BOOK REVIEW

Gilberto Q. Conchas and James Diego Vigil: StreetsmartSchoolsmart: Urban Poverty and the Education of Adolescent Boys

Teachers College Press, New York, 2012, 195 pp, ISBN: 0-8077-5319-X

Alexander C. Howell

Received: 20 November 2013 / Accepted: 21 November 2013 / Published online: 6 December 2013

� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013

In Streetsmart Schoolsmart, authors Gilberto Conchas and

James Diego Vigil examine the culture of inner city

schools and the issues that frequently prevent adolescent

boys from social mobility. They argue that ‘‘boys of

color’’, boys who are of Black, Latino, or Asian descent,

are inherently disadvantaged in the modern school system

due to the color of their skin and the unique challenges that

their ethnicity faces in society. Furthermore, they face the

constant choice between school attendance and ‘‘street

socialization’’: skipping out on school to participate in

gang activities or drug and alcohol usage, among other

things. Conchas and Vigil then go on to examine some

programs that have worked to deter enmeshment in the

‘‘street life’’ and encourage adolescent boys to make school

a priority, set goals for high school graduation and post-

secondary education, and work to improve their situation.

Their purpose in writing is to promote school reform and

the presence of these programs that provide the extra

support that at-risk urban adolescent boys need to create

and pursue goals for their future. The programs highlighted

in Streetsmart Schoolsmart have high success rates and

seem to have a plan that works, although there is little

information offered on how these plans may be widely

implemented and made available to a large number of

at-risk students.

The focus area for the study in Streetsmart Schoolsmart

is mostly the area surrounding Los Angles, CA, USA. As

minority immigration to the city took place throughout the

early 1900s, different ethnicities began to occupy different

areas of the city and faced the struggle of maintaining

cultural identity while adapting to American culture. Street

gangs were a common occurrence as a way for different

ethnicities to ‘‘protect their turf’’. Many of these gangs

experienced an increase in criminal behavior over the years

via narcotics sales and increased violence with other gangs.

Parents are often forced to work low paying jobs, some-

times two, for long hours, which leaves their children lar-

gely unsupervised. Parental support is shown to have a

direct relationship to their children’s success in school.

Criminal street gangs recruit young, and can easily sway

young boys from school attendance to gang attendance. In

school, there are vast opportunities to study hard and obtain

social mobility, but without strong parental support and

guidance, boys have little motivation to work hard in

school when they can skip and have fun with their fellow

gang members. Simply put, the street life is more attractive

to adolescents, and according to the authors, we need to

focus on drawing them back to school to break the cycle of

poverty. The authors first share the stories of three ado-

lescent boys who ultimately chose the path of street

socialization rather than a devotion to academic work.

Conchas and Vigil were able to find several programs that

offered incentives for young boys to stay in school. These

programs were successful in encouraging those that par-

ticipated that they could break the cycle of poverty and

obtain social mobility of they set goals for themselves.

Conchas and Vigil do not spend time analyzing the quality

of schools and the standard curriculum offered to students.

They use the examples of the after school programs and

label them as crucial ingredients in the success of at-risk

adolescent boys, not just in urban Los Angeles, but as a

model that should be widespread throughout urban com-

munities in the United States.

The introductory chapter of the book presents the two

concepts that fuel the rest of the book: social capital and

the ‘‘boy crisis’’. Social capital is not so much about

A. C. Howell (&)

Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, USA

e-mail: alchowel@indiana.edu

123

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DOI 10.1007/s10964-013-0069-4

