantaged employees are able to overcome the discrimination barrier. An International Labour Organisation (ILO) report confirms this point by stating, eliminating discrimination is indispensable to any viable strategy for poverty reduction and sustainable economic development

Equal opportunity is closely aligned with the concept of equality before the law and the ideas of meritocracy, which focuses on individual intelligence, experience, education, morality, or other criteria believed to confer merit.

The main idea of equal opportunity in employment is to remove arbitrariness from all stages of the employment relationship and base decisions on a pre-agreed basis of fairness, with the assessment process being related to the type of position.

The report of the Law Commission of Trinidad and Tobago in its working paper

on equal opportunity legislation dated January 17, 1996 states:

In a society rich in diversity such as ours, it is important to safeguard the integrity of different races, social groups and men and women from unjust and unequal treatment and the denial of equal opportunity. Equally important is the need to arrest institutionalized and historically entrenched patterns of discrimination, all of which are evident in Trinidad and Tobago’s society in varying degrees.

This was the Law Commission in 1996 reporting on why the country should create and implement equal opportunity legislation. While many countries had figured out this problem of discrimination and already implemented legislation to deal with it, Trinidad

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and Tobago was many years behind with the discussion just beginning. The Law Commission continued,

We on this side submit that discrimination constitutes a virtual crime against humanity... It is in this context and against national, regional and global experiences that it has become necessary to adopt measures and to take steps to manage our diversity, since the danger always lurks that our society could degenerate to the levels of conflict that have occurred in other parts of the world. It was the former Prime Minister and the current Leader of the Opposition, Hon. Basdeo Panday, who reminded us:

One cannot legislate love, nor justice, nor goodness, nor truth, nor equality, nor fairness, but certainly one can legislate against injustice, against unfairness, against inequality and make these practices sanctionable.

Current Labour LawsEmployment/Labour legislation in Trinidad and Tobago are few, incomplete and antiquated:

Industrial Relations Act, 1972The Maternity Protection Act, 1998 Minimum Wages Act, 1976 Occupational Safety and Health Act, 2004 Occupational Safety and Health (Amendment) Act, 2006 Retrenchment and Severance Benefits Act, 1985 Trade Unions Act,

Many of the Acts are irrelevant to the current contemporary climate, yet there is absolutely no attempt to make the necessary updates to the legislation, in order to better serve the citizens of the country.

The only legal mechanism dealing with discrimination is the Equal Opportunity Act 2000 (EOA), as amended by the Equal Opportunity (Amendment) Act,2001. The Equal Opportunity (Amendment) Bill, 1999 led to the EOA. Part VI of the Act was brought into force in November 2000 and the remainder of the Act in January 2001. It was amended in May 2001 and assented in June 2001. The EOA is an Act to prohibit certain kinds of discrimination, to promote equality of opportunity between persons of different status, to establish an Equal Opportunity Commission (EOC) and an Equal Opportunity T r i b u n a l ( T r i b u n a l ) .

The status mentioned in the Acts preamble refers to discrimination on the grounds of sex, race, ethnicity, origin (including geographical),religion, marital status

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and any disability. The EOAs inspiration was largely based on Australian, UK

and Canadian laws i.e.: AustraliaThe Racial Discrimination Act 1975Sex Discrimination Act 1984The Disability Discrimination Act 1992The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Act 1986Victoria Equal Opportunity Act 1984

Canada:The Ontario Human Rights Code 1962UK Sex Discrimination Act 1975Race Relations Act 1976Equal Pay Act 1970

Ethnic BackgroundIn order to fully understand the importance for reform of the EOA, one must first understand the historical reasons for the ethnic and racial composition of Trinidad and Tobago. There are many explanations and versions of why this problem developed, but this is not the forum for it to be discussed. While the problems associated with discrimination in society still persist, the government has made conscious efforts to recognise the multi-ethnicity and multiculturalism of the country by the accession of certain legislation such as the separate Acts for Hindu and Muslim marriages. Also, Indian Arrival Day, Divali (Hindu celebration)and Eid-ul-Fitr (Muslim celebration) are all recognised as public holidays.

The population of Trinidad and Tobago has a lot of racial, ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. However, although this diversity enriches and strengthens the national life, it has created many problems, one being discrimination. In Trinidad and Tobago, the majority of the discrimination experienced in employment is created by racial and ethnic differences; or political affiliation, which is in itself extremely racially polarised. Even with the National Anthem repeating the line, here every creed and race finds an equal place, we still allow the divisiveness of race to pervade society. Due to its colonial past, Trinidad and Tobago now has large numbers of both African and Indian descendants. According to the latest statistics, Trinidad and Tobago’s population is as follows:

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40% Indo-Trinidadians, 37.5% Afro-Trinidadians, 20.5% mixed, 1.2% other and0.8% unspecified. A recent report has also suggested that the number of people with mixed origin will be dominant in the futuran effect on employment discrimination that will be interesting to observe. In addition to the large number of interracial relationships, this significant mixture of the population is often used by many in society to promulgate a false notion of national unity, something also done in the UK, which has one of the fastest-growing mixed-race populations.

With the two major ethnicities in Trinidad and Tobago being almost even in numbers, one would expect a similar representation in the work place. Africans were the first to arrive in Trinidad and Tobago, brought to the Caribbean through the slave trade. Following the demand for labour after the abolition of slavery, over half a million Indians from the former British Raj or British India, were taken to thirteen mainland and island nations in the Caribbean as Indentured workers during the period from 1838 to 1917,with Trinidad being the most important receiver, taking about 40,000 by 1870.

Most of the indentured labourers were from a lower caste and saw indentured labour as a form of social mobility and a route to opportunity. The caste system played an important role on the psyche of many darker-skinned Indians and created a self-loathing mentality.

Due to the fact that they hated their own skin colour, in their quest to be fairer, they transferred this hatred to others with darker skin, i.e. the Africans. Although both ethnic groups mix fairly well in daily life, racism exists at every level of society. Tension existed between the two ethnic groups from the day African slaves achieved emancipation and Indians arrived to work on the sugar plantations. Africans accused the Indians of stealing their jobs because Indians worked for lower wages. Most Africansmigrated to the urban areas, notably Port-of-Spain, and to villages surrounding industrial areas, whereas the Indians usually remained in the areas surrounding the sugar cane plantations. These events set the stage for the inevitable clash of cultures between people from Africa, Europe and Asia, and gave birth to racism and racial exploitation in Trinidad and Tobago In recent times, the Government has attempted to propagate a society without discrimination.

However, the ILO conducted research in Trinidad and Tobago, and upon compilation of statistics, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discriminationdid not accept the Government's assertion that there was no racial discrimination in Trinidad and Tobago. The Special Rapporteur found the issue of race relations in Trinidad and Tobago to be quite complex. The report indicated that Indo-Trinidadians are dominant in positions of economic power while Afro-Trinidadians tend to be

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more represented in politics and administration, and that [t]he Special Rapporteur heard allegations of discrimination in schools. It is important to note that there was a large Afro-Trinidadian representation in politics at tha ttime because the largely Afro-Trinidadian party was in power, illustrating the racial division that has infiltrated the political arena. The same practice has continued with the largely Indo-Trinidadian party where 17 out of 26 Members of Parliament representing Trinidad are Indo-Trinidadians.

Social StratificationGiven the ethnic diversity and ethnic politics in Trinidad and Tobago, the salience of class is often overlooked or even actively denied. However, in fact, ethnicity and class work in tandem. Although, Afro and Indo-Trinidadians make up the majority of the population and the workforce, they have lagged behind other racial groups in earning power. Even so, the single lowest earners are Afro-Trinidadians, who are also more susceptible to discrimination.

In 2001, the United States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labour made an observation that remains true more than 10 years later: The private sector is dominated by Indo-Trinidadians and people of European, Middle Eastern, or Asian descent .Indo-Trinidadians also predominate in agriculture. Afro-Trinidadians tend to find employment in disproportionate numbers in the civil service, police, and military.Therefore, it is farcical for the Central Statistical Office to produce statistics showing that Afro-Trinidadians earn more than Trinidadians of other races.

The Implementation of the Equal Opportunity Commission

When the EOA was passed, it was challenged on the grounds that it was inconsistent with Part I, Sections 4 and 5 of the Constitution. A group of twenty-one individuals initiated litigation against the then Attorney General of Trinidad and Tobago for depriving their rights to equal opportunity under the EOA by not implementing all the aspects of the legislation required for its efficient functioning. The appellants, all persons claiming to be victims of discriminatory treatment prohibited by the EOA, brought these proceedings by way of a constitutional motion in May 2003, complaining that the governments failure to implement the Act was a flagrant denial of their fundamental right to the protection of the law in accordance with Section 4(b) of the Constitution. As a result, in 2004, Justice Gregory Smith ruled that the EOA was unconstitutional in several respects. The decision was subsequently upheld by the Court of Appeal, which was comprised of the then Chief Justice Sat Sharma, Justice Ivor Archie, and Justice Allan Mendonca Although the Act was passed in 2000, the EOC did not become functional until April

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2008.The reason for the Acts continuing non-implementation was because the government had been advised that the Act was unconstitutional, a conclusion reached also in the course of the ensuing constitutional challenge by Smith J in the High Court on 10 May 2004 and by the Court of Appeal on 26 January 2006.

