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Gender Differences in Attitudes to Undergraduate Fieldwork Author(s): Sarah Maguire Source: Area, Vol. 30, No. 3 (Sep., 1998), pp. 207-214 Published by: The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20003897 . Accessed: 14/06/2014 12:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Area. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 62.122.79.56 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 12:41:34 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Gender Differences in Attitudes to Undergraduate Fieldwork

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Gender Differences in Attitudes to Undergraduate FieldworkAuthor(s): Sarah MaguireSource: Area, Vol. 30, No. 3 (Sep., 1998), pp. 207-214Published by: The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20003897 .

Accessed: 14/06/2014 12:41

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) is collaborating with JSTOR todigitize, preserve and extend access to Area.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 62.122.79.56 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 12:41:34 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Area (I1998) 30.3, 207-214

Gender differences in attitudes to

undergraduate fieldwork

Sarah Maguire Department of Environmental and Biological Studies, Liverpool Hope University College, Hope Park,

Liverpool L16 9JD. Email: maguirc(livhope.ac.uk

Revised manuscript received 29 April 1998.

Summary Although there has been some research examining the implications of changes in funding in higher education for undergraduate fieldwork, there has been little work looking at the effects that a more diverse student body has upon activities of this nature. This study aims to begin to redress this by researching the attitudes of students to fieldwork, and specifically by highlighting their gender differences.

Introduction

McDowell and Peake (1990), using their own survey statistics for 1988, showed that in UK university geography departments, the percentage of women undergraduates was 43 6. However, proportionally fewer women are entering postgraduate study in geography than their male counterparts (McDowell 1979; McKendrick 1996); in 1988, 32 per cent of UK geography postgraduates were women (McDowell and Peake 1990). McDowell attributed this trend partly to women's lack of self-confidence and the difficulties of entering a male-dominated profession.

Data from McKendrick's 1996 survey of UK post graduate geography in the 1 990s illustrate a number of trends in progression to further study in physical and human geography. In particular, for physical geography, although more women are progressing to further study in this area, the proportion of women among physical geography postgraduates has fallen, owing to a correspondingly greater increase in male postgraduates. One possible reason given for this is that undergraduate physical geography has become less attractive to women, hence deterring them from pursuing its study further (McKendrick 1996). The problem may, however, occur earlier than this. Lee (1996), in her examination of geogra phy at school level in Australia, identified (in discus sions with boys) a perception of a particular kind of masculinity associated with the physical aspects of geography.

If it is important for us to strengthen and maintain the position of women as physical geographers, we

must ask and answer the following question: why is physical geography unappealing to women? Physical geography has had a perceived allegiance with science, itself a traditionally gendered discourse (Keller 1985; McEwan 1998; Rose 1993), and it is further affected by its association with the field and field-based research, again areas with a gendered tradition (McEwan 1998; Sparke 1996). Fieldwork has been presented as a tough and heroic activity, 'a particular kind of masculine endeavour' (Rose 1993; Sparke 1996). Stoddart (1 986) states that the acquisition of 'real' geographical knowledge takes place in the field as a result of an interaction of physical, mental and emotional experiences. In fact, Stoddart suggests that fieldwork is as much about the physical challenge as it is to do with furthering our knowledge of geography. In a special edition of Professional Geographer (46(1), 1994), a selection of feminist writings examine and discuss the problems inherent in fieldwork as it is commonly portrayed (England 1994; Gilbert 1994; Katz 1994; Kobayashi 1994; Nast 1994; Staeheli and Lawson 1994).

One of the introductory experiences UK under graduates have of physical geography is that of the often compulsory first-year fieldtrip. A variety of issues arises for students on fieldwork, including domestic responsibilities, finance, health and fitness. These and other factors may be at least partially responsible for provoking gendered responses. It is

ISSN 0004-0894 ? Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 1998

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208 Maguire

possible that it is this correlation between fieldwork issues and physical geography that some women find difficult, and it is at this early stage that patterns for future study are determined.

If, as McDowell (1997, 382) states, that 'for a feminist geographer the ultimate aim is a more socially just society, in which inequalities based on gender differences no longer have the same signifi cance', then for a woman involved in the education of geographers, the removal of any inequalities that impinge on the undergraduate experience must be a serious consideration. This particular study addresses the issue of fieldwork and examines key questions:

whether there are gender differences in attitudes to fieldwork; whether women have particular needs in relation to fieldwork and how they can be addressed; and whether the fieldwork experience affects their subsequent studies in geography.

