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“When you want to fool the world, tell the truth.”
YOUNG AMERICANS for LIBERTY
YALIBERTY.ORG/FPH
Issue II | May 20
The War on Terror and Sun T
Is American Strategy Sound
Craig D
Elliot Engstrom
The European Union:
Eurocrats and the Eurosphere
Law or Hoax? Disproving
Democratic Peace Theory
Roy Antoun
Why Conservatives
Should Hate Our
Foreign Policy Wesley Messamore
The Next Threat to America
Sovereignty: China
Marissa Yturralde-Gian
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The Young Americans for Liberty’s
Foreign Policy
Handbook
May 2010
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The War on Terror and Sun Tz
Is American Strategy Sound?
―The problem, is that, America no longer s
to end conflicts. America is attempting to b
nations; America has protracted campathat are dulling the morale of both Mid
Eastern citizens, and our own citizens...
giving our enemies tangible weaknesses to
ploit.‖
CONTINUED P. 5
Why ConservativesShould
Hate
Our Foreign Policy
READ MORE P. 10
Law or Hoax?
DisprovingDemocratic Peace Theory
READ MORE P. 13
Craig Dixon
EATURED | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
Wesley Messamore
Roy Antoun
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Contents
YAL MISSION STATEMENT
The mission of Young Americans for Liberty (YAL) is to train, educate, and mobilize youth activists committewinning on principle." Our goal is to cast the leaders of tomorrow and reclaim the policies, candidates, and direcf our government.
YAL STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES
We are the Young Americans for Liberty (YAL). As Americans we recognize the God-given natural rights of life, libend property set forth by our Founding Fathers. Our country was created to protect the freedoms of the individnd directed by we the people.
We recognize that freedom deserves responsibility and therefore we hold ourselves to a high moral character and cuct. Integrity emphasizes our stance towards action. Principle defines our outlook towards government. Peace rosperity drives our ambitions towards our countrymen.
We inherit a corrupt, coercive world that has lost respect for voluntary action. Our government has failed ragged our country into moral decay. The political class dominates the agenda with a violent, callous, controlrip. And, for this we do not stand.
Executive Director
Jeff Frazee
Editor in Chief Roy Antoun
Contributors
Wesley Messamore
Nelson Chase
Jeremy Davis
Daniel Suraci
Brandon DeMeo
Craig Dixon
Elliot Engstrom
Marissa Yturralde-Gianno
Why Does NATO Still Exist?
By Jeremy Davis
The War on Terror and Sun Tzu: Is American Strategy Sound?
By Craig Dixon
The European Union: Eurocrats and the Eurosphere
By Elliot Engstrom
The Next Threat to American Sovereignty: China
By Marissa Yturralde-Giannotta
Why Conservatives Should Hate Our Foreign Policy
By Wesley Messamore
Who Controls Our Foreign Policy?
By Brandon DeMeo
Law or Hoax? Disproving Democratic Peace Theory
By Roy Antoun
Explanations for Continued Terrorism: Globalization and Lack of Democracy
By Marissa Yturralde-Giannotta
Epic Fail: How International Financial Institutions Are the Causes of World Problems
By Daniel Suraci
3
5
7
9
10
12
13
16
19
[email protected] | P.O. Box 2751 Arlington, VA 222021
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Letter From the Editor
Dear Reader,
As the Realist theory on foreign policy evolvedthrough history and the emergence of International Institutionsposed a challenge to international individualism, the Neo-Realist theory was born. Not to be confused with neoconserva-tism, Neo-Realism is competent international relations theory,
not a misunderstanding of history applied to foreign policy. Ken Waltz, known as the godfather of Neo-Realism, acknowledgesthat international institutions exist; however, states join themonly for self interest, not because they believe collective action works; and those that do believe that the collective is in any fashion effective, normatively see defeat or failure in the nearfuture.
Collective action and international institutions haveeen attempted for centuries. One can argue that standards such as the Napoleonic Code
were primitive forms of international institutions; it was a contest of legitimacy to unite severalEuropean nation-states together under one common law. Not only did it fail, but it set a
recedent for future international institutions. The Napoleonic Code of the early 19th century ngered several European societies that truly believed in their own state sovereignty. .