Even before the implementation of the EOA, the Equal Opportunity Bill, 2007 was sent to the Joint Select Committee of Parliament, but lapsed upon the dissolution of the 8th Parliament on 28 September 2007. The next month, on October 15, 2007, the Lords of the judicial committee of the Privy Council made a judgement in the case in which they highlighted the fact that much still remained to be done in the way of establishing the EOC and the Tribunal before the Act would take effect. Following this ruling, the former Attorney General gave the government at the time, seven days to establish the EOC or risk being reported to the Privy Council, declaring that if your Government does not immediately appoint an Equal Opportunity Commission and does not show that it is complying with the order of the Privy Council for the Equal Opportunity Act to be implemented without further delay, we reserve the right to bring to the attention of their Lordships the failure by you and your Government to comply with the order of the Privy Council, which is the final Court of Appeal for Trinidad and Tobago. When the case went back to the Privy Council, Lady Hale in the majority decision said:

It cannot be the case that every Act of Parliament which impinges in any way upon the rights protected in sections 4 and 5 of the Constitution is for that reason alone unconstitutional. Legislation frequently affects rights such as freedom of thought and expression and the enjoyment of property. These are both qualified rights which may be limited, either by general legislation or in the particular case, provided that the limitation pursues a legitimate aim and is proportionate to it. However, since this ruling bringing finality to the matter, the EOA is still not fully functional because there is no Tribunal to which the EOA can refer cases.

- The Equal Opportunities CommissionThe EOC has the power to investigate complaints of unequal treatment under the EOA, and the power to mediate in an effort to resolve the differences between the aggrieved person and the wrongdoer, or in this context, employee and employer. This is similar to the Equality and Human Rights Commission in the UK, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in the US and the Australian Human Rights Commission , previously known as the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission , which are all independent statutory bodies to deal with discrimination.

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The EOA, from which the EOC gets its authority, has been the most progressive legal development in relation to labour and employment law practices because it makes it possible for an individual to get redress for unequal treatment against him/her, even if the wrongdoer is within the private sector. Prior to this, only the State could have attracted litigation concerning discrimination, but there were still no provisions under which a person could use to claim redress from a discriminatory practice or policy. The right to equality of treatment in the Trinidad and Tobago Constitution has, therefore, become more meaningful because the ordinary individual in Trinidad and Tobago now has access to institutions to complain about any inequalities, and the institutions have the power to investigate and redress the wrongs .If a matter cannot be amicably resolved, the EOC has the power to refer it to the Tribunal, which has the powers of the High Court to grant redress. Under the provisions of the EOA, an individual does not have to pay for any legal services before the EOC or the Tribunal and the EOCs Legal Officers undertake all legal responsibility. The process is that after the report, an Investigator ascertains the validity of the claim and then the Legal Officers determine the legal grounds for whether or not discrimination has occurred and what remedies, if any, should be sought.

However, to highlight the governments nonchalance on this issue, the EOC only became functional in 2008. Considering the fact that the EOAs efficiency and effectiveness completely relied on the EOC and the Tribunal being in place, Trinidad and Tobago had important legislation that remained in abeyance for many years. Also, despite the EOCs very informative website, its purpose and powers remains unpopular to the general public, and therefore, quite ineffective. Since the EOCs inception in 2008, as at May 19, 2011, it received 400 complaints of discrimination in employment:380 - Race10 - Origin (including geographical origin)7 - Disability2 - Religion1 - Gender This vividly emphasizes a need for more robust laws on discrimination in Trinidad and Tobago. Some may view those statistics as a small number of complaints in comparison to other countries, such as the UK, which had over 38,000 accepted claims of discrimination in the 2009/2010 fiscal year. For Trinidad and Tobago, this may appear, prima facie, to be a positive sign; however, surveys and public discourse highlight the stark reality that the majority of citizens resident in Trinidad and Tobago are unaware of the rights offered to them by the Constitution and the EOA.

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TUTORIAL TOPIC 4

10 MARKS

Discuss the merits or demerits of the various mechanisms to resolve discrimination in a plural society.

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This is a group debate; groups would look at the merits/demerits of one of the following in the case of Trinidad and Tobago. ( Time 15 minutes)

(a) The remedies as outlined by the Constitution;

(b)Remedies outlined in the various conventions;

(c) Remedies by way of legislation;

(d)The Ombudsman

(e) The EOC

(f) The system of Judicial Review

(g)The System of Industrial Court

(h)The role of the Unions

Points will be allocated for original research; the use of role play; the use of comparative research

TOPIC 578

Productivity and Evaluation: Mechanisms and Tools

- Performance Appraisal- Benchmarking

Productivity is an average measure of the efficiency of production. Productivity is a ratio of production output to what is required to produce it (inputs of capital, labor, land, energy, materials, etc.). The measure of productivity is defined as a total output per one unit of a total input. We see that as a measure of the average productivity is often difficult to interpret correctly.

These definitions are short but too general and insufficient to make the phenomenon productivity understandable. A more detailed theory of productivity is needed, which explains the phenomenon productivity and makes it comprehensible. In order to obtain a measurable form of productivity, operationalization of the concept is necessary. In explaining and operationalizing a set of production models are used. A production model is a numerical expression of the production process that is based on production data, i.e. measured data in the form of prices and quantities of inputs and outputs.

It is advisable to examine any phenomenon whatsoever only after defining the entity the phenomenon under review forms part of. Hence, productivity cannot be examined as a phenomenon independently but it is necessary to identify the entity it belongs to. Such an entity is defined as production process and its ability to generate incomes.

The benefits of high productivity are manifold. At the national level, productivity growth raises living standards because more real income improves people's ability to purchase goods and services, enjoy leisure, improve housing and education and contribute to social and environmental programs. Productivity growth is important to the firm because more real income means that the firm can meet its (perhaps growing) obligations to customers, suppliers, workers, shareholders, and governments (taxes and regulation), and still remain competitive or even improve its competitiveness in the market place

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Characteristics of production

Economic well-being is created in a production process, meaning all economic activities that aim directly or indirectly to satisfy human needs. The degree to which the needs are satisfied is often accepted as a measure of economic well-being.

The satisfaction of needs originates from the use of the commodities which are produced. The need satisfaction increases when the quality-price-ratio of the commodities improves and more satisfaction is achieved at less cost. Improving the quality-price-ratio of commodities is to a producer an essential way to enhance the production performance but this kind of gains distributed to customers cannot be measured with production data.

Economic well-being also increases due to the growth of incomes that are gained from the growing and more efficient production. The most important forms of production are market production, public production and production in households. In order to understand the origin of the economic well-being we must understand these three processes. All of them have production functions of their own which interact with each other. Market production is the prime source of economic well-being and therefore the “primus motor” of the economy. Productivity is in this economic system the most important feature and an essential source of incomes.

Main processes of a producing company

A producing company can be divided into sub-processes in different ways; yet, the following five are identified as main processes, each with a logic, objectives, theory and key figures of its own. It is important to examine each of them individually, yet, as a part of the whole, in order to be able to measure and understand them. The main processes of a company are as follows:

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Main processes of a producing company (Saari 2006,3) real process income distribution process production process monetary process market value process

Productivity is created in the real process, productivity gains are distributed in the income distribution process and these two processes constitute the production process. The production process and its sub-processes, the real process and income distribution process occur simultaneously, and only the production process is identifiable and measurable by the traditional accounting practices. The real process and income distribution process can be identified and measured by extra calculation, and this is why they need to be analysed separately in order to understand the logic of production performance.

Real process generates the production output from input, and it can be described by means of the production function. It refers to a series of events in production in which production inputs of different quality and quantity are combined into products of different quality and quantity. Products can be physical goods, immaterial services and most often combinations of both. The characteristics created into the product by the manufacturer imply surplus value to the consumer, and on the basis of the price this value is shared by the consumer and the producer in the marketplace. This is the mechanism through which surplus value originates to the consumer and the

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producer likewise. It is worth noting that surplus values to customers cannot be measured from any production data. Instead the surplus value to a producer can be measured. It can be expressed both in terms of nominal and real values. The real surplus value to the producer is a result of the real process, real income, and measured proportionally it means productivity.

