Gamson_Wolfsfeld(1993)_Movements and Media as Interacting Systems

7/29/2019 Gamson_Wolfsfeld(1993)_Movements and Media as Interacting Systems

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American Academy of Political and Social Science

Movements and Media as Interacting SystemsAuthor(s): William A. Gamson and Gadi WolfsfeldSource: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 528, Citizens,Protest, and Democracy (Jul., 1993), pp. 114-125Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political

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ANNALS, AAPSS, 528, July 1993

Movements and Mediaas Interacting Systems

By WILLIAMA. GAMSONand GADIWOLFSFELD

ABSTRACT:n this article, some organizing principles and hypoth-eses are offered concerning the ways in which social movementsinteract with the news media and the outcomes for both parties. Thestructural part of the analysis focuses attention on the power anddependency aspects of the relationship and the consequences of theasymmetries. The cultural part focuses attention on the more subtlecontest over meaning. Hypotheses on how social movement charac-teristics affect media coverage focus on movement standing, pre-ferred framing, and sympathy. The authors argue for the importanceof organization, professionalism, and strategic planning and for thebenefits of a division of labor among movement actors. Hypotheseson how media characteristics affect movement outcomes focus onleadership, action strategy, and framing strategy. The authors arguefor audience size, emphasis on the visual, and emphasis on entertain-ment values as influencing movements.

William A. Gamson is professor of sociology at Boston College and codirector of theMedia Research and Action Project. His books include Talking Politics (1992) and TheStrategy of Social Protest (second edition, 1990). He is currently president-elect of theAmerican Sociological Association.Gadi Wolfsfeld is director of the Smart Family Institute of Communication at theHebrew University of Jerusalem and has a joint appointment as senior lecturer inpolitical science and communication at that institution. His most recent publication isan edited volume (with Akiba Cohen): Framing the Intifada: People and Media (1993).114


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M OSTconversations etweenso-cial movement activists andjournalists take a drearily predict-able form: "Send my message," saythe activists; "Make me news," saythejournalists. Inthis dialogueof thedeaf, neither activists norjournalistsmake an effortto understandhow theotherviews their relationshipor,bet-ter yet, the complex nature of thesetransactions.

We offer here some organizingprinciples and hypotheses about theways in which social movements in-teract with the news media and theoutcomes for both parties.' This isreally a transactionbetween two com-plicated systems of actors with com-plexinternalrelationships.The mediaworld has its internal transactionsbetween ournalistsandcameracrews

1. We draw here on a growing literatureabout this relationship, including especiallyHarvey Molotch, "Media and Movements," inThe Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. MayerN. Zald and John McCarthy (Cambridge, MA:Winthrop, 1979); ToddGitlin, The Whole WorldIs Watching (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1980); David L. Paletz and RobertM.Entman, Media, Power, Politics (New York:Free Press, 1981);RichardB. KielbowiczandCliffordScherer,"TheRole of the Press in theDynamics of Social Movements," in SocialMovements, Conflict, and Change (Greenwich,CT:JAIPress, 1986),9:71-96;ClariceN. Olien,Phillip J. Tichenor,and GeorgeA. Donahue,"MediaCoverage and Social Movements," nInformation Campaigns: Balancing Social Val-ues and Social Change, ed. C. T. Salmon (New-bury Park, CA: Sage, 1992); William A. Gam-son, "Challenging Groups since 1945," in TheStrategy of Social Protest, 2d ed. (Belmont, CA:Wadsworth, 1990); Charlotte Ryan, Prime TemeActivism (Boston: South End Press, 1991); GadiWolfsfeld, "TheSymbiosis of Press and Protest:An Exchange Analysis," Journalism Quar-terly,61:550-56(1984);idem, "Media,Protest,and Political Violence: A Transactional Analy-sis," Journalism Monographs, no. 127 (1991).

in the field and editors andproducersin the home office; they operate insystems with quite differentpoliticaleconomiesin differentcountries, andthe norms and practices vary, bothnationally and internationally.Jour-nalists have their own distinctivecul-ture, and individual media organiza-tionsoftenhave distinctive ubcultures.