The League of Nations’ utter failure after the First World War proved yet again the
regularities of collectivism. The rule of a few to dictate the policies of many gave us BenitoMussolini and, lest we forget, Adolph Hitler. States will forever operate within the framework
f their defined borders. They operate to ensure themselves power and security, even if it omes at the expense of others. As Machiavelli warned, those states that are too generousften empower those around them while weakening themselves. And that is precisely why ollective action and international institutions inevitably fail.
As of the past two decades, the United Nations and its numerous sanction-inducedapabilities have angered government that propped up Saddam Hussein and Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad. The United Nations was used as a laughable venue for war when the U.S. in-aded Iraq. And although the U.N. has wonderful humanitarian intentions, its legitimacy as a
ool to prevent war is comparable to that of a white flag with angry words written on it.
Roy M. Antoun
Want to write for the
Foreign Policy Handbook?
Contact [email protected]
Find us on the web:
http://yaliberty.org
Find us on Facebook
http://facebook.com/yaliberty
Follow us on Twitter
http://twitter.com/yaliberty
Of the Youth, by the Youth, for the Youth”
he objective of the Foreign Policy Handbook is to rationally discuss the faults in American
oreign policy and offer practical, liberty-minded solutions. Over the past century, our elected
eaders have collectively corrupted U.S. foreign relations into a hotbed of backfiring interven-
onism. It is the job of the youth to mobilize and inform, because it is we who will be paying
he price in blood and gold.
While views expressed in the articles do not represent all the members of YAL, they do express
he views of the respective authors. Young Americans for Liberty does not support or oppose
ny candidate for office.
http://www.yaliberty.org/FPH
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ommentary | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
Does NATO Still Exist?
When it was ratified on April 9, 1949 in
Washington D.C., the North Atlantic Treaty brought
nto effect one of the largest mili-
ary alliance among nations in his-ory. NATO’s purpose from the start was to sway the
balance of power in favor of one of the two super-
powers at the time, the United States, in contrast to
he other world superpower, the Soviet Union. Lord
smay, NATO’s first Secretary
General once said that the organi-
ation’s primary goals were ―to
keep the Russians out, the Ameri-
ans in, and the Germans down.‖ NATO has since been proved a Cold War relic
hat should have seen its demise with the fall of the
Soviet Union in 1991. Unfortunately, just as other
overnmental bureaucracies linger long after their
tated usefulness, so too did NATO overstay its wel-
ome.
Today, NATO remains nearly two decades
fter the decline of its stated adversaries in the
members of the Warsaw pact and the Soviet Em-pire. In the time since the soviet downfall, NATO
has constantly been trying to redefine its mission in
order to justify its continual existence – mission
reep.
Without the threat of a Soviet Russian attack
ong dead, NATO has now reestablished its mission
n such broad terms that almost any perceived
threat to any of its members constitutes a gen
response. The organization describes its cur
mission in that: ―As the nature of threats chan
so must the methods of preserving peace. NAT
reorienting its defense capabilities toward tod
threats. It is adapting its forces and developing n
multinational approaches to deal with terrorifailed states and other security threats such
weapons of mass destruction.‖
And while most scholars in the field of in
national relations could not perceive a world w
out NATO’s involvement, many ardent critics
NATO’s mere existence have been questioning
very purpose of the organization, both then
now, and the consequences it brings. Sen
Robert A. Taft, an old right Republican, was a sucious critic of NATO and thought that a post W
military alliance with European nations was a th
to the security of the United States. As one of
few voices of the day challenging imperialism
internationalism, Robert T
wasn’t comfortable in dedica
American soldiers to the affair
European conflicts and felt
the build up of a large intertional army would be a caus
war with the Soviet Union rather than a deterren
He believed that an alliance such as NA
would serve as an unnecessary means of provo
the Soviets into war and thusly voted against
ratification in the U.S. Senate.
Our involvement in such international
ganizations and alliances like NATO have led to
the perpetual imperialistic machine that has becour foreign policy; a foreign policy in which
warned against by many of our republic’s founde
In his farewell address, outgoing president Geo
Washington famously concluded that ―The g
rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nation
in extending our commercial relations, to have w
them as little political connection as possible.‖
also went on to state that ―It is our true polic
“And linking ourselves to the
quarrels of Europe is exactly
what we have done.”
PhotocourtesyofNATO
Jeremy Davis
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ommentary | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
teer clear of permanent alliances with any portion
of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at
iberty to do it; for let me not be understood as ca-
pable of patronizing infidelity to existing engage-
ments.‖ Thomas Jefferson reflected a similar belief
n his support for a non-interventionist foreign pol-
cy when he said "I am for free commerce with allnations, political connection with none, and little or
no diplomatic establishment. And I am not for link-
ng ourselves by new treaties with the quarrels of
Europe, entering that field of slaughter to preserve
heir balance, or joining in the confederacy of Kings
o war against the principles of liberty."