Income distribution process of the production refers to a series of events in which the unit prices of constant-quality products and inputs alter causing a change in income distribution among those participating in the exchange. The magnitude of the change in income distribution is directly proportionate to the change in prices of the output and inputs and to their quantities. Productivity gains are distributed, for example, to customers as lower product sales prices or to staff as higher income pay.

The production process consists of the real process and the income distribution process. A result and a criterion of success of the owner is profitability. The profitability of production is the share of the real process result the owner has been able to keep to himself in the income distribution process. Factors describing the production process are the components of profitability, i.e., returns and costs. They differ from the factors of the real process in that the components of profitability are given at nominal prices whereas in the real process the factors are at periodically fixed prices.

Monetary process refers to events related to financing the business. Market value process refers to a series of events in which investors determine the market value of the company in the investment markets.

Workforce productivity is the amount of goods and services that a worker produces in a given amount of time. It is one of several types of productivity that economists measure. Workforce productivity can be measured for a firm, a process, an industry, or a country. It is often referred to as labor productivity because it was originally studied only with respect to the work of laborers as opposed to managers or professionals.

The OECD defines it as "the ratio of a volume measure of output to a volume measure of input".Volume measures of output are normally gross domestic product (GDP) or gross value added (GVA), expressed at constant prices i.e. adjusted for inflation. The three most commonly used measures of input are:

1. hours worked;2. workforce jobs; and

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3. number of people in employment.

Measurement

Workforce productivity can be measured in 2 ways, in physical terms or in price terms.

the intensity of labour-effort, and the quality of labour effort generally.

the creative activity involved in producing technical innovations. the relative efficiency gains resulting from different systems of

management, organization, co-ordination or engineering. the productive effects of some forms of labour on other forms of

labour.

These aspects of productivity refer to the qualitative dimensions of labour input. If an organization is using labour much more intensely, one can assume it's due to greater labour productivity, since the output per labour-effort may be the same. This insight becomes particularly important when a large part of what is produced in an economy consists of services. Management may be very preoccupied with the productivity of employees, but the productivity gains of management itself is very difficult to prove. While labor productivity growth has been seen as a useful barometer of the U.S. economy’s performance, recent research has examined why U.S. labor productivity rose during the recent downturn of 2008–2009, when U.S. gross domestic product plummeted.

The validity of international comparisons of labour productivity can be limited by a number of measurement issues. The comparability of output measures can be negatively affected by the use of different valuations, which define the inclusion of taxes, margins, and costs, or different deflation indexes, which turn current output into constant output.

Labor input can be biased by different methods used to estimate average hours or different methodologies used to estimate employed persons. In addition, for level comparisons of labor productivity, output needs to be converted into a common currency.

The preferred conversion factors are Purchasing Power Parities, but their accuracy can be negatively influenced by the limited representativeness of the goods and services compared and different aggregation methods. To

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facilitate international comparisons of labor productivity, a number of organizations, such as the OECD, the Groningen Growth Centre, International Labor Comparisons Program, and The Conference Board, prepare productivity data adjusted specifically to enhance the data’s international comparability.

In a survey of manufacturing growth and performance in Britain, it was found that:

“The factors affecting labour productivity or the performance of individual work roles are of broadly the same type as those that affect the performance of manufacturing firms as a whole. They include:

(1) physical-organic, location, and technological factors;

(2) cultural belief-value and individual attitudinal, motivational and behavioural factors;

(3) international influences – e.g. levels of innovativeness and efficiency on the part of the owners and managers of inward investing foreign companies;

(4) managerial-organizational and wider economic and political-legal environments;

(5) levels of flexibility in internal labour markets and the organization of work activities – e.g. the presence or absence of traditional craft demarcation lines and barriers to occupational entry; and

(6) individual rewards and payment systems, and the effectiveness of personnel managers and others in recruiting, training, communicating with, and performance-motivating employees on the basis of pay and other incentives.

The emergence of computers has been noted as a significant factor in increasing labor productivity in the late 1990s, by some, and as an insignificant factor by others, such as R.J. Gordon. Although computers have existed for most of the 20th century, some economic researchers have noted a lag in productivity growth caused by computers that didn't come until the late 1990s.

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The following excerpt is taken from: Defining and measuring productivity in the public sector: managerial perceptions by Paula Linna; Ha Noi, Viet Nam, andnSanna Pekkola, Juhani Ukko and Helina¨ Melkas

Productivity in the public sectorPublic sector productivity is as important to economic performance of a country as that of the private sector.

Thornhill (2006) identifies three main reasons for why public sector productivity is crucial.

* First, the public sector is a major employer.* Second, the public sector is a major provider of services in the economy, particularly business services (affecting cost of inputs) and social services (affecting labour quality).* Third, the public sector is a consumer of tax resources.

Changes in public sector productivity may have significant implications for the economy. Apart from the above-mentioned reasons, it is necessary to take into consideration future challenges facing the public service delivery.

- It has been claimed that it will become harder in the future to raise the standard of living or even to maintain current good quality of public services.

- The labour supply is shrinking, and

- International competition is becoming more demanding. Small countries are located away from the fastest growing international markets.

- Public sector finance will remain scarce, and

- Tax competition will restrict available policy alternatives.

- Information and communication technology allows reorganisation of many services but reluctance to reshape established practices may constitute a bottleneck.

Whatever the uncertainties about underlying conditions are, a need to accelerate productivity will serve as a policy recommendation and a key economic policy objective. Economic growth and rising living standards

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depend on higher productivity. The less manpower and capital are available, the more productivity growth must be accelerated (e.g., Waller, 2006; Kaitila et al., 2006.)Productivity is generally defined as a measure of the amount of output generated per unit of input. In many countries, public sector productivity has been assumed to be zero in the national accounts. The output of the government sector has been measured as equal in value to the total value of inputs. This output ¼ input convention has increasingly come under scrutiny in recent years. The challenge is to devise alternative estimates based on output measurement in a public sector context – where collective services are provided and where there is, in most instances, no market transaction inservices provided to individuals. (Boyle, 2006.)

The definition of productivity as being concerned with the relationship between input and output does not cover issues that many people have in mind when they talk about public sector productivity. A more general interpretation of productivity encompasses broader concerns about the outcomes achieved by the public sector.

In common parlance, many people talking about public sector productivity have in mind the general question of what value they receive from public services in return for the utilisation of public funds. Putnam (1993) rejects the idea of including outcomes in productivity measurement.

His argument is that to focus on outcomes (changes in health rather than patients treated; changes in educational status rather than numbers of lessons taught) includes changes over which the government has no control.public administration and the core of an ongoing effort that persists because it addresses a fundamental linkage: a productive society is dependent upon ahigh-performing government.

Although the issue of productivity and performance enhancement in the public sector is nothing new, scholars and practitioners have worked for decades to identify what makes government productive and effective. In fact, the use of the concept of productivity has been intermingled with the concept of performance (e.g., Jackson, 1999; Stainer and Stainer, 2000.) Researchers have identified each concept in different ways.

Productivity and performance are functions of many factors – ranging from top management support, committed personnel at all levels, a performance measurement system, employee training, reward structures, community involvement and feedback to correction of budget-management decisions. It

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is thus important to build up capacities for productivity improvement (Holzer and Seok-Hwan, 2004).In research literature concerning services, central points of view are the role and productivity of customers as well as quality issues that widen the traditional techno-economic view of productivity. Special attention should be paid to productivity issues departing from the special characteristics of services such as intangibility, openness and process-basedness.

The service research literature emphasises effectiveness instead of productivity. Thus effectiveness and productivity are not opposites but they should be understood as mutually complementary (Brax, 2007). The task of understanding productivity in the context of services and ways in which itcould be raised is challenging. Insufficiency of such knowledge has been brought up in recent works. Productivity of services should be understood more deeply as a phenomenon and pay attention to the relationship between productivity and quality, measurement of productivity and factors that raise productivity and quality.

More and holistic empirical research on the topic has also been called for (Martin and Horne, 1992; Johnston and Jones, 2004; Johnston, 2005; Van Ark, 2006). Research literature on productivity at organisational and process levels has focused on manufacturing industry; it is based on an assumption of an organisational core process as an industrial production process (e.g., Gummesson, 1992; Gro¨nroos and Ojasalo, 2004). Productivity of services has been studied less from the point of view of micro economy than from the point of view of macro economy. Still, the micro-economic view concerning service productivity would be just as important, and the importance of productivity for industrial and service organisations is equal.

Discussion on service productivity has also been characterised by a narrow emphasis on traditional services – consumer services and/or labour intensive services such as restaurants, cleaning and maintenance, retail sales, education, health care, etc. There are however also many other types of services. Consumer services have been the most common context for developing theory concerning services, but the context should be widened (Brax, 2007).