financial capital, but rather more about equipping young

boys with proper acquaintances and networking to allow

them to establish a firm base of support to obtain social and

economic mobility. The programs discussed later on in the

book work to increase the social capital of young boys. The

main issues facing these programs are incentivizing boys to

resist the gang life and focus on their schooling. Young

boys often find what they think is ‘‘social capital’’ is found

in the gang life; they have a strong sense of belonging and

purpose, they feel a sense of family that they do not get at

home, and are often able to become financially wealthy if

their gang allows them to participate in narcotics sales. The

second concept that Conchas and Vigil consistently return

to is the ‘‘boy crisis’’- the disproportionate representation

of boys of color at the bottom of academic rankings. When

compared to white students, minorities average lower in

both GPA and standardized testing scores. Males are also

typically less proficient in schools than females. The cause

of this, according to Conchas and Vigil, is the aforemen-

tioned ‘‘street socialization’’ of young boys. The authors

champion the extracurricular programs discussed in depth

later on in their book as the way to lead urban adolescent

boys to success. What is ignored are other factors that

could also be employed to obtain the same goal, such as

law enforcement initiatives to prevent gang membership

and curtailing the activities of present gangs, or initiatives

to build a stronger nuclear family that offer young boys the

care and support they need.

The first chapter discusses the gang issue, the roots of

minority issues in schools and the roles of initiatives

between the community and the school. This chapter

begins the first half of the book, which offers a description

of gang and cultural issues, as well as first-hand accounts of

adolescent boys who have chosen the ‘‘street’’ path to

illustrate the reality of the situation to the reader and bring

support to the notion that something must be done. The

authors criticize certain conservatives who say that every-

one starts from the same point and that everyone has an

equal chance to be successful. Citing the forces of poverty

and inadequate schooling, they show how this is simply not

the case. The main issue facing many minorities is that, as

immigration occurs, they struggle with maintaining their

former culture while adapting to a new one. The presence

of partnerships between the school and surrounding com-

munity are key. Urban schools are at a preliminary disad-

vantage due to inadequate funding, lack of a strong

administration, and lack of quality teachers. Community

based organizations are working to assist the schools by

working to encourage youth to attend school and work

hard. This returns to the importance of social capital in

adolescence. The community organizations that are able to

build this social capital in adolescent boys are able to

redirect them from the street back to the classroom. This

eases a heavy burden on the schools to both promote school

attendance and provide quality academics while being

faced with highly limited resources. Another dimension

that schools must face is the presence of multiple cultures

that require a multi-faceted approach. The key to success is

bridging the gap from the street to the school, reconnecting

with these children and bringing them back to a path to

success.

The second chapter tells the story of a Vietnamese

immigrant boy, Jared, who entered a life of gang mem-

bership on the street. Like many minority children, Jared

never knew his father and his mother was often not at home

due to work. Jared lacked a strong male influence in his life

and did not find a strong sense of support at home. Jared

started off well in school, but as his street socialization

progressed, his school performance and attendance

declined. Jared began selling and using drugs and was

involved in criminal activity. From age 15 on, his life went

back and forth between his criminal activity and attempting

to do well in school. Jared struggles with drug usage but

was able to obtain a college degree. Jared is an example of

someone who lacked a strong influence at home and turned

to drugs because he had nothing better to do. If someone

was able to reach out to him, how would has social capital

have been affected? Conchas and Vigil argue that the

absence of these social capital building opportunities dur-

ing the crucial development phase in adolescence hindered

Jared’s success. Another factor that could have increased

Jared’s difficulties was difficulty adjusting to American

culture. While he faced the challenges of adapting to

American life and school, he was able to do something

where he felt more comfortable when he was spending time

with Vietnamese gang members who shared his culture.

Chapter 3 discusses gang membership within African

American adolescent boys. Black street gangs developed as

early as the 1950s in Los Angeles, culminating with the

development of two of the most formidable gangs

throughout the United States: the Crips and the Bloods.

Gang membership was fueled by White violence and

increased poverty and unemployment among the African

American population. This chapter tells the story of Sam-

uel, a half Native American and half Black boy. His mother

declined to share with him his Native American roots after

bringing him to LA from Oklahoma at a young age.