Similarly, social movements varyin many ways.2 Many involve alli-ances between groupswith quite dif-ferent strategies of change and waysof approachingthe media. They donot represent a unified actor but anarray of actors who are affected byeach other's media transactions,sometimes in contrasting ways.Movements often have a distinctiveandevolvingculture that may, n var-ious ways, conflict with media andmainstream political culture.Useful explanations will need toreflect the internal complexities ofboth parties in this transaction aswell as the social andpoliticalcontextof their interaction. There are bothstructural and cultural dimensions.The structural part of our analysisfocuses attention on the power anddependencyaspectsof the relationshipand the consequences of the asym-metries. The cultural part of ouranalysisfocuses attentiononthe moresubtle contest over meaning.

POWERAND DEPENDENCY

Each side in the media-movementtransactionis dependenton the other2. By "social movement," we mean a sus-tained and self-conscious challenge to author-ities or cultural codes by a field of actors-or-

ganizations and advocacy networks-some ofwhom employ extra-institutional means ofinfluence.

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but not equally so. Movements aregenerally much more dependent onmedia than the reverse, and thisfundamental asymmetry implies thegreaterpowerofthe media system inthe transaction. We begin by exam-ining the needs of each in whatWolfsfeldcalls the "competitive ym-biosis"between them.3Movements need the news mediafor three major purposes: mobiliza-tion, validation, and scope enlarge-ment. Regarding mobilization, mostmovements must reach their constit-uency in part through some form ofpublic discourse.4Public discourseiscarried out in variousforums,includ-ing the movement's ownpublicationsand meetings. But media discourseremainsindispensablefor most move-ments becausemostofthe peopletheywish to reach are part of the massmedia gallery,while many aremissedby movement-orientedoutlets.Beyondneeding the media to con-vey a message to their constituency,movements need media for valida-tion. When demonstrators chant,"The whole world is watching," itmeans that they matter,that they aremaking history.The media spotlightvalidates the fact that the movementis an important player. Receivingstanding in the media is often a nec-essary conditionbeforetargets of in-fluence will grant a movementrecog-

3. Wolfsfeld,"Media,Protest,and PoliticalViolence,"p. 2.4. There are significant exceptions, espe-cially if one focuses on the Third World.TheFaribundo Marti National LiberationFront'smovement against the regime in El Salvador,for example, was not dependent on the massmedia for reaching its constituency. Argu-ments made here require appropriatemodifi-cations to fit such cases.

nition and deal with its claims anddemands. Conversely,a demonstra-tion with no media coverageat all isa nonevent,unlikely to have any pos-itive influence either on mobilizingfollowers or influencing the target.No news is bad news.

Finally, movements need themedia to broaden the scope of con-flict. "If a fight starts, watch thecrowd,"Schattschneider advised usmore than thirty years ago.5 Thescope of a conflict, he observed, fre-quently changes during its course,and the introductionand subtractionof players alters the powerrelationsbetween the contestants. Where thescopeis narrow, he weakerpartyhasmuch to gain and little to lose bybroadeningthe scope, drawing thirdparties into the conflict as mediatorsorpartisans.Making a conflict more public of-fers anopportunity or the movementto improve its relative power com-pared to that of its antagonist, andmass media coverageis a vehicle forthis. Here it is not merely attentionbut the content ofthe media coveragethat affects whether and in whatways third parties will enter the con-flict.Third-partysympathycan be animportant constraint on the socialcontrolmeasures used by authoritiesagainst movementsandcan also leadto new alliances. Movements, then,dependonthe media togenerate pub-lic sympathyfortheir challenge.If we flip the question of needaround, social movements oftenmake good copy for the media. Theyprovide drama, conflict, and action;

5. E. E. Schattschneider,TheSemi-Sover-eign People(NewYork:Holt, Rinehart,& Win-ston, 1960),p. 3.

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colorful copy; and photo opportuni-ties. But they operate in a competi-tive environment with many rivalservice providers;they are only onesource of news among many. Whenreporters are given continuing as-signments orbeats, it is rareforthemto be assigned to cover a social move-ment, and they are less likely to de-velop routine relationships withmovement sources. Hence move-ments must not only compete withother potential newsmakers but areforcedto start the race much furtherback on the track.The fact that movements need themedia far more than the media needthem translates into greater powerfor the media in the transaction.Power dependency theory dis-tinguishes two componentsofpower:value and need.6 "Value"refers tohow muchthe otherpartyneeds one'sown services; "need" refers to howmuch one needs the otherparty'sser-vices. The relative powerof actors isdeterminedbythe ratio of their valueto their need.