In manufacturing industry, labour intensive manual work and automation may be seen as opposites, but in services, the situation is different. Productivity is also often linked to discussions concerning general efficiency. In such cases, productivity is understood in a wider sense and

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combined to rationalisation of work and improvement of well being in the work community (Uusi-Rauva, 2006). Some researchers however argue that productivity is a conceptual phenomenon, and widening the concept weakens its characteristics as a tool for research and development (Brax, 2007).

Pritchard (1995) distinguished three categories for definitions concerning productivity:(1) the techno-economic approach, i.e., productivity as an efficiency measure (output/input);(2) productivity as a combination of efficiency and effectiveness (output=input þ output=goal; see, e.g., Rantanen, 1995); and(3) a wide approach that contains everything that makes an organisation function better.

According to the techno-economic approach, the concepts of productivity, efficiency and effectiveness are distinguished. Many researchers have claimed that in defining productivity, the basic concept of productivity should be seen as separate from its sister concepts, but for investigating services, the concept should again be widened (Vuorinen et al., 1998; Johnston and Jones, 2004). If only efficiency improvement is sought, the choice of the term is somewhat less relevant, but when it is the aimed tomeasure and analyse performance somehow, the terminology becomes important.

Drucker (1963) has expressed the difference between efficiency and effectiveness in a very practical way: efficiency means doing things right and effectiveness means doing the right things. One must do the things that produce the desired end result most efficiently.

The concepts of productivity and efficiency focus on quantitative changeand presume that no qualitative changes take place in the process, its inputs or its output, or possible quality changes are left out of the investigation. From the point of view of effectiveness, the quality changes are focused on – as well as the quantitative changes produced by exploiting the quality changes.

The discussion concerning short-term and long-term solutions is related to the same theme: the short-term view often concentrates on doing things right; the things as they are at the moment. The long-term view again may question the present way of doing things and compare different options

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(Brax, 2007). Tangen (2005) noted that effectiveness often implies paying attention to value creation for the customer, and this is harder to quantify.Changes in effectiveness show primarily as changes in outcomes, and effectiveness has no maximum value in practice.

Service contains conducting activities, and thus a more thorough investigation requires a process-based view. The point of view of quality is very important with regard to services, because a more efficient process may have an impact on the character of the service supplied. The impact may be positive or negative. Services may also be investigated from the point of view of customers, which makes the research come closer to marketing research rather than operational management research.

As far as processes are concerned, they may be further broken down according to their level of rutinisation (a continuum ranging from rigid service process to fluid service process) (Brax, 2007). According to Gro¨nroos and Ojasalo (2004), due to openness of processes, services may well be investigated from the point of view of developing productivity as a mutual learning process of customers and service providers, in which resources and production and consumption processes of both groups are reconciled. This is more appropriate (than the traditional productivity model) to the context of fluid service processes, according to them.

If productivity is improved only by producing more in a quantitative sense, this may lead to a greater share of defective or low-quality performance (Van Looy et al., 1998), so service research literature recommends measuring productivity so that also quality is taken into account (Sahay, 2005). Technical quality is related to quality of the end result of the service process: what is the end result of the service like?

Functional quality is related to quality of the delivery process: how well was the service conducted? Gummesson (1993) distinguished four basic types in service production according to the relationship between service provider and customer:(1) the service provider produces the service apart from the customer;(2) the customer produces the service as self-service;(3) the two parties produce the service together or in interaction; and(4) the customers produce the service amongst themselves.

According to these four basic types, Gummesson (1998) took into account the larger context: productivity arises from the service provider’s own

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actions, actions of the customer, interaction between the service provider and the customer; or interaction among customers.Gummesson (1998) also noted that the customer is – rather than an “end user” – an active actor in a continuous cycle of value creation. The customer has many roles as a production resource, as affecting quality, satisfaction and value creation, and as a competitor of the service organisation (Bitner et al., 1997).

The customer’s impact on productivity may be positive or negative. As the input of the customer increases, the service provider’s possibilities to control the service production process decrease and insecurity increases. Thus Ojasalo (2003) noted that it would be beneficial for a service provider to aim at selecting her/his customers somehow.

Definition of inputs and outputs is the most central question in analysingproductivity (Gadrey, 1988; McLaughlin and Coffey, 1992; Gallouj, 2002). The traditional way of measuring productivity is based on physical units; physical input may be hours of work and physical output may be customers served. Also time may be seen as corresponding to physical units (Uusi-Rauva, 1996). One notable issue in discussing productivity in the public sector is that the public sector has very different characteristics and logic in different countries, and thus literature on public sector productivity may be problematic.

Measuring public sector productivity

Another important question regarding public sector productivity concerns how to measure it. Productivity can be measured in a number of ways. The interpretation of productivity growth is greatly dependent on the way in which productivity is measured.

Public sector productivity is most often measured as labour productivity. Inaddition to labour productivity, multifactor productivity should also be measured. A major problem in the interpretation of single factor productivity is that it attributes all increases in efficiency to one factor, even though the increased production may have been partly or even completely due to changes in other factors.

Productivity measures examined have also commonly been sectoral or national in nature, and often driven from a ‘top down’ perspective. It is important to note that – at a micro level – productivity measurement in the

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public sector may also take place at the level of an individual organisation, and from a ‘bottom up’ or service user perspective (Boyle, 2006).Ammons (2004, p. 147) points out that many government managers are inclined to focus on their department’s activities or workload – its outputs, rather than on the bigger picture of whether their efforts lead to positive changes in the lives of citizens or produce other results they were designed to bring about. According to Ammons (2004), by fixating on simply maintaining or expanding the activities of the department in question, the managers may overlook opportunities, perhaps procedural innovations orfundamental service delivery alternatives that might improve the results or outcomes of these activities.

It is thus not enough to measure productivity only in an input and output way in the public sector context, but also quality needs to be taken into account. In measuring service productivity, conceptual, technical and strategic problems may be distinguished (Nachum, 1999; Brax, 2007).

* First, one needs to identify the inputs the measurement of which is the most important in the process in question.*Second, if intangible characteristics are related to inputs, it needs to be solved how the inputs can be measured at a sufficiently accurate level – or even at a rough level.*Third, services are combinations of many different components, so it needs to be solved in how detailed a level productivity is investigated. Fourth, it needs to be defined at which level measurement and monitoring of productivity is most efficient with regard to the aims (McLaughlin and Coffey, 1992; Klassen et al., 1998).

The more intensive and participatory customer contact or the more tailored service product is, the harder it becomes to study productivity. The complexity of inputs and outputs and their number also add to the difficulty of measurement. How many different components are combined into the service? How many different components may be distinguished in inputs and outputs of the service? Does one service process produce several end results simultaneously? (Brax, 2007). Especially in services that require alot of human contribution, measurement problems are caused by mutual impact and convergence of resources, when teams collaborate or colleagues guide each other (Mohanty, 1992).

Performance management and measurement in the public sectorThe concept of productivity is often confused with the wider and more common concept of performance and performance measurement.

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Productivity is one of the many ways in which performance may be measured and defined (Byus and Lomerson, 2004). Performance contains both economic and operational perspectives (Tangen, 2005). According to Brax (2007), any characteristic of an organisation’s aims may be measured under the title of performance measurement – such as quality of outputs, orit may be a question of individual indicators or whole measurement systems and methods.

The public sector is devoting more attention, time and money to performance management, measurement and evaluation than in earlier times (McAdam et al., 2005). Many public sector organisations have implemented performance measurement systems, such as the Balanced Scorecard. However, such adaptation of private sector approaches has caused a number of difficulties because of multiple stakeholders in public sector organisations – in comparison to private sector organisations that mainly focus on customers.

Rantanen et al. (2007a) identified specific problems faced by Finnish public sector organisations in designing and implementing performance measurement systems.

They are:. many stakeholders with conflicting needs;. undefined end products and goals;. lack of ownership of the property; and. poor management skills.

The main reasons for the problems of performance measurement in publicorganisations were identified by using the results of three case studies (Rantanen et al., 2007a, b):

. Difficulties in solving the conflicts between the needs of different stakeholders (owners, employees, customers, suppliers and the community); i.e., not clear what should be measured.. Difficulties in target setting (i.e., not clear what the goal of the operations should be).. Representatives of different stakeholder groups influence the development of individual measures at too detailed a level.. The personnel does not understand the objectives of the measurementdevelopment.. Too many persons responsible for the measurement development leads tonon-responsibility.

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. The personnel does not see the usefulness of the project with regard to theirwork, and ignores or resists it.. Overlapping projects hamper the measurement project because they take upresources.

It is becoming more usual to say that when developing and implementing performance measurement systems in the public sector, the starting point and key driver should be stakeholders’ needs and expectations. The public sector should thus prefer performance measurement systems that pay sufficient attention to stakeholders.

For example, Performance Prism (Neely et al., 2001) was found to be suitable in identifying and categorising stakeholders of an organisation. However, there are also dangers in such thinking. There is firstly the legislation that dictates many things concerning public services.