Rationale for fieldwork

Fieldwork trips have long been included in geogra phy undergraduate courses and, in many instances, these have been a compulsory element of the course. Fieldwork at the undergraduate level is usu ally justified through its multiple aims, including skills acquisition and reinforcement, experiential learning, and responding to the challenges of different physi cal environments (McEwan 1996). These environ

ments provide a means of initiating and developing students' understanding of their discipline (Gold et al 1991; Jenkins 1994). It is felt by many geography academics that the use of virtual aids such as slides, computer simulations and textbooks cannot adequately replace first-hand experience in the field (Haigh and Gold 1993).

Fieldwork gives opportunities for learning which cannot be duplicated in the classroom. It greatly enhances students' understanding of geographical features and concepts, and allows students to develop specific as well as general skills. (HMI 1992, 8)

In addition, fieldwork is thought to provide oppor tunities for team-building, producing a cohesive student body and better staff-student relationships (HMI 1992). Recently in the UK, the traditional

model of week-long residential field courses has been constrained, owing to increased student num bers, increased strains on staff resources, financial costs and a more diverse student body (Jenkins 1994). This latter factor is of particular relevance to this study. There are increasing numbers of 'mature',

often female, students who face domestic responsi bilities, in addition to the financial burden felt by all students. With these students in mind, the com pulsory nature of residential fieldwork is open to question. These issues are relevant also to the grow ing minority of female academic geographers who

may have to juggle commitments in order to meet the fieldwork requirements of their job.

The justification for fieldwork as a valuable edu cational experience is widely accepted (HMI 1992). However, to place any group (such as women students) in an historically gendered environment (such as the field) without reflecting on their real or perceived needs may not be good pedagogical practice.

The study

This paper is based around research conducted at Liverpool Hope University College, a small higher education institution based in the North-West of England. Liverpool Hope University College is explic itly committed to providing opportunities for people, irrespective of age and gender, and in particular for those who might otherwise not have an opportunity to enter higher education. In meeting this aim, in 1995-96, 70 per cent of registered students were

women and 30 per cent of students were classified as 'mature' (over the age of 23 on entry). The high number of women studying at Liverpool Hope is primarily accounted for by the large number of female students working towards a BEd degree,

which qualifies them to teach 4-11-year-old chil dren. However, 55 per cent of first-year students studying either geography and/or environmental studies were female, an above-average percentage of students compared with the national figures for university geography departments (43 6 per cent in 1988) (McDowell and Peake 1990). It is apparent, therefore, that Liverpool Hope must address the needs of this majority of its student body when designing undergraduate courses. This then leads to the question: do women have needs that have not been addressed and that must be considered?

The Environmental and Biological Studies Depart ment at Liverpool Hope University College includes a compulsory fieldtrip in its first-year programme for students studying courses in geography and/or environmental studies for BA, Bsc and BEd com bined subject degrees. In May 1996, the students

were able to choose between residential courses in the French Alps or Wales. In addition, to meet the

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Gender differences in attitudes to undergraduate fieldwork 209

Tablel Location choices of all first-year students (total= 205: 92 male, 113 female)

Location % male students % female students

French Alps 62 58 Wales 16 18 Romania 14 18 North-West England 8 6

Note: the students who attended the Romanian fieldtrip were not included in this study, as it took place out of term-time and had a different itinerary

Table 2 Location choices of questionnaire respondents (total 100: 50 male, 50 female)

Location % male students % female students

French Alps 76 82 Wales 14 4 North-West England 10 14

needs of mature students and those suffering finan cial difficulties, a non-residential course based in the North-West of England was introduced in 1996 (Tables 1 and 2). The content of the courses was

designed in such a way that students participated in the same tasks, regardless of their choice of location.

Academic staffing within the Environmental and Biological Studies Department has a gender balance of 12 men and 13 women: four women tutors are involved in physical or biogeographical research. All residential fieldtrips are carefully planned, with a balance of geographical expertise and gender at each location. Whereas nationally the gender imbal ance of tutors may possibly perpetuate the gener ation of gender differences, this is not a factor within

geography and fieldwork at Liverpool Hope. How ever, it is possible that tutors might unintentionally perpetuate gender stereotypes through their behav iour and attitudes. This requires further investigation before any conclusions can be drawn.