6. Power dependency theory-essentiallya subcategoryofexchangetheory n socialpsy-chology-has its roots in the work of RichardEmerson, "Power-Dependence Relations,"American Sociological Review, 27:31-41; idem,"Exchange Theory, Part II," in SociologicalTheories in Progress, vol. 2, ed. Joseph Bergeret al. (New York:HoughtonMiffin, 1972),pp.58-87; Peter Blau, Exchange and Power inSocial Life (New York:John Wiley,1964). Itsapplicationto the media has been led by San-dra Ball-Rokeachandhercolleaguesunder therubricofmediasystem dependency heory.SeeSandra Ball-Rokeachand MelvinDeFleur,"ADependency Model of Mass Media Effects,"Communication Research, 3:3-21 (1976); San-dra Ball-Rokeach,"TheOrigins of IndividualMedia System Dependency: A SociologicalFramework," Communication Research, 12:485-510 (1985).

For social movements, the ratio israrely favorable. Unlike public offi-cials and heads of large establishedorganizations, movement actors donot receiveautomaticstandingin themedia. They must struggle to estab-lish it, often at what they regard asserious costs for the message thatthey wish to convey. Their depen-dency forces them to pay a price ofentry that affects the subsequenttransaction in various ways, whichwill be discussed later in this article.Not only are institutional actorsgiven standingautomatically, ut,hav-ing accessto institutional channels ofinfluence, they do not have the mobi-lization andvalidation needs of move-ments. The powerful usually preferandare able to lobby n private;mediacoverageis often the last thing theyneed or want. Hence those who aremost needy have least access to themedia services they desire and pay ahigher priceforthem-an example ofthe principleofcumulative nequality.

FRAMINGWe have focused so far on the ex-change of services in an unequalpower relationship, but there is an-other aspect of the transaction be-tween movementsand media: a nego-tiation over meaning. Movementsand media are bothin the business of

interpretingevents, alongwith othernonmovement actors who have astake in them. Events do not speakfor themselves but must be woveninto some larger story line or frame;they take on their meaning from theframein which they are embedded.7

7. Fordevelopmentof the conceptof framein work on media and social movements, see

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The movement-mediatransactionis characterized by a struggle overframing. A frame is a central organ-izing idea, suggesting what is atissue. It deals with the gestalt orpat-tern-organizing aspect of meaning.W. Lance Bennett attempts to cap-ture this idea with the concept ofpolitical scenario, suggesting thatscenarios provide a "lay theoreticalframeworkin which to organize thesense data of politics."8He points tothe use ofparadigmaticorcompellingexamplesto providea highly abstractsymbolic container to deal with anunfolding reality. Frames are ex-pressed over time as a story line.CharlotteRyan providessome ex-cellent examples of movements con-testing the dominant media framingof issues, sometimes with at leastmodest success. The movement op-posing the U.S. war against Nicara-gua faced a prominent, officially sup-portedmedia frame that depictedthewar as a struggle against Communistexpansion.Sheshowshow a localgroupin New Bedford,Massachusetts,wasable to counter this frameby makingespecially GayeTuchman,MakingNews (NewYork:FreePress, 1978);Gitlin,WholeWorld sWatching;GladysE. Langand KurtLang,TheBattle for Public Opinion: The President, thePress, and the Polls during Watergate (NewYork:ColumbiaUniversity Press, 1983);Wil-liam A. GamsonandAndreModigliani,"MediaDiscourse and Public Opinion on NuclearPower," American Journal of Sociology, 95:1-37 (1989);DavidA. Snow et al., "FrameAlign-ment and Mobilization," American Sociologi-cal Review, 51:464-81 (1986); Ryan, PrimeTimeActivism;GadiWolfsfeld,"FramingPolit-ical Conflict," in Framing the Intifada: Mediaand People, ed. Gadi Wolfsfeld and AkibaCohen(Norwood,NJ:Ablex, 1993).8. W. Lance Bennett, The Political Mindand the Political Environment (Lexington, MA:D. C. Heath, 1975),p. 65.