Legislation at its best should be based on, for instance, research on health promotion and long-term health effects of various societal choices andenvironmental factors, for instance. Concentrating too much on stakeholders’ needs and expectations may lead to an erosion of this valuable societal foundation that should be based on long-term thinking and public value as well as clear aims.

Current literature also highlights the role of rewarding in the performancemeasurement context. Ukko et al. (2008), for example, stated that one of the most important factors behind successful operative level performance measurement is the linkage between measurement and rewarding. Public sector organisations do not, however, have similar financial resources for rewarding their employees as private sector organisations do, because the municipal economy limits financial rewarding (Pekkola et al., 2007).

Rewarding may well be non-financial, too – such as greater job security in a period of economic recession. Rewarding in the public sector appears to becharacterised by similar challenges as measurement, as some ways of rewarding are indirect, invisible and unidentified. In spite of the limitations concerning finance, the public sector has a clear need to develop its appraisal, reward and recognition schemes, along with other motivational influences. McAdam et al. (2005) claim that this ensures that employees’ targets are consistent with organisational and stakeholder objectives.

According to Mohanty (1992), productivity – whether it is understood as a concept, a philosophy, a measure, or a method – is a useful view into all

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kinds of work systems regardless of their aims (e.g., aiming at producing profits or not). Mohanty, however, noted that measurement should be looked at with a critical approach, as measurement that is poorly conducted and implemented may also hinder an organisation’s activities. Also the measurement process itself should be looked at from the points of view ofefficiency and effectiveness. Measurement may be too hard in relation to the benefits it produces, so it takes away resources from core processes. Measurement directs the personnel to improve the things that are measured and in the way in which the things are displayed in light of the indicators.

This is a problem, when false things are measured or right things are measured with false kind of indicators. For instance, the quantity of outputs may be measured, although it would be more reasonable to monitor the quality of the outputs. Measurement may also produce false information fordecision-making within the organisation. Inaccurate or incorrectly operationalised indicators may produce false end results. Combining the pieces of information into aggregate level measures multiplies the errors. Measures should not be seen as unambiguously objective. (Mohanty, 1992; Brax, 2007.)

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TUTORIAL TOPIC 5

5 marks

Groups are asked to prepare a business plan for increasing productivity in one public sector organization. The business plan must be presented to the class

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TOPIC 6

Leadership in the Public Services

Theories of Leadership

1. "Great Man" Theories:

Great man theories assume that the capacity for leadership is inherent – that great leaders are born, not made. These theories often portray great leaders as heroic, mythic and destined to rise to leadership when needed. The term "Great Man" was used because, at the time, leadership was thought of primarily as a male quality, especially in terms of military leadership.

2. Trait Theories:

Similar in some ways to "Great Man" theories, trait theories assume that people inherit certain qualities and traits that make them better suited to leadership. Trait theories often identify particular personality or behavioral characteristics shared by leaders. If particular traits are key features of leadership, then how do we explain people who possess those qualities but are not leaders?

3. Contingency Theories:

Contingency theories of leadership focus on particular variables related to the environment that might determine which particular style of leadership is best suited for the situation. According to this theory, no leadership style is best in all situations. Success depends upon a number of variables, including the leadership style, qualities of the followers and aspects of the situation.

4. Situational Theories:

Situational theories propose that leaders choose the best course of action based upon situational variables. Different styles of leadership may be more

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appropriate for certain types of decision-making. For example, in a situation where the leader is the most knowledgeable and experienced member of a group, an authoritarian style might be most appropriate. In other instances where group members are skilled experts, a democratic style would be more effective.

5. Behavioral Theories:

Behavioral theories of leadership are based upon the belief that great leaders are made, not born. Rooted in behaviorism, this leadership theory focuses on the actions of leaders not on mental qualities or internal states. According to this theory, people can learn to become leaders through teaching and observation.

6. Participative Theories:

Participative leadership theories suggest that the ideal leadership style is one that takes the input of others into account. These leaders encourage participation and contributions from group members and help group members feel more relevant and committed to the decision-making process. In participative theories, however, the leader retains the right to allow the input of others.

7. Management Theories:

Management theories, also known as transactional theories, focus on the role of supervision, organization and group performance. These theories base leadership on a system of rewards and punishments. Managerial theories are often used in business; when employees are successful, they are rewarded; when they fail, they are reprimanded or punished. Learn more about theories of transactional leadership.

8. Relationship Theories:

Relationship theories, also known as transformational theories, focus upon the connections formed between leaders and followers. Transformational leaders motivate and inspire people by helping group members see the importance and higher good of the task. These leaders are focused on the performance of group members, but also want each person to fulfill his or

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her potential. Leaders with this style often have high ethical and moral standards

Definition of Leadership.

Leadership is "organizing a group of people to achieve a common goal". The leader may or may not have any formal authority. Studies of leadership have produced theories involving traits, situational interaction, function, behavior, power, vision and values, charisma , and intelligence, among others. Somebody whom people follow: somebody who guides or directs others.

Early western history

The search for the characteristics or traits of leaders has been ongoing for centuries. History's greatest philosophical writings from Plato's Republic to Plutarch's Lives have explored the question "What qualities distinguish an individual as a leader?" Underlying this search was the early recognition of the importance of leadership and the assumption that leadership is rooted in the characteristics that certain individuals possess. This idea that leadership is based on individual attributes is known as the "trait theory of leadership".

The trait theory was explored at length in a number of works in the 19th century. Most notable are the writings of Thomas Carlyle and Francis Galton, whose works have prompted decades of research.[4] In Heroes and Hero Worship (1841), Carlyle identified the talents, skills, and physical characteristics of men who rose to power. In Galton's Hereditary Genius (1869), he examined leadership qualities in the families of powerful men. After showing that the numbers of eminent relatives dropped off when moving from first degree to second degree relatives, Galton concluded that leadership was inherited. In other words, leaders were born, not developed. Both of these notable works lent great initial support for the notion that leadership is rooted in characteristics of the leader.

Rise of alternative theories

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, however, a series of qualitative reviews of these studies (e.g., Bird, 1940; Stogdill, 1948; Mann, 1959) prompted researchers to take a drastically different view of the driving forces behind

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leadership. In reviewing the extant literature, Stogdill and Mann found that while some traits were common across a number of studies, the overall evidence suggested that persons who are leaders in one situation may not necessarily be leaders in other situations. Subsequently, leadership was no longer characterized as an enduring individual trait, as situational approaches (see alternative leadership theories below) posited that individuals can be effective in certain situations, but not others. This approach dominated much of the leadership theory and research for the next few decades.

Reemergence of trait theory

New methods and measurements were developed after these influential reviews that would ultimately reestablish the trait theory as a viable approach to the study of leadership. For example, improvements in researchers' use of the round robin research design methodology allowed researchers to see that individuals can and do emerge as leaders across a variety of situations and tasks.Additionally, during the 1980s statistical advances allowed researchers to conduct meta-analyses, in which they could quantitatively analyze and summarize the findings from a wide array of studies. This advent allowed trait theorists to create a comprehensive picture of previous leadership research rather than rely on the qualitative reviews of the past. Equipped with new methods, leadership researchers revealed the following:

Individuals can and do emerge as leaders across a variety of situations and tasks.

Significant relationships exist between leadership and such individual traits as:

intelligence adjustment extraversion conscientiousness openness to experience general self-efficacy

While the trait theory of leadership has certainly regained popularity, its reemergence has not been accompanied by a corresponding increase in sophisticated conceptual frameworks.

Specifically, Zaccaro (2007) noted that trait theories still:

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1. focus on a small set of individual attributes such as Big Five personality traits, to the neglect of cognitive abilities, motives, values, social skills, expertise, and problem-solving skills;

2. fail to consider patterns or integrations of multiple attributes;3. do not distinguish between those leader attributes that are generally

not malleable over time and those that are shaped by, and bound to, situational influences;

4. do not consider how stable leader attributes account for the behavioral diversity necessary for effective leadership.

Attribute pattern approach

Considering the criticisms of the trait theory outlined above, several researchers have begun to adopt a different perspective of leader individual differences—the leader attribute pattern approach. In contrast to the traditional approach, the leader attribute pattern approach is based on theorists' arguments that the influence of individual characteristics on outcomes is best understood by considering the person as an integrated totality rather than a summation of individual variables.In other words, the leader attribute pattern approach argues that integrated constellations or combinations of individual differences may explain substantial variance in both leader emergence and leader effectiveness beyond that explained by single attributes, or by additive combinations of multiple attributes.

Behavioral and style theories

In response to the early criticisms of the trait approach, theorists began to research leadership as a set of behaviors, evaluating the behavior of successful leaders, determining a behavior taxonomy, and identifying broad leadership styles.David McClelland, for example, posited that leadership takes a strong personality with a well-developed positive ego. To lead, self-confidence and high self-esteem are useful, perhaps even essential.