A questionnaire survey was undertaken of 100 first-year students one week after returning from fieldwork. The survey aimed to assess: the reasons behind students' choice of location; their percep tions of the fitness requirements of a range of fieldwork activities (classified broadly as ecology tasks, physical geography tasks and human geogra

100

80

40 20

20~~~~~~~~~~

E a

Factors

Figure 1 Most important factors affecting students' choice of fieldwork location

phy tasks); and their levels of enjoyment of a range of fieldwork activities.

Structured interviews were undertaken with a smaller number of students from each location, in order to gather subjective information regarding their attitudes to, and reflections upon, their first-year fieldwork experience. All students were invited to volunteer to be interviewed; a selection of these was made to give a balance of gender, age and choice of location. Students were asked, separately, a series of questions that allowed them to reflect and elaborate upon issues raised in the questionnaire survey. Their responses were tape-recorded in full to preserve the sense of their views, and at all times students were able to withdraw from the interview if they felt a question was inappropriate.

Results

Choice of location Results indicate that choice of fieldwork location was governed significantly by a personal desire to visit a particular location, with the cost of the fieldtrip being the second most important factor (Figure 1). Gender differences were apparent: 34 per cent of males ranked cost as having a low importance, compared to 14 per cent of females (Figure 2). A small percent age of students (those with children) ranked home responsibilities as being a significant factor in their choice of fieldwork location. Interestingly, these

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21 0 Maguire

100

80

460

20

E

0~~~~~~~~~~

Factors

Figure 2 Least important factors affecting students' choice of fieldwork location

students' choices of location were split between those who selected residential courses because they

wanted a break from family responsibilities and a chance to socialize, and those who selected non residential courses owing to an inability to arrange childcare, or a feeling that their family could not cope

without them. The numerical data were supported by interview responses. Most students articulated a desire to visit the location of their choice:

I chose Caerdeon [North Wales] for financial reasons, and I prefer UK-based fieldtrips as they are a more

economical use of time. (male, 26) I chose the North-West trip as I wanted to explore my

local area, and also I like to go home to my own bed at

night; also it was cheaper. (female, 42, children) I went to France because I liked the area and my friends

were going there. (female, 20) A cheap opportunity to go abroad, the Alps sounds exciting. (male, 27)

Interestingly, one male student stated:

I chose the area being studied [the Alps] because I was aware that one of my strongest weaknesses [sic] was

glaciation and this was the best way of learning first

hand. (male, 20)

The students were also asked if any group of people were, or would be, particularly disadvantaged by compulsory fieldtrips. Their answers identified three groups, summarized in the responses below:

Fieldwork may disadvantage people with prior home commitments, eg aged parents, children or those who have disabilities which may prevent them from leaving the area for long periods. (female, 42)

Those who may be in economic difficulty ... or those in wheelchairs. (male, 20)

Most students felt that, when selecting a geography course, students should be aware of, and prepared for, compulsory fieldwork, but recognized that a non-residential fieldtrip resolved some of the issues.1

Assessment of fitness The most significant gender differences were appar ent in the students' assessments of their own fitness level and their level of tiredness at the end of the fieldtrip. Almost a quarter (22 per cent) of male students perceived their fitness level to be high, compared with only 4 per cent of females; con versely only 4 per cent of males classified themselves as unfit, in contrast to 20 per cent of females. Similarly, 22 per cent of females claimed to be exhausted by the week's activities, compared with only 6 per cent of male students; 32 per cent of males claimed to feel 'okay' at the end of the week, compared with only 6 per cent of females. Fieldwork, and in particular physical geography fieldwork con ducted in an alpine environment, demands a reason able level of fitness. Physical activity has been described as a 'primary masculinity-validating experi ence', establishing an ethos where to admit to an inability to cope would be to appear weak or femi nine (Dubbert 1979; Dunning 1994). The results reflect the trend for male students to be more

competitive and performance-orientated than female students (Plaisted 1995). According to this survey of sports research, a person's expectation of achieve

ment is a good predictor of achievement behaviour and performance outcome. Plaisted's research has shown that females tend to have lower expectations of success than males in situations where the task is perceived to be masculine and where social com parisons will be made. It was expected that some of the female students would have low expectations of their fitness in comparison to the group and, hence, less confidence in their ability to perform on the

more physically demanding fieldwork tasks. This explanation was illustrated by the students'

perceptions of the fitness levels required by the various fieldwork activities. 56 per cent (36 per cent) of females (males) feel that you have to be fit or very fit for human geography activities; 74 per cent

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Gender differences in attitudes to undergraduate fieldwork 21 1

(52 per cent) for ecology and 84 per cent (68 per cent) for physical geography.