the issue one of whether the UnitedStates should continue a war whosehuman costs were so high that it vio-lated basicAmericanvalues.9The group organized a delegationthat visited Nicaragua. The story inthe New BedfordStandard Timesontheir return was headlined, "Nicara-gua Trip Sears Delegates," and thearticle began, "With their armsclutchingeach other andtears rollingdown their faces, members of theNew Bedford delegation to Nicara-gua camehome Monday,emotionallywroughtwith the images ofwar."Themovement frame was provided incomments and quotations:Nicaragua is nothing resembling a re-pressive,militarystate, that is, forexam-ple,El Salvador.Mr.Pinasaid the mes-sage he heard over and over again fromthe Nicaraguans was: 'Ve're hungry,wehave no arms. We'repoor,but we're notaskinganythingbut to let us goaboutourbusiness ofmaintaining peacein ourlandforourchildren .. . because ourchildrenare ourfuture.10

Note the complicated double rolethat the media system plays in thisframing ransaction.On the onehand,journalists play a central role in theconstruction ofmeaning;they choosea story line in reportingevents, andmedia commentators develop argu-ments and images that support par-ticular frames. News stories are puttogether out of raw happenings, andthis necessarily means framingthesehappeningsandgivingthemmeaning.On the other hand, media outputis an arena in which symbolic con-tests are carried out. Journalists9. Ryan, Prime Time Activism, pp. 34-37,63-66.10. Ibid.,p. 65.

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serve as gatekeepers here, decidingwhich framesponsorswill be grantedstanding and selecting what to quoteor emphasize. Journalists, however,do not invent the rules of access;these are structural,reflecting powerdifferences between actors in thelarger society. In some cases, themedia output may simply reflect theframes of the most powerful actorswith little independent contributionfromjournalists.Participants in symbolic contestsread their success or failure by howwell their preferred meanings andinterpretations are doing in variousmedia arenas. Prominence in thesearenas s anoutcomemeasurebywhichonejudges the success ofone'sefforts.Media norms and practices andthe broaderpoliticalculturein whichthey operate have major effects onthis framing transaction. Not onlyare certain actors given standingmorereadily than others,but certainideas and language are given a moregenerous welcome. It is not simplythat certain ideas are unpopular-some are renderedinvisible.

One realm of media discourse isuncontested. It is the realm wherethe social constructions rarely ap-pear as such to the reader and maybe largely unconsciouson the part ofthe writer as well. They appear astransparent descriptions of reality,not as interpretations, and are ap-parently devoid of political content.Journalists feel no need to get differ-ent points of view for balance whenthey deal with images in this realm.There is also a contested realm ofmedia discourse in which strugglesover meaning and interpretationarecentral. It is a major achievement of

some movements that they succeedin moving issues from the uncon-tested to the contestedrealm. Even ifthe subsequentcontest is played on atilted playingfield,it is still a contest,and many movements have scoredmedia successes in spite of the odds.Movement disadvantages in thestruggle over meaning reflect cul-tural obstacles as well as handicapsin access and resources. Movement-media communicationis like a con-versationbetweena monolingualanda bilingual speaker.Themedia speakmainstreamese, and movements arepushed to adopt this language to beheard since journalists are prone tomisunderstand or never hear the al-ternate language and its underlyingideas. But it is a commonexperienceofmovementactiviststocomplain hatsomething has been lost in transla-tion. Movements hat acceptthe dom-inant cultural codes and do not chal-lenge what is normally taken forgranted will have less of a problem,but formany movements, this wouldinvolve surrendering fundamentalaspects of their raison d'etre.Thereis, then, a fundamental am-bivalence and, for some, estrange-ment between movements andmedia. Movement activists tend toview mainstream media not as au-tonomous and neutral actors but asagents and handmaidens of domi-nant groupswhomthey are challeng-ing. The media carry the culturalcodes being challenged, maintainingand reproducing hem. In this sense,they are a target as much as a me-diumofcommunication.But they arealso the latter and, in this sense, onetriesto speakthrough hemediaratherthan to them. This dual media role is