Kurt Lewin, Ronald Lipitt, and Ralph White developed in 1939 the seminal work on the influence of leadership styles and performance. The researchers evaluated the performance of groups of eleven-year-old boys under different types of work climate. In each, the leader exercised his influence regarding the type of group decision making, praise and criticism (feedback), and the management of the group tasks (project management) according to three styles: authoritarian, democratic, and laissez-faire.

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The managerial grid model is also based on a behavioral theory. The model was developed by Robert Blake and Jane Mouton in 1964 and suggests five different leadership styles, based on the leaders' concern for people and their concern for goal achievement.

Positive reinforcement

B.F. Skinner is the father of behavior modification and developed the concept of positive reinforcement. Positive reinforcement occurs when a positive stimulus is presented in response to a behavior, increasing the likelihood of that behavior in the future. The following is an example of how positive reinforcement can be used in a business setting. Assume praise is a positive reinforcer for a particular employee. This employee does not show up to work on time every day. The manager of this employee decides to praise the employee for showing up on time every day the employee actually shows up to work on time. As a result, the employee comes to work on time more often because the employee likes to be praised. In this example, praise (the stimulus) is a positive reinforcer for this employee because the employee arrives at work on time (the behavior) more frequently after being praised for showing up to work on time.

The use of positive reinforcement is a successful and growing technique used by leaders to motivate and attain desired behaviors from subordinates. Organizations such as Frito-Lay, 3M, Goodrich, Michigan Bell, and Emery Air Freight have all used reinforcement to increase productivity.[27]

Empirical research covering the last 20 years suggests that reinforcement theory has a 17 percent increase in performance. Additionally, many reinforcement techniques such as the use of praise are inexpensive, providing higher performance for lower costs.

Situational and contingency theoriesMain articles: Fiedler contingency model, Vroom–Yetton decision model, path–goal theory, and situational leadership theory

Situational theory also appeared as a reaction to the trait theory of leadership. Social scientists argued that history was more than the result of intervention of great men as Carlyle suggested. Herbert Spencer (1884) (and Karl Marx) said that the times produce the person and not the other way around.[28] This theory assumes that different situations call for different characteristics; according to this group of theories, no single optimal psychographic profile of a leader exists. According to the theory, "what an

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individual actually does when acting as a leader is in large part dependent upon characteristics of the situation in which he functions."

Some theorists started to synthesize the trait and situational approaches. Building upon the research of Lewin et al., academics began to normalize the descriptive models of leadership climates, defining three leadership styles and identifying which situations each style works better in. The authoritarian leadership style, for example, is approved in periods of crisis but fails to win the "hearts and minds" of followers in day-to-day management; the democratic leadership style is more adequate in situations that require consensus building; finally, the laissez-faire leadership style is appreciated for the degree of freedom it provides, but as the leaders do not "take charge", they can be perceived as a failure in protracted or thorny organizational problems.[30] Thus, theorists defined the style of leadership as contingent to the situation, which is sometimes classified as contingency theory. Four contingency leadership theories appear more prominently in recent years: Fiedler contingency model, Vroom-Yetton decision model, the path-goal theory, and the Hersey-Blanchard situational theory.

The Fiedler contingency model bases the leader's effectiveness on what Fred Fiedler called situational contingency. This results from the interaction of leadership style and situational favorability (later called situational control). The theory defined two types of leader: those who tend to accomplish the task by developing good relationships with the group (relationship-oriented), and those who have as their prime concern carrying out the task itself (task-oriented).[31] According to Fiedler, there is no ideal leader. Both task-oriented and relationship-oriented leaders can be effective if their leadership orientation fits the situation. When there is a good leader-member relation, a highly structured task, and high leader position power, the situation is considered a "favorable situation". Fiedler found that task-oriented leaders are more effective in extremely favorable or unfavorable situations, whereas relationship-oriented leaders perform best in situations with intermediate favorability.

Victor Vroom, in collaboration with Phillip Yetton (1973) and later with Arthur Jago (1988),,developed a taxonomy for describing leadership situations, which was used in a normative decision model where leadership styles were connected to situational variables, defining which approach was more suitable to which situation. This approach was novel because it supported the idea that the same manager could rely on different group decision making approaches depending on the attributes of each situation. This model was later referred to as situational contingency theory.

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The path-goal theory of leadership was developed by Robert House (1971) and was based on the expectancy theory of Victor Vroom. According to House, the essence of the theory is "the meta proposition that leaders, to be effective, engage in behaviors that complement subordinates' environments and abilities in a manner that compensates for deficiencies and is instrumental to subordinate satisfaction and individual and work unit performance".[37] The theory identifies four leader behaviors, achievement-oriented, directive, participative, and supportive, that are contingent to the environment factors and follower characteristics. In contrast to the Fiedler contingency model, the path-goal model states that the four leadership behaviors are fluid, and that leaders can adopt any of the four depending on what the situation demands. The path-goal model can be classified both as a contingency theory, as it depends on the circumstances, and as a transactional leadership theory, as the theory emphasizes the reciprocity behavior between the leader and the followers.

The situational leadership model proposed by Hersey and Blanchard suggests four leadership-styles and four levels of follower-development. For effectiveness, the model posits that the leadership-style must match the appropriate level of follower-development. In this model, leadership behavior becomes a function not only of the characteristics of the leader, but of the characteristics of followers as well.

Functional theoryMain article: Functional leadership model

Functional leadership theory (Hackman & Walton, 1986; McGrath, 1962; Adair, 1988; Kouzes & Posner, 1995) is a particularly useful theory for addressing specific leader behaviors expected to contribute to organizational or unit effectiveness. This theory argues that the leader's main job is to see that whatever is necessary to group needs is taken care of; thus, a leader can be said to have done their job well when they have contributed to group effectiveness and cohesion (Fleishman et al., 1991; Hackman & Wageman, 2005; Hackman & Walton, 1986). While functional leadership theory has most often been applied to team leadership (Zaccaro, Rittman, & Marks, 2001), it has also been effectively applied to broader organizational leadership as well (Zaccaro, 2001). In summarizing literature on functional leadership (see Kozlowski et al. (1996), Zaccaro et al. (2001), Hackman and Walton (1986), Hackman & Wageman (2005), Morgeson (2005)), Klein, Zeigert, Knight, and Xiao (2006) observed five broad functions a leader performs when promoting organization's effectiveness. These functions include environmental monitoring, organizing subordinate activities,

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teaching and coaching subordinates, motivating others, and intervening actively in the group's work.

A variety of leadership behaviors are expected to facilitate these functions. In initial work identifying leader behavior, Fleishman (1953) observed that subordinates perceived their supervisors' behavior in terms of two broad categories referred to as consideration and initiating structure. Consideration includes behavior involved in fostering effective relationships. Examples of such behavior would include showing concern for a subordinate or acting in a supportive manner towards others. Initiating structure involves the actions of the leader focused specifically on task accomplishment. This could include role clarification, setting performance standards, and holding subordinates accountable to those standards.

Integrated psychological theoryMain article: Three Levels of Leadership model

The Integrated Psychological theory of leadership is an attempt to integrate the strengths of the older theories (i.e. traits, behavioral/styles, situational and functional) while addressing their limitations, largely by introducing a new element – the need for leaders to develop their leadership presence, attitude toward others and behavioral flexibility by practicing psychological mastery. It also offers a foundation for leaders wanting to apply the philosophies of servant leadership and “authentic leadership”.

Integrated Psychological theory began to attract attention after the publication of James Scouller’s Three Levels of Leadership model (2011). Scouller argued that the older theories offer only limited assistance in developing a person’s ability to lead effectively.He pointed out, for example, that:

Traits theories, which tend to reinforce the idea that leaders are born not made, might help us select leaders, but they are less useful for developing leaders.

An ideal style (e.g. Blake & Mouton’s team style) would not suit all circumstances.

Most of the situational/contingency and functional theories assume that leaders can change their behavior to meet differing circumstances or widen their behavioral range at will, when in practice many find it hard to do so because of unconscious beliefs, fears or ingrained habits. Thus, he argued, leaders need to work on their inner psychology.

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None of the old theories successfully address the challenge of developing “leadership presence”; that certain “something” in leaders that commands attention, inspires people, wins their trust and makes followers want to work with them.

Scouller therefore proposed the Three Levels of Leadership model, which was later categorized as an “Integrated Psychological” theory on the Businessballs education website.[42] In essence, his model summarizes what leaders have to do, not only to bring leadership to their group or organization, but also to develop themselves technically and psychologically as leaders.

The three levels in his model are Public, Private and Personal leadership:

The first two – public and private leadership – are “outer” or behavioral levels. These are the behaviors that address what Scouller called “the four dimensions of leadership”. These dimensions are:

(1) a shared, motivating group purpose; (2) action, progress and results; (3) collective unity or team spirit; (4) individual selection and motivation. Public leadership focuses on

the 34 behaviors involved in influencing two or more people simultaneously.