And linking ourselves to the quarrels of
Europe is exactly what we have done.
Supporters of NATO and those who wouldustify its continued existence or the further involve-
ment of the United States would be quick to brush
side the wisdom of Washington and Jefferson.
More modern opponents to NATO such as
Congressman Ron Paul defend the vision of the
ounder’s foreign policy and the dedication to re-
raining ourselves from entering entangling alli-
nces. In opposing NATO’s involvement in Yugosla-
via and Kosovo in the 1990’s, Paul stated thatWithout the Soviet enemy to justify the European
military machine, NATO had to find enemies and
humanitarian missions to justify its existence. The
enturies-old ethnic hatreds found in Yugoslavia
nd the militant leaders on all sides have served this
purpose well.‖ NATO exists because the U.S. allows
t to exist. It burdens our foreign policy both diplo-
matically and economically as it selectively pro-
motes nation-building schemes that drain the budg-ts of member nations.
Despite all the philosophical, moral, and
practical justifications for why NATO should cease
o exist, NATO survives today because those inter-
sted in maintaining it seek its benefits through im-
perialism and feeding corporatist needs through ex-
pansion in arm sales to newly added members of the
organization.
It survives because the military indust
complex that President Eisenhower warned Am
cans of calls for it; and expanding NATO prov
the breathing room it needs to flourish.
Today, NATO represents nothing more t
an outdated, wasteful, imperialistic organiza
driven by a lust for military domination andmains a full fledged danger to American liberty.
Did You KnA report on Sunday, February 21 revealed that a NATO a
strike killed 27 civilians in one of the worst charades of n
combatant deaths in Afghanistan.
FEATUREDThis Month
The War on Terror and Sun Tzu: Is American Strategy Sound
By Craig Dixon
Why Conservatives Should Hate Our Foreign PolicyBy Wesley Messamore
Law or Hoax? Disproving Democratic Peace Theory
By Roy Antoun
Last Month’s Issue
How to Solve the Middle East Problem
Roy Antoun
Obama’s Nuclear Policy is Just More Hyped Up “Change”
Wesley Messamore
Young Americans for Liberty | http://www.yaliberty.org | May 2010 [email protected] | P.O. Box 2751 Arlington, VA 222024
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oint/ Counterpoint | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
erican Strategy Sound?
Again, if the campaign is protracted, the resources
of the State will not be equal to the strain. Now,
when your weapons are dulled,
your ardour damped, your
trength exhausted and your treasure spent, other
hieftains will spring up to take advantage of your
xtremity. Then no man, however wise, will be able
o avert the consequences that must ensue."
Sun Tzu, The Art of War, 6th Century B.C.
America's 'War on Terror' began in 2001 in
he aftermath of the September 11th attacks. In
2003 the war expanded into Iraq. Nine years later,
onventional U.S. forces remain in both countries,
with the blood-soaked conflict now spilling over the
borders into Pakistan. Anti-American sentiment in
he Middle-East continues to grow, with emerging
hreats in other nations beginning to manifest. No
bastions of liberty have taken hold in the region,
nd the institution of democracy remains precari-
ous.
This is the world America finds herself in to-
day, a world in which the threat of Islamofascism
emains... and is growing. The question to ask is
whether or not direct intervention (different from
urgical military engagement) by U.S. forces is fuel-
ng those flames.
Often, sentiment is expressed by other politi-
cal factions, both 'left' and 'right', that libertar
are too soft on war; it is said that libertarians fa
understand the necessary-evil of using mili
force to diffuse threats to liberty and safety. It m
escape both political camps that libertarian re
birthed the United States of America from the
of war against the British Empire.Few Americans, libertarians included,
disagree that when there is clear and present dan
to the security of American citizens, it is the rol
the United States military to engage and dif
those threats. However, libertarians also bel
that these engagements should be quick, hard,
decisive... and then they should end.
The problem, is that, America no lon
seeks to end conflicts. America is attempting build nations; America has protracted campa
that are dulling the morale of both Middle-East
citizens, and our own citizens... and giving our e
mies tangible weaknesses to exploit.