Again, the interview responses highlighted these issues:

No, fitness isn't an issue for me, if it was I would be

embarrassed and probably wouldn't say anything. (male, 20) I benefited from being fit and went further. If I had been

unable to cope I would have still tried to complete the walk, so as not to upset others or staff. I would not like

to be seen as a failure. I know several mature women

who really struggled in the Alps and it put them off EVS [environmental studies]. (male, 27) I was reasonably fit, if I was struggling I would feel

embarrassed and a burden on the rest of the group.

(male, 26) I would feel depressed, useless, not for me. (male, 20)

Fitness wasn't a problem on this fieldtrip [North-West] but I feel that I could not have coped well with an

Alpine venture, with climbs every day ... I did struggle at one point getting up a hill and dropped back. A

tutor then dropped back with me, and another female student. (female, 42) I would feel embarrassed but would have admitted it [lack of fitness]. (female, 19)

Yes, fitness affected my speed of walking-I missed out on parts of talks so felt annoyed at myself for being unfit. I got fitter during the fieldtrip. (female, 20)

Although both male and female students identified with a feeling of embarrassment on finding the tasks too strenuous, the female students were more inclined to admit to this feeling and to look to others for support. Male students were more determined not to be seen as a 'failure' or a 'burden' upon the group.

Enjoyment of fieldwork The students' levels of enjoyment for the fieldwork activities varied. Males showed a marked preference for physical geography (28 per cent ranked it highly), compared with ecology (8 per cent) and human geography (8 per cent), whereas the females exhib ited a near consistent level of enjoyment for all activities (18 per cent, 16 per cent and 18 per cent respectively). By contrast, approximately 6-10 per cent of each gender group rated both ecology and human geography tasks as being not enjoyable. However, whereas 6 per cent of females felt that physical geography activities fell into this category, no males did.

The results emphasize a consistent level of enjoy ment by women for all geographical subject activi ties, and a marked preference for physical geography

amongst males. This suggests that it is not that female students are averse to physical geography, rather that male students are far more inclined to study physical geography. The ensuing numerical domi nance of male students may perpetuate gendered values extrinsic to the discipline.

Female students indicated a greater level of enjoy ment for activities that involved being in groups, either socially or academically, such as sharing accommodation or working together on projects (a summary of their responses is given in Table 3). They showed less enjoyment for activities that afforded them some discomfort, such as travelling, evening tasks and hillwalking.

The majority of both male and female students enjoyed socializing and carrying out practical field

work tasks, and recognized the experience of 'real situations rather than textbook' as being bene ficial. However, during the interviews, issues arose concerning students' attitudes to fieldwork, their motivation and commitment to work.

Question: what was your most enjoyable fieldwork experience? Being out in the field ... (male, 26) Doing experiments ... walking in the countryside. (female, 42)

Actually getting out in the field . .. seeing things for real. (female, 20) The social side, being away from home. (female, 19) Relaxed, as outside along with tutors. You get to know tutors and others in groups. The social side, ie pub at night. (female, 20) The walks, the scenery, the knowledge of achievement, of completing the longer walks ... and easily ... (male, 20)

Interestingly, this last student emphasized the feeling of achievement, reinforcing the premise of field

work's heroic image.

Question: what was your least enjoyable fieldwork experience? Rushing from one place to another. (female, 20) Amount of work, long hours ... (male, 27) Work at night ... (female, 20) The extent and amount of work after returning from the field. (male, 20)

The geography side-particularly glaciers. (female, 19) I least enjoyed the attitudes of certain young men on the course. One young man in particular failed to work responsively in groupwork, he regarded the trip as an outing, and his attitude to the absence of staff during one period provoked a juvenile response. (female, 42)

This last-quoted student was committed to the view that a number of younger male students showed a

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212 Maguire

Table 3 Student enjoyment levels of aspects of fieldwork (female (male) % of gender group)

enjoyable/very enjoyable okay not enjoyable

Travelling 12 (30) 54 (54) 34 (16) Tutors' company 66 (82) 32 (16) 2 (2) Shared accommodation 76 (62) 14 (22) 0 (6) Socializing 80 (80) 18 (16) 2 (2) Projects 60 (44) 48 (50) 0 (6) Evening tasks 10 (14) 40 (36) 44 (48) Individual work 32 (30) 62 (66) 4 (4)