Private leadership covers the 14 behaviors needed to influence individuals one to one.

The third – personal leadership – is an “inner” level and concerns a person’s growth toward greater leadership presence, knowhow and skill. Working on one’s personal leadership has three aspects:

(1) Technical knowhow and skill (2) Developing the right attitude toward other people – which is the

basis of servant leadership (3) Psychological self-mastery – the foundation for authentic

leadership.

Scouller argued that self-mastery is the key to growing one’s leadership presence, building trusting relationships with followers and dissolving one’s limiting beliefs and habits, thereby enabling behavioral flexibility as circumstances change, while staying connected to one’s core values (that is, while remaining authentic). To support leaders’ development, he introduced

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a new model of the human psyche and outlined the principles and techniques of self-mastery.

Transactional and transformational theories

Eric Berne first analyzed the relations between a group and its leadership in terms of transactional analysis.

The transactional leader (Burns, 1978) is given power to perform certain tasks and reward or punish for the team's performance. It gives the opportunity to the manager to lead the group and the group agrees to follow his lead to accomplish a predetermined goal in exchange for something else. Power is given to the leader to evaluate, correct, and train subordinates when productivity is not up to the desired level, and reward effectiveness when expected outcome is reached. Idiosyncrasy Credits, first posited by Edward Hollander (1971) is one example of a concept closely related to transactional leadership.

Leader–member exchange theory

Another theory that addresses a specific aspect of the leadership process is the leader–member exchange (LMX) theory, which evolved from an earlier theory called the vertical dyad linkage (VDL) model. Both of these models focus on the interaction between leaders and individual followers. Similar to the transactional approach, this interaction is viewed as a fair exchange whereby the leader provides certain benefits such as task guidance, advice, support, and/or significant rewards and the followers reciprocate by giving the leader respect, cooperation, commitment to the task and good performance.

However, LMX recognizes that leaders and individual followers will vary in the type of exchange that develops between them. LMX theorizes that the type of exchanges between the leader and specific followers can lead to the creation of in-groups and out-groups. In-group members are said to have high-quality exchanges with the leader, while out-group members have low-quality exchanges with the leader.

In-group members

In-group members are perceived by the leader as being more experienced, competent, and willing to assume responsibility than other followers. The leader begins to rely on these individuals to help with especially challenging

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tasks. If the follower responds well, the leader rewards him/her with extra coaching, favorable job assignments, and developmental experiences. If the follower shows high commitment and effort followed by additional rewards, both parties develop mutual trust, influence, and support of one another. Research shows the in-group members usually receive higher performance evaluations from the leader, higher satisfaction, and faster promotions than out-group members. In-group members are also likely to build stronger bonds with their leaders by sharing the same social backgrounds and interests.

Out-group members

Out-group members often receive less time and more distant exchanges then their in-group counterparts. With out-group members, leaders expect no more than adequate job performance, good attendance, reasonable respect, and adherence to the job description in exchange for a fair wage and standard benefits. The leader spends less time with out-group members, they have fewer developmental experiences, and the leader tends to emphasize his/her formal authority to obtain compliance to leader requests. Research shows that out-group members are less satisfied with their job and organization, receive lower performance evaluations from the leader, see their leader as less fair, and are more likely to file grievances or leave the organization.

Emotions

Leadership can be perceived as a particularly emotion-laden process, with emotions entwined with the social influence process. In an organization, the leader's mood has some effects on his/her group. These effects can be described in three levels:

1. The mood of individual group members. Group members with leaders in a positive mood experience more positive mood than do group members with leaders in a negative mood. The leaders transmit their moods to other group members through the mechanism of emotional contagion. Mood contagion may be one of the psychological mechanisms by which charismatic leaders influence followers.

2. The affective tone of the group. Group affective tone represents the consistent or homogeneous affective reactions within a group. Group affective tone is an aggregate of the moods of the individual members

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of the group and refers to mood at the group level of analysis. Groups with leaders in a positive mood have a more positive affective tone than do groups with leaders in a negative mood.

3. Group processes like coordination, effort expenditure, and task strategy. Public expressions of mood impact how group members think and act. When people experience and express mood, they send signals to others. Leaders signal their goals, intentions, and attitudes through their expressions of moods. For example, expressions of positive moods by leaders signal that leaders deem progress toward goals to be good. The group members respond to those signals cognitively and behaviorally in ways that are reflected in the group processes

In research about client service, it was found that expressions of positive mood by the leader improve the performance of the group, although in other sectors there were other findings.

Beyond the leader's mood, her/his behavior is a source for employee positive and negative emotions at work. The leader creates situations and events that lead to emotional response. Certain leader behaviors displayed during interactions with their employees are the sources of these affective events. Leaders shape workplace affective events. Examples – feedback giving, allocating tasks, resource distribution. Since employee behavior and productivity are directly affected by their emotional states, it is imperative to consider employee emotional responses to organizational leaders.[54]

Emotional intelligence, the ability to understand and manage moods and emotions in the self and others, contributes to effective leadership within organizations.

Neo-emergent theory

The neo-emergent leadership theory (from the Oxford school of leadership) espouses that leadership is created through the emergence of information by the leader or other stakeholders, not through the true actions of the leader himself. In other words, the reproduction of information or stories form the basis of the perception of leadership by the majority. It is well known that the great naval hero Lord Nelson often wrote his own versions of battles he was involved in, so that when he arrived home in England he would receive a true hero's welcome.[citation needed] In modern society, the press, blogs and

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other sources report their own views of a leader, which may be based on reality, but may also be based on a political command, a payment, or an inherent interest of the author, media, or leader. Therefore, it can be contended that the perception of all leaders is created and in fact does not reflect their true leadership qualities at all.

Styles

A leadership style is a leader's style of providing direction, implementing plans, and motivating people. It is the result of the philosophy, personality, and experience of the leader. Rhetoric specialists have also developed models for understanding leadership (Robert Hariman, Political Style, Philippe-Joseph Salazar, L'Hyperpolitique. Technologies politiques De La Domination[).

Different situations call for different leadership styles. In an emergency when there is little time to converge on an agreement and where a designated authority has significantly more experience or expertise than the rest of the team, an autocratic leadership style may be most effective; however, in a highly motivated and aligned team with a homogeneous level of expertise, a more democratic or laissez-faire style may be more effective. The style adopted should be the one that most effectively achieves the objectives of the group while balancing the interests of its individual members.

Engaging style

Engaging as part of leadership style has been mentioned in various literature earlier. Dr. Stephen L. Cohen, the Senior Vice President for Right Management’s Leadership Development Center of Excellence, has in his article Four Key Leadership Practices for Leading in Tough Times has mentioned Engagement as the fourth Key practice. He writes, "these initiatives do for the organization is engage both leaders and employees in understanding the existing conditions and how they can collectively assist in addressing them. Reaching out to employees during difficult times to better understand their concerns and interests by openly and honestly conveying the impact of the downturn on them and their organizations can provide a solid foundation for not only engaging them but retaining them when things do turn around.

Engagement as the key to Collaborative Leadership is also emphasized in several original research papers and programs. Becoming an agile has long

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been associated with Engaging leaders - rather than leadership with an hands off approach.

Autocratic or authoritarian style

Under the autocratic leadership style, all decision-making powers are centralized in the leader, as with dictators.

Leaders do not entertain any suggestions or initiatives from subordinates. The autocratic management has been successful as it provides strong motivation to the manager. It permits quick decision-making, as only one person decides for the whole group and keeps each decision to him/herself until he/she feels it needs to be shared with the rest of the group.

Participative or democratic style

The democratic leadership style consists of the leader sharing the decision-making abilities with group members by promoting the interests of the group members and by practicing social equality. This has also been called shared leadership.

Laissez-faire or free-rein style

A person may be in a leadership position without providing leadership, leaving the group to fend for itself. Subordinates are given a free hand in deciding their own policies and methods. The subordinates are motivated to be creative and innovative.

Narcissistic leadership

Narcissistic leadership is a common leadership style. The narcissism may range from anywhere between healthy and destructive.

Toxic leadership

A toxic leader is someone who has responsibility over a group of people or an organization, and who abuses the leader–follower relationship by leaving the group or organization in a worse-off condition than when he/she joined it.

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Task-oriented and relationship-oriented leadership

Task-oriented leadership is a style in which the leader is focused on the tasks that need to be performed in order to meet a certain production goal. Task-oriented leaders are generally more concerned with producing a step-by-step solution for given problem or goal, strictly making sure these deadlines are met, results and reaching target outcomes

Relationship-oriented leadership is a contrasting style in which the leader is more focused on the relationships amongst the group and is generally more concerned with the overall well-being and satisfaction of group members. Relationship-oriented leaders emphasize communication within the group, shows trust and confidence in group members, and shows appreciation for work done.