The foreign policy of today is the one Geo
W. Bush spoke out against when running for the
fice of President (before pulling a 180 in practic
office); "I think one way for us to end up viewe
the ugly American is to go around the world say'we do it this way, so should you'." One can also
at Senator John McCain's opposition to na
building in Somalia, which is in direct contradic
to his advocation of long-term presence in the M
dle-East; "For us to get into nation-building
[securing] law and order, I think is a tragic and
rible mistake."
A mistake indeed. Since invasion of t
Middle-Eastern countries, the world has witnesthe rise of popular extremist clerics like Sayyid M
qtada al-Sadr, a resurgent Taliban and Al-Qa
domestic acts of terror like the incident at F
Hood, and growing Anti-American sentim
around the world.
According to Sun Tzu, it is strategically
sound to have our conventional military forces
gaged in the long-term affairs of other nati
PhotocourtesyofTheWashingtonPost
Craig Dixon
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oint/ Counterpoint | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
Given the failure of every contemporary attempt
hus far, the above quotations have been affirmed
quite decidedly.
Furthermore, subversive engagement, for
trategic advantage, has also proven to be an abject
ailure time and time again. Like monetary inter-
ention, heavy intervention into foreign affairs oftenproduces undesired consequences. While the con-
epts of liberty and democracy struggle to take hold
n Iraq, it must be noted that in the 1950s, secular
democracy had already entered the region. In 1953,
Operation AJAX, a CIA-led action, deposed the only
rue democratic government Iran has ever seen.
Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh was over-
hrown at the behest of U.K. industrial interests who
were angry over Iran's nationalization of their oilields.
The years that followed created a power vac-
uum... which the CIA sought to fill. The attempt
ailed. The repressive monarch of Mohammad Reza
Shah poured gasoline onto Anti-American flames
nd paved the way for the Islamic
Revolution of the 1970s. Had
Mossadegh's secular government
emained in power, one mustwonder if the nuclear threat of a
militant Iranian state would even
xist.
The asymmetrical warfare be-
ween conventional U.S. forces
nd insurgents who blend into crowds is not allevi-
ting the war between islamofascism and the West.
Thus far, it is merely politicizing the Middle-Eastern
ulture into one more favorable to the sentiments of militant Islam. The longer the U.S. forces remain
present in the civil, social, and cultural affairs of
hese nations, the more opportunities the U.S. pro-
vides to stir up new hatreds and expose new weak-
nesses that opposing political forces will seek to ex-
ploit.
All interventionist actions have conse-
quences, those that craft western foreign policy
would be wise to begin taking into account the
litical, social, and cultural ramifications of such
terventions.
When a culture takes a reactionary stanc
intervention, this is what libertarians are refer
to when they use the term 'blowback'. There is
assertion from the libertarian camp that America nation is at fault for terrorism, only that her m
tary strategies are so unsound as to allow i
thrive.
This same principle applies not only
American foreign policy, but to foreign polic
every sovereign governing body and internatio
organization. Governments that intervene milita
and on a persistent basis into foreign cultures
always generate resentment and tension.The Treaty of Versailles is often cited as
spark for the Nazi ascension in post-Weimar G
many; undoubtedly, the heavy debt burdens
posed on Germany by the treaty were a contribu
factor to the Republic's demise.
Governing bod
like the United Nati
push 'do-gooder' interv
tion world-wide on the sproclaimed behalf of 'w
peace' and 'human p
gress'... but what have
implications been? Per
ual American involvem
in foreign conflicts. Most of the U.N.'s "pe
keeping" programs have turned into global secu
missions of nation-building thus perpetuating in
ventionist policy. The U.N.'s "peace-keeping" has itself become one, long, protracted mili
campaign, dragging the U.S. along for the ride.
Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, the U.S.
become involved in numerous interventionist
erations in conjunction with U.N., from Bosni
Somalia, and others. The United Nations has a
less as a forum for airing grievances and promo
peace, and more as a self-appointed World Polic
“Governments that intervene
militarily and on a persis-
tent basis into foreign cul-
tures will always generate
resentment and tension.”
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ommentary | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
As the U.N. continues to pursue its own avenues for
perpetual intervention, the U.S. remains embattled
n Iraq and Afghanistan.
Recently, a leaked video clip captured footage
of U.S. forces mistakenly attacking and killing sev-
ral Iraqi Reuters reporters; the reporters were mis-
aken as insurgent forces. During the chaos, tworaqi children were injured. Their father, who was
ttempting to help the wounded reporters, died in
he attack.