Samuel never knew his father, a common theme among

boys living in impoverished areas. Samuel found success in

school as a football player; he was very talented. However,

1 day he was presented with the opportunity to begin

selling drugs. Samuel began to make large amounts of

money and started skipping school. As he should have been

finishing high school, he was arrested and sent to a cor-

rectional facility. Samuel was doing well in school. He

reportedly had a B average and was a star on the football

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team. School may not have been his issue as Conchas and

Vigil argue in the theme of this book. Another possible

motivating factor for Samuel was the unemployment and

poverty that surrounded him. He likely noticed the odds

that were against him. Even if he did graduate school,

money was scarce and jobs were even scarcer. He was

making a fortune dealing drugs while going to school, more

money than he could have made had he graduated and gone

on to an honest job. This was a way for him to become

wealthy without having to break through the ‘‘glass ceil-

ing’’ that many adolescent boys view as hindering their

future. Samuel was given a second chance after his arrest.

After his release, he left the gang, got his GED and now

owns a small business pouring concrete. Samuel is an

example of a problem facing many urban adolescent boys

in today’s society: they are viewed as deficient based on

their socioeconomic status. Samuel had potential to rise his

way out of poverty, but had conflicting interests between

his schooling and street socialization that eventually cros-

sed paths when he was arrested.

Mexican immigrants face similar problems to those of

Vietnamese immigrants: poverty, lack of employment, and

the struggle to adapt to American culture while clinging to

the former culture that gives them their identity. Chapter 4

tells the story of Pedro, the son of Mexican immigrants.

Pedro’s parents remained together throughout his child-

hood, but worked long hours. Pedro had uncles who had

gang affiliations. These uncles honored Pedro’s parents’

wishes to not bring him into their gangs, but there were

plenty of others in the area. Pedro faced a unique set of

choices in his life: Pedro wanted to become a police officer,

but could not resist becoming involved with gang activities.

Pedro had trouble in school, he was kicked out of multiple

schools, mostly for fighting. Pedro gave up on school and

began skipping to participate in gang activities. However,

Pedro’s secret dream of being a police officer stayed.

Pedro’s admission to the LAPD police explorer program

kept him away from gang activity for a while, although he

eventually went back, was arrested, and kicked out of the

program. Pedro finally got a steady job at a factory, but was

fired 1 day because he could not give up smoking mari-

juana and failed a drug test. Pedro finally was able to clean

up and now works for the LA Community Development

Commission. Unlike Jared and Samuel, Pedro had a family

and male influences in his life. However, it was his uncles

who influenced him the most and he was drawn into gang

life. Despite struggle with returning to gang activity, Pedro

was able to create within himself a sense of identity outside

of the street, first with the police explorers, then with his

factory job. Creating an identity outside of the street is

necessary for moving beyond it. The programs discussed

by Conchas and Vigil later in the book are geared towards

creating these new identities and giving a sense of positive

direction to its participants. Pedro is an example of

someone who clearly wanted to elevate himself from his

street life, but was not given the proper resources to do it. If

programs are going to be successful, then they need to

recruit boys as passionately as the street gangs do. The

stories of Jared, Samuel and Pedro are all supposed to

exemplify the types of adolescent boys that the assistance

programs discussed in the second half of the book are

aimed to help. The cycle of poverty is perpetuated by

American society not investing itself in adolescent boys

such as these three, and it will remain until we can motivate

and equip young adolescent males to work their way out.

What is not stated in this book is the relationships these

three boys had with any sort of assistance program.

Questions remain as to whether programs were available

and, if so, what kinds of programs were offered. Would the

boys have taken the opportunity if they were presented?

Did anyone present them the opportunity to enter an after

school program to increase their school participation and

chances of getting into college?