Task-oriented leaders are typically less concerned with the idea of catering to group members, and more concerned with acquiring a certain solution to meet a production goal. For this reason, they typically are able to make sure that deadlines are met, yet their group members' well-being may suffer. [61]

Relationship-oriented leaders are focused on developing the team and the relationships in it. The positives to having this kind of environment are that team members are more motivated and have support, however, the emphasis on relations as opposed to getting a job done might make productivity suffer.

Performance

In the past, some researchers have argued that the actual influence of leaders on organizational outcomes is overrated and romanticized as a result of biased attributions about leaders (Meindl & Ehrlich, 1987). Despite these assertions, however, it is largely recognized and accepted by practitioners and researchers that leadership is important, and research supports the notion that leaders do contribute to key organizational outcomes (Day & Lord, 1988; Kaiser, Hogan, & Craig, 2008). To facilitate successful performance it is important to understand and accurately measure leadership performance.

Job performance generally refers to behavior that is expected to contribute to organizational success (Campbell, 1990). Campbell identified a number of specific types of performance dimensions; leadership was one of the dimensions that he identified. There is no consistent, overall definition of leadership performance (Yukl, 2006). Many distinct conceptualizations are often lumped together under the umbrella of leadership performance, including outcomes such as leader effectiveness, leader advancement, and

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leader emergence (Kaiser et al., 2008). For instance, leadership performance may be used to refer to the career success of the individual leader, performance of the group or organization, or even leader emergence. Each of these measures can be considered conceptually distinct. While these aspects may be related, they are different outcomes and their inclusion should depend on the applied or research focus.

Leadership traits

Most theories in the 20th century argued that great leaders were born, not made. Current studies have indicated that leadership is much more complex and cannot be boiled down to a few key traits of an individual. Years of observation and study have indicated that one such trait or a set of traits does not make an extraordinary leader. What scholars have been able to arrive at is that leadership traits of an individual do not change from situation to situation; such traits include intelligence, assertiveness, or physical attractiveness.[63] However, each key trait may be applied to situations differently, depending on the circumstances. The following summarizes the main leadership traits found in research by Jon P. Howell, business professor at New Mexico State University and author of the book Snapshots of Great Leadership.

Determination and drive include traits such as initiative, energy, assertiveness, perseverance, masculinity, and sometimes dominance. People with these traits often tend to wholeheartedly pursue their goals, work long hours, are ambitious, and often are very competitive with others. Cognitive capacity includes intelligence, analytical and verbal ability, behavioral flexibility, and good judgment. Individuals with these traits are able to formulate solutions to difficult problems, work well under stress or deadlines, adapt to changing situations, and create well-thought-out plans for the future. Howell provides examples of Steve Jobs and Abraham Lincoln as encompassing the traits of determination and drive as well as possessing cognitive capacity, demonstrated by their ability to adapt to their continuously changing environments.

Self-confidence encompasses the traits of high self-esteem, assertiveness, emotional stability, and self-assurance. Individuals that are self-confident do not doubt themselves or their abilities and decisions; they also have the ability to project this self-confidence onto others, building their trust and commitment. Integrity is demonstrated in individuals who are truthful, trustworthy, principled, consistent, dependent, loyal, and not deceptive. Leaders with integrity often share these values with their followers, as this

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trait is mainly an ethics issue. It is often said that these leaders keep their word and are honest and open with their cohorts. Sociability describes individuals who are friendly, extroverted, tactful, flexible, and interpersonally competent. Such a trait enables leaders to be accepted well by the public, use diplomatic measures to solve issues, as well as hold the ability to adapt their social persona to the situation at hand. According to Howell, Mother Teresa is an exceptional example that embodies integrity, assertiveness, and social abilities in her diplomatic dealings with the leaders of the world.

Few great leaders encompass all of the traits listed above, but many have the ability to apply a number of them to succeed as front-runners of their organization or situation.

The ontological–phenomenological model for leadership

One of the more recent definitions of leadership comes from Werner Erhard, Michael C. Jensen, Steve Zaffron, and Kari Granger who describe leadership as “an exercise in language that results in the realization of a future that wasn’t going to happen anyway, which future fulfills (or contributes to fulfilling) the concerns of the relevant parties…”. This definition ensures that leadership is talking about the future and includes the fundamental concerns of the relevant parties. This differs from relating to the relevant parties as “followers” and calling up an image of a single leader with others following. Rather, a future that fulfills on the fundamental concerns of the relevant parties indicates the future that wasn’t going to happen is not the “idea of the leader”, but rather is what emerges from digging deep to find the underlying concerns of those who are impacted by the leadership.

Organizations

An organization that is established as an instrument or means for achieving defined objectives has been referred to as a formal organization. Its design specifies how goals are subdivided and reflected in subdivisions of the organization. Divisions, departments, sections, positions, jobs, and tasks make up this work structure. Thus, the formal organization is expected to behave impersonally in regard to relationships with clients or with its members. According to Weber's definition, entry and subsequent advancement is by merit or seniority. Employees receive a salary and enjoy a degree of tenure that safeguards them from the arbitrary influence of superiors or of powerful clients. The higher one's position in the hierarchy, the greater one's presumed expertise in adjudicating problems that may arise

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in the course of the work carried out at lower levels of the organization. It is this bureaucratic structure that forms the basis for the appointment of heads or chiefs of administrative subdivisions in the organization and endows them with the authority attached to their position.

In contrast to the appointed head or chief of an administrative unit, a leader emerges within the context of the informal organization that underlies the formal structure. The informal organization expresses the personal objectives and goals of the individual membership. Their objectives and goals may or may not coincide with those of the formal organization. The informal organization represents an extension of the social structures that generally characterize human life — the spontaneous emergence of groups and organizations as ends in themselves.

In prehistoric times, humanity was preoccupied with personal security, maintenance, protection, and survival. Now humanity spends a major portion of waking hours working for organizations. The need to identify with a community that provides security, protection, maintenance, and a feeling of belonging has continued unchanged from prehistoric times. This need is met by the informal organization and its emergent, or unofficial, leaders.

Leaders emerge from within the structure of the informal organization. Their personal qualities, the demands of the situation, or a combination of these and other factors attract followers who accept their leadership within one or several overlay structures. Instead of the authority of position held by an appointed head or chief, the emergent leader wields influence or power. Influence is the ability of a person to gain co-operation from others by means of persuasion or control over rewards. Power is a stronger form of influence because it reflects a person's ability to enforce action through the control of a means of punishment.

A leader is a person who influences a group of people towards a specific result. It is not dependent on title or formal authority. (Elevos, paraphrased from Leaders, Bennis, and Leadership Presence, Halpern & Lubar.) Ogbonnia (2007) defines an effective leader "as an individual with the capacity to consistently succeed in a given condition and be viewed as meeting the expectations of an organization or society." Leaders are recognized by their capacity for caring for others, clear communication, and a commitment to persist. An individual who is appointed to a managerial position has the right to command and enforce obedience by virtue of the authority of their position. However, she or he must possess adequate

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personal attributes to match this authority, because authority is only potentially available to him/her. In the absence of sufficient personal competence, a manager may be confronted by an emergent leader who can challenge her/his role in the organization and reduce it to that of a figurehead. However, only authority of position has the backing of formal sanctions. It follows that whoever wields personal influence and power can legitimize this only by gaining a formal position in the hierarchy, with commensurate authority. Leadership can be defined as one's ability to get others to willingly follow. Every organization needs leaders at every level.

[edit] Management

Over the years the philosophical terminology of "management" and "leadership" have, in the organizational context, been used both as synonyms and with clearly differentiated meanings. Debate is fairly common about whether the use of these terms should be restricted, and generally reflects an awareness of the distinction made by Burns (1978) between "transactional" leadership (characterized by e.g. emphasis on procedures, contingent reward, management by exception) and "transformational" leadership (characterized by e.g. charisma, personal relationships, creativity).

Group leadership

In contrast to individual leadership, some organizations have adopted group leadership. In this situation, more than one person provides direction to the group as a whole. Some organizations have taken this approach in hopes of increasing creativity, reducing costs, or downsizing. Others may see the traditional leadership of a boss as costing too much in team performance. In some situations, the team members best able to handle any given phase of the project become the temporary leaders. Additionally, as each team member has the opportunity to experience the elevated level of empowerment, it energizes staff and feeds the cycle of success.

Leaders who demonstrate persistence, tenacity, determination, and synergistic communication skills will bring out the same qualities in their groups. Good leaders use their own inner mentors to energize their team and organizations and lead a team to achieve success.

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TUTORIAL TOPIC 6

5 marks

Group presentation to class

Present a case for improving leadership in the public services

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