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the central problematicof the trans-actionfrom the movementstandpoint.Given the power-dependency ela-tions,journalistscan afford o be moredetached in their attitudes toward

movements, but there are definitepoints of friction when their ownmore pragmatic and cynical subcul-ture encounters the more idealisticand righteous culture of the move-ments. Movements seem to demandunreasonable and unrealistic thingsand often have a righteousness thatis unappealing to those who are liv-ing with the inevitable compromisesof daily life. Movements hector peo-ple and call them to account. Thismeans that internal movement con-flicts and peccadilloswill have a spe-cial fascination forjournalists, givingthem an opportunity o even the scorefrom their standpoint.The fall of therighteous is a favored media storywherever it can be found, and move-ments offer a happy hunting ground.Finally, the subculturesof specificmedia organizationsmay clash morewith some movements than with oth-ers. A religious newspaper in Israel,coveringa demonstration of ultra-or-thodoxJews (Haredim)against driv-ing cars on the Sabbath, will haveless cultural distance than a secularnewspaper coveringthe same event.Culturaldistance betweenmovementsand media, whatever the source, ismore likely to mean that movementframes will get lost in translation.

of their challenge and in the central-ity of the media to the success oftheircollective action. Within the move-ment system, someactors focusheav-ily on mediastrategies, while, foroth-ers, these are secondary to face-to-face interactions.Media systems vary both organi-zationally and ideologically. Mediaorganizations vary in prestige and inthe size of their audience. Some aremultimedia giants with worldwidereach; others are specialized andlocal. In some media organizations,the productionof news is permeatedby entertainment values, while inothers, journalistic values are moredominant. Some target political andcultural elites, while others aim at abroader,popularaudience.Somepro-duce news as a commoditythat canattract an audience to sell to adver-tisers, while others producenews topromote a worldview,to further theinterests of a political party, or as apublicservice forthe citizenry.Someemphasize the visual, while, for oth-ers, visual aspects are secondary.An explanation of the movement-mediatransactionneedsto relatethesevariable elements of the two systemsto both media and movement out-comes. The hypotheses that we willsuggest run in both directions:someof them suggest howmovementchar-acteristics and actions will affectmediaproducts,while others suggesthow media characteristics and ac-tions will affect movements.

HYPOTHESESMovement and media systemsvary on many important dimensionsthat affect their transaction. Move-ments differin the breadth anddepth

Effects of movementson media coverageThere are three elements ofmedia

coverage of particular interest to

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movement actors: (1) standing, thatis, the extent to which the group istaken seriously bybeinggiven exten-sive media coverage, regardless ofcontent; (2) preferred framing, thatis, the prominence of the group'sframe in media discourse on the is-sues of concern; and (3) movementsympathy,that is, the extent to whichthe content of the coverage presentsthe group in a way that is likely togain sympathyfrom relevant publics.

Hypothesis 1. The greater the re-sources,organization,professionalism,coordination,and strategic planningof a movement, the greater its mediastanding and the moreprominentitspreferredframe will be in media cov-erage of relevant events and issues.Some movements are either un-able or unwilling to dedicate re-sources to media strategies, to coor-dinate their stance in transactionswith the media, or to gain an under-standing of the world of journalistsand media systems. Those move-ments that are able and willing toallocate resources to working with

the media frequently have more ex-perience and sophistication in thisarea as well as ongoingrelationshipswith working journalists. Thesemovements are in a much better po-sition to provide and package infor-mation in ways that meet the needsof the media. Organization, re-sources, and media sophisticationare all markers journalists use toidentify who the serious players are.A movement that does not have itsact together in this regard is lesslikely to be granted standing. Fromthe perspective of journalists, theburden of proofis on the movement

to show that it is a potential force.Herejournalists act as self-appointedsurrogatesforpolitical elites, assum-ing, perhaps unconsciously,that if amovementseems sloppyanddisorga-nized in dealing with them, the au-thorities it is challenging will be un-likely to take it seriously.Once granted standing, move-ments will be most successful in get-ting their message across when theyare both clear and consistent in whatissue framing they preferand devotetime andresources to conveyingtheirwishes in a way that makes thatframe most likely to be used. Thismeans dedicating effort to meetingthe news needs ofjournalists, by pro-viding sound bites, backgrounders,photo opportunities,and ready-to-usevideo footage. To compete with so-phisticated rivals, movements mustbe ready to make it as easy as possi-ble forjournalists to send their mes-sage with a minimum of alteration.