Chapter 5 is dedicated to the influx of Mexican immi-

grants coming to the California area and what it means for

the educational system. One issue facing Mexican youth in

the educational system is a lack of English proficiency, and

the lack of involvement from parents who fear deportation

due to being in the country illegally. Latinos, facing racism

from the communities they moved into, struggled to obtain

an education while maintaining pride in their Latino heri-

tage. Latinos struggled to get Latino school administrators

and teachers who were able to be sensitive to and respond

to their needs. As schools begin to take a more multi-

cultural approach to education, more Latinos are able to be

educated more appropriately. The portrait the book has

painted to this point of minority boys depicts a persuasive

argument that the street life is strongly attractive for many

reasons: lack of support at home, poverty, no incentive to

work hard in school, peer pressures, and so forth. Similar to

Jared, the Vietnamese immigrant, Latinos will commonly

choose the path of street socialization over schools when

the street does not require them to venture outside their

cultural comfort zone. Adolescents are facing many chan-

ges in their lives at these ages as they grow and develop,

and cannot be blamed for attempting to avoid the addi-

tional pressure of assimilating to a whole new culture on

top of that.

Chapter 6 begins the second half of the book, which

takes the image that has been portrayed thus far and

describes programs geared towards setting youths similar

to Jared, Samuel, and Pedro on a path towards college and

success instead of being on the street and on a path to

prison. The title of Chapter 6, ‘‘They Make Me Feel Like I

Am Somebody,’’ shows what adolescents really want: to

feel like someone who is valued and supported. These

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programs aim to fulfill these desires, except with positive

goals instead of forcing youth to obtain this fulfillment

through gang participation. The first organization examined

is called ‘‘The Club’’ and takes place in a large city on the

East Coast. As one may expect, truancy oftentimes serves

as a springboard for adolescent street socialization. Orga-

nizations such as The Club and The Truancy Project in

Atlanta, GA, and the Urban Youth Center aim to decrease

truancy by pairing adolescents with volunteer mentors who

will provide positive encouragement to attend school on a

regular basis and assist them in setting goals for the future

such as attending college. Programs aim to decrease tru-

ancy and increase academic performance by giving its

participants assistance and support that they cannot receive

from often under-equipped urban schools. In some pro-

grams, students are assigned case workers who work with

them intensively, even visiting them at home and school to

ensure they are staying on track. The success of these

programs can be tracked not only to the support that is

given from another person but also in the fact that many of

these places offer an actual place to go. Many of these

children are reluctant to go home for various reasons, and

providing them with an alternative that provides them with

genuine caring support is very well received. Adolescents

who participate in these programs have a safe place to

come and interact with those who share similar struggles,

receive support and a positive plan for their future, and

even sometimes get something to eat. Because of these

community based initiatives, students can see themselves

as a catalyst for change and see potential within themselves

to be more than just another statistic that cannot break the

‘‘glass ceiling’’ of poverty. The problem with Conchas and

Vigil’s portrayals of these programs is that there is clearly a

well-functioning program in place, but there is little

empirical evidence on how effective these programs are in

their area.

Chapter 7 discusses the California Career Academies,

which are specialized programs in urban schools that take

the previous programs a step further. The Academies

combine small learning communities with college prep

curriculums and partnerships with potential employers. The

curriculums are specially tailored to developing skills for

students who want to move into certain careers and mix

together students from different ethnicities. Students who

participated reported a close knit learning culture that is not

affected by race and that they frequently work with people

of a different ethnicity. Students are encouraged by their

success and their ability to work with people of different

cultures. Their ability to begin developing a career for

adulthood during adolescent years provides a sense of

motivation to work hard and a feeling of certainty. How-

ever, students who participate in this Academy program

have to maintain certain grades and be classified as

proficient in the English language. Because of these

requirements, they ostracize one of the most at risk classes

of adolescents that Conchas and Vigil are trying to help:

those that are having trouble learning due to cultural or

other reasons that may hinder their progress in basic aca-

demics. These programs may in fact reduce truancy, but

due to the higher level of academic success, this approach

likely does not target the most at risk students.