Hillwalking 70 (88) 18 (10) 12 (2) Real situations not textbook 80 (90) 20 (6) 0 (0) Practical fieldwork tasks 82 (80) 16 (20) 2 (0) Finding out about different cultures 62 (54) 28 (34) 2 (2) Group work 84 (76) 16 (22) 0 (2) Ecology topics 52 (42) 34 (36) 6 (10) Human geography topics 58 (42) 26 (42) 8 (10) Physical geography topics 70 (78) 18 (20) 6 (0)

Notes: 1 Bold type is used to highlight figures of particular interest 2 The first column is an aggregation of those who indicated 'very enjoyable' and

'enjoyable' to the questions asked

lack of application to fieldwork that detracted from the whole group enjoyment of the experience. These feelings were supported by comments made by the same set of students when questioned about their experience of participating in group projects during fieldwork. The following quotes indicate a more general trend of gendered tensions within groups, reflecting differences in motivation and approach to tasks:

The girls had to motivate him [aged 18] all the time, he did not pull his weight. (female, 21)

The male student in question commented:

The girls were very sexist, always getting at me, I don't know why. Our group didn't work well, as the lads [all aged 191

liked to have snowball fights! (female, 20) We [an all-male group aged 19] found follow up work

difficult-it was a nice sunny day, what more can I say.

(male, 19)

Students were also asked to comment on attitudes to fieldwork or any gendered behaviour exhibited on fieldwork by any group of students:

Men often think they are better and fitter and try to show off to impress; we also try to show dominance over the female students, ie here you are, give it to me,

I'll do it. We often treat females as incapable, whereas the females tend to think ahead rather than rushing in,

which is good. (male, 20) Mostly the males messed around, perhaps childish behav iour. Females tend to be more responsible. (female, 19) Some young males exhibited behaviour that made me uncomfortable ... lack of commitment. (female, 42) Older women or men, I believe, felt insecure about going. It is a new thing for a middle-aged person to go away with a younger bunch of people. (male, 27)

How, therefore, can the needs of women and mature students be met, without some alterations to the established pattern of undergraduate fieldwork? Students were asked how fieldwork could be modi fied to address these issues. Some solutions were rather radical:

Segregate the matures and women (girls) from young men. (female, 42) ... separate fieldtrips for matures ... (male, 27)

Current educational debate examining the falling achievement of males in UK schools and evidence that segregation of the sexes for lessons improves both male and female performance might suggest that this is a potential solution. However, a more immediately useful response was:

Include more team-building exercises to get to know people. (male, 20)

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Gender differences in attitudes to undergraduate fieldwork 213

Conclusion

The main gender differences shown by the students questioned in this survey were in their perceptions of their own fitness level, and of the fitness levels required for fieldwork tasks. This then affected their

subsequent enjoyment of these fieldwork tasks, particularly those of a more strenuous nature, such as ecology and physical geography. The young male students' views reinforced the gendered male stereotypes of achievement and their embarrass

ment at physical failure. It is possible that women are less drawn to physi

cal geography, partly because they feel they are not fit enough to participate fully in the fieldwork activi ties, and/or because they cannot compete and win

within the framework established and perpetuated by male students. In either case, one step towards encouraging female students to select physical geography courses may be to address the issue of perceived and actual fitness. Preparing female stu dents in advance, by using briefing or discussion sessions and training walks, may help students to focus on whether their relative fitness would be a problem on fieldwork. Sympathetic staff or students from previous years may be able to provide coping strategies for less fit students, enabling them to be

more confident in their own ability to participate successfully.

As suggested by one student, group difficulties might be prevented by an increased understanding of the diverse motivations of both male and female students. To address this, group work has been developed in the first-year undergraduate curriculum at Liverpool Hope by the 'Geography for the New Undergraduate' project (a Higher Education Funding Council Fund for the Development of Teaching and Learning project).

As geographers and educationalists, it is our duty, if we believe that it is important to encourage

women in physical geography, to deconstruct the field as a masculine domain. The challenge that faces us is to reconstruct that introductory undergraduate experience so that it reflects the needs and aspira tions of the diverse student community of the future, and moves away from being the 'character-building rite-of-passage' of the past (Sparke 1996).

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my colleague Dr Teresa Ploszajska for her constructive advice on this manuscript.

Note

1 As an increasingly diverse student cohort enter higher education, the needs of students with disabilities will have to be addressed in full, particularly in relation to the survey results regarding fitness.

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