Hypothesis2. Thegreaterthe com-plementary division of labor amongmovement actors, the greater theability of the movement to gain bothstanding and preferredframes.As has beendiscussed,movementshave a dilemma that many othernews sources do not experience.Offi-cials are grantedautomaticstandingand can concentrate simply on themessage they wish to convey.Move-ments, in contrast, must deal with apotential contradiction betweengaining standing and getting theirmessage across.Members of the club enter themedia forum through the front doorwhen they choose, they are treatedwith respect, and they are given the

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benefit of the doubt. Challengersmust contend with other would-beclaimants for attention at the backdoor,finding some gimmick or act ofdisorder to force their way in. Butwhen they do so, they enter definedas upstarts and the framing of thegroup may obscure any message itcarries. Those who dress up in cos-tume to be admitted to the media'sparty will not be allowed to changebeforebeing photographed.Movements can solve this di-lemma in part throughan intentionalor unintentional division of laboramongactors.When this occurs, hosewho engage in actions designed togain standing do not themselves at-tempt to be the main carriers of theissue frame; for this, they defer topartners who do not carry the bag-gage of deviance but can articulate asharedframe.Inthe antinuclearmove-ment, for example, standing wasgreatly enhanced by the site occupa-tion of the Seabrook,New Hampshire,reactorbythe ClamshellAlliance.Thisactionhelped to define nuclearpoweras controversial,and onceit was des-ignated as such, the media's balancenorm was invoked. This norm re-quires seeking spokespersons forboth sides in what journalists typi-cally reduce to a dyadicconflict.In the case of nuclear power,themore respectable movement actorwas most frequently represented inthe United States by the Union ofConcerned Scientists (UCS). The ac-tions of the Clam plus other antinu-clear demonstrations and site occu-pations across the countryhelped tocreate the conditionsformedia-initi-ated contacts with movement actors.As Gamson puts it, "when demon-

strators are arrested at Seabrook,phones ring at UCS."11The Palestinian intifada providesanother good example. The most in-tensive violence came from bloodyclashes between young Israeli sol-diers and sometimes even youngerPalestinians. The intifada providedadditional media standing for thePalestinian movement, especiallywith the international press. But itwas not the youth groups (shabiba)who became mediaspokespersonsforthe Palestinian cause. The interna-tionalpress turnedto the Palestinianintellectual community iving in EastJerusalem,to peoplewith whomtheyalreadyhad somerelationship.Schiffand Ya'ari describe this group "asmen of the middle class and middleground [whose] natural inclinationwas to set the intifada on a morefamiliar,'respectable' ootingby call-ing a press conferencein Jerusalem,invitingthe internationalnewsmedia,announcing a plan of action for theuprising, and establishing them-selves as its leadership."12ome mem-bers of this group of intellectuals laterbecame the Palestinian representa-tives in the Madridand subsequentpeace talks. Media standing trans-lated into broaderpolitical standing.

11. William A. Gamson, "Political Dis-course and Collective Action," in From Struc-ture toAction, ed. Bert Klandermans, Hanspe-ter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow (Greenwich, CT:JAI Press, 1988), p. 235. For an account ofchanges in media discourse on nuclear powerin the United States, see Gamson and Mod-igliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinionon Nuclear Power."

12. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Intifada:The Palestinian Uprising-Israel's ThirdFront (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990),p. 204.

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Internal rivalries between move-ment actors can underminesuch con-venient divisions of labor. Move-ments frequently offer multipleframes, each identified with particu-lar groups. Those whose action cre-ates a broader movement standingmay find that their preferredframeis poorly represented by those whobecome the media-designatedspokespersons. They may attack andattempt to undercut their rivals.Thisinternal movement contest caneasilybecome the media's story, therebydistracting attention or blurringthepreferred issue frame. A division oflabor is likely to workonly if there isa common frame and a willingness tosubordinate concernsabout who getscredit for being the messenger.