Chapter 8 discusses the election of Barack Obama as

President of the United States and what it means for the

social mobility of minorities. Many see Obama as having

shattered the ‘‘glass ceiling’’ that prevents many minority

boys from rising out of poverty. Many black students see

the accomplishments of Obama as a representation of what

could be them if they work hard. Students admit to feeling

that there is racial discrimination in the classroom that

hinders their success. They cite various stereotypes and

media depictions of blacks and how that contributes to

society’s racism and view of blacks. However, to many, the

election of Obama has changed that for many people.

People now turn on the television and see not only ste-

reotypes but also a black man as the leader of the United

States. This creates a whole new image of what it means to

be a black male in today’s society. The presence of racism

and racial barriers in schools is real, according to some

students interviewed by the authors. In addition to the

programs that aim to increase the success of minority

adolescents, reforms should be put in place to curtail racial

barriers in schools and to equip schools that serve mostly

impoverished minority youth with the same resources and

qualified faculty as a suburban school. Work needs to be

done in communities so students will no longer see their

race as a hindrance.

Chapter 9 draws the book to a close by discussing the

possibilities of comprehensive school reform. The authors

return to the notion of working to provide urban adolescent

boys with the opportunity to acquire social capital, neces-

sary support and networking to set themselves on the path

to success. They cite the importance of gaining not just

enough social capital to get them off the streets, but enough

to get them into a promising future. They note that pro-

grams like the ones discussed in chapters 6 and 7 are small

and do not have the resources to cover everyone. The book

comes to a close with the authors giving suggestions for

moving towards educational reform: school improvement,

enhanced out of school programs, promotion of health,

enhancement of the environment and stable housing,

enhancement of youth employment and juvenile justice

reform. It is here that the book presents its greatest defi-

ciency. While the authors are off to a great start by labeling

the factors hindering education in urban areas today, pro-

viding examples of street socialized youth, providing

examples of successful programs, and giving an appraisal

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of what needs to be done next, there is little presented in

terms of a concrete way to expand initiatives to reach out to

an increased number of urban adolescent boys. After

reading Streetsmart Schoolsmart, readers have an unmis-

takable portrait of the problems that are facing urban

adolescent boys today, and examples of how to fix it, now

all that is necessary is a method for implementation of

reform.

Streetsmart Schoolsmart paints a convicting picture of

the social forces that are at work in today’s urban envi-

ronment (poverty, tension between cultures, family issues,

gangs, etc.) as well as educational issues (truancy, poor

funding for urban schools, deficiencies in teachers and

school administrators, etc.). The reader is taken through the

heartbreaking stories of three young boys who struggled

with the street life, then shown the success stories of pro-

grams who are helping students in similar situations create

a new life for themselves through academic pursuits. The

study of adolescence benefits from this work as it provides

a blueprint of the issues facing urban adolescent youths and

provides valuable insight on how to correct the problem.

This type of research confirms well broader sociological and

developmental research that emphasizes the importance of

education in preventing the development of criminal

careers (Blomberg et al. 2012) and how educational chal-

lenges come from a variety of social sources that place

youth at risk for offending (see Nichols and Loper 2012;

Maynard et al. 2012). The only thing left is to develop a

way to fund and implement educational reform in the

United States so that many more urban adolescents can

reap the benefits of an education and break the cycle of

poverty that forces so many young boys to become

streetsmart, rather than schoolsmart.

References

Blomberg, T. G., Bales, W. D., & Piquero, A. R. (2012). Is

educational achievement a turning point for incarcerated delin-

quents across race and sex? Journal of Youth and Adolescence,

41, 202–216.

Maynard, B. R., Salas-Wright, C. P., Vaughn, M. G., & Peters, K. E.

(2012). Who are truant youth? Examining distinctive profiles of

truant youth using latent profile analysis. Journal of Youth and

Adolescence, 41, 1671–1684.

Nichols, E. B., & Loper, A. B. (2012). Incarceration in the household:

Academic outcomes of adolescents with an incarcerated house-

hold member. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 41, 1455–1471.

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