Hypothesis.Thenarrowerhemove-ment's demands, the morelikely it isto receive coverage that presents itsympathetically to a broaderpublic.This points to another fundamen-tal dilemma that movements face intheir transaction with the media. Dothey challenge powerful groups andinstitutions and cultural codes infundamental ways, thus riskingbeing denied standing altogether orbeing branded as dangerousthreats?Or do they challenge as little as pos-sible and risk being forced to settlefor a few symbolic gestures thatchange little or nothing? Successfulmovements must walk a tightropebetween these two perils.The environmental movementprovides examples of the risks in-volved in seeking broad public sup-port. Some groups avoid targetingcorporateorgovernmental actors,fo-cusing their attention on consumerbehavior instead. Recycling or anti-

littering campaigns, for example,make few enemies andput the move-ment on the side of the angels. Butthe favorable image is purchased atthe cost of leaving broaderstructuraland cultural sources of environmen-tal problems unchallenged and im-plicitly reinforced.Effectsof the mediaon movements

The hypotheses here treat mediacharacteristics as independent vari-ables and examine their effects onthree different movement outcomes:(1) leadership, that is, the role of themedia in influencingwho has stand-ing in the movement;(2)actionstrat-egy, that is, the role of the media ininfluencing which collective-actionstrategies and tactics are pursued;and (3) framing strategy,that is, therole of the media in influencing howthe movementrepresentsits messagein the contest over meaning.

Hypothesis4. Thelarger andmoreelite the audience ofthe mediaoutlet,the greater the impact on movementframingstrategies.Movements challenging politicalauthorities or fundamental culturalcodes are reluctant to water downtheir message to make it palatabletoa mass audience. It is frequentlynotmerely a matter of sending one'sframe in diluted formbut of refram-ing one's message in the dominantlanguage. But this is a matter of de-gree, not all or nothing.If a media outlet offers a prime-time forum with national or globalreach, it is valuable enough for themovement to make some compro-mises in the purity of the message.

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Because visual material puts ahigher premium on spectacle, televi-sion is more likely than print mediato emphasize it. Spectacle meansdrama and confrontation,emotionalevents involving peoplewhohave firein the belly,who are extravagantandunpredictable.This puts a high pre-mium on novelty,on costume,and onconfrontation.Violent action has most of thesemedia-valued elements. Fire in thebelly is fine, but fire on the groundphotographs better. Burning build-ings and burning tires make bettertelevision than peaceful vigils andorderly marches. Furthermore, asGitlin argues,17 t is precisely thoseleaders who are attachedto followersonly through their media image andare unaccountable to the rank andfile who are likely to advocate theextravagant and dramatic actionsthat generate goodmedia copy.Visual spectacle is high in enter-tainment value. When news is a ve-hicle forprocuringan audience to sellto advertisers, hen one needstoworrya lot about people's tuning out. Thefear is that these people will turn toalternativeproviderswhohavehigherflames and more action on theirnews. Movements that want to keepthe spotlight of such media organiza-tions will adoptactionstrategies thatprovidestrong visual material.

CONCLUSIONMany of the hypotheses stated inthis article concerning movementsare based on principles that applytoother political actors as well. Impor-tant parameters change, but power-17. Gitlin, Whole World Is Watching.

dependencyrelations can be appliedto the transaction between any actorand the media. In the transactionbetween governmentand the media,forexample,the relative powerofthemedia is also asymmetrical-but inthis case, it is the media with theunfavorableratio of value to need.It is not onlymovements that gainstanding through resources, organi-zation,andprofessionalismordo bet-ter when they have a planned mediastrategy.But other actors do not needthe kind of division of labor thatmovements employ to prevent theirefforts to gain standing from obliter-ating their message.All actors must deal with themedia's interest in spectacle. Presi-dents have as much occasion to pro-vide photo opportunities as anymovement does. Framing strategiesof powerfulactors are often dictatedbywhat is likely to play in the media.The selection of leadership,however,is determined by institutional roles,not celebrity.In sum, the movement-media transaction is a special case ofmedia transactions more generally,one with some unusual and uniquefeatures.We have sketched a model of thetransactionbetween movements andmedia that is long on general argu-ments but short on specific applica-tions. Every transaction takes placeunder a particular set of conditionsand the hypotheses are intended tosuggest what is relevant for under-standing the outcome. Only the de-tailed application to specific caseswill enable us to see how helpfulthese are in generating insights andin understandingthe limiting condi-tions underwhich they hold.

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Gamson_Wolfsfeld(1993)_Movements and Media as Interacting Systems