The children were recently featured on Al-
azeera speaking out about the incident; "Why did
hey shoot us? Didn't they see we were only chil-
dren? The Americans wanted to kill us. Me, my
brother, and my father."
Hopefully, those two children grow up to bebusiness owners, journalists, doctors, or teachers...
est they succumb to the blood-lust for revenge. If
hey do give in, America will have traded a handful
of civilian journalists for two insurgents... and that
does not seem to be in line with America's objectives
of ending the threat of Islamofascism.
The European UnionEurocrats and the Eurospher
During the 19th and early 20th centur
European governments came under attack for t
colonial policies in the African
continent. One of the primary
claims made by pan-Africanists and other a
European individuals was that such European p
cies denied the peoples of Africa the right of
determination. For example, the Declaratio
Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World , drafte
a 1920 convention of the Universal Negro Impr
ment Association led by Marcus Garby, stated,
believe in the self-determination of all peopl
Through policies ranging from direct rule via m
tary force to indirect rule via forced economic
pendency, European governments were holding
rican countries back from determining their
course.
While the modern ―third world‖ certain
not free from the tethers of traditional western p
ers, the situation has greatly improved from wh
was a century ago. However, modern Euro
governments are now directly denying the righ
self-determination not to the peoples of other co
nents, but to the peoples of Europe itself. Consi
ing the rhetoric surrounding the European Un
such as a commitment to ―sustainable developm
and the goals of ―peace, prosperity and freedom‖
the people of Europe, this is a sad irony indeed.
Did You Know?Good prevailed and evil lost after the first issue of Foreign Policy
Handbook . That’s why we got rid of the image of Karl Marx onhe “left” side of our header and replaced him with a Realist and
iberty :)
Elliot Engstr
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ommentary | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
For a people to be able to determine their
own course, they must have the power to elect to of-
ice – and remove from office – the individuals who
make policy concerning trade, currency, banking,
borders, transportation laws, and a variety of other
ssues. However, the European Union is entirely
undemocratic in nature. The vast majority of deci-ions are made by the EU Commission, which is led
by unelected commissioners and an appointed bu-
eaucracy. The democratic element, the EU Parlia-
ment, has very few powers and very little influence.
The final element of the European political system,
he European Council, meets behind closed doors
nd typically makes secretive deals about which lit-
le is known. The incentive to care about the con-
erns of individual European citizens is marginal
ompared to the incentive to serve the needs of the
EU political machine itself. The recent Lisbon
Treaty, which itself is in many ways a de facto Euro-
pean Constitution, is just one more example of this
ack of respect for the concerns of individual Euro-
peans. Sadly, this lack of respect for the right of self determination is only one of the many problems
with the modern European Union.
As has recently been seen with Greece, the
European economic system has made European citi-
ens economically liable for the decisions of people
with which they have absolutely no relations. Not
only is there a moral argument against this that
ould frame this policy as tantamount to theft on a
massive scale, but such international economic de-pendence also decreases the incentive for individual
nation-states to be economically responsible. In the
ame way that American corporations will take
reater risks when they know that the Federal Re-
erve and United States Treasury will bail them out,
o will the less economically prominent members of
he EU take greater risks and run larger deficits –
leverly disguised with the help of firms like Gold-
man-Sachs – if they know that they have econo
giants like the UK and Germany to bail them
when things go awry.
A final problem with the EU is the ma
amount of power that it wields, a power tha
greater than ever originally intended when the
was formed on the foundation of the EuroCommunity. The
European Commu-
nity was an eco-
nomic organization
solely to be active in
those areas that
seemed to mutually
benefit the member
states, but now theEU is expanding
into areas that would better be handled by indiv
ual nation-states due to factors like European di
sity and the different types of situations enco
tered in different European countries. The M
tricht Treaty of 1992 began this leviathan-es
growth, and led to the existence of such policie
the Common Foreign and Security Policy and
Justice and Home Affairs Policy. While an efforthis size can only summon so much evidence to
side, the ultimate goal is to encourage readers to
vestigate the ever-increasing scope of EU power
themselves. Such a study will likely reveal that
European Union is doing far more damage t
good.
Greek riots after the fall of the Euro, May 2010
Did You Know?hree people died in riots in Greece this month after the euro
ollapsed in this birthplace of democracy.
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ommentary | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
to American Sovereignty:
Sovereignty, the supremacy of political power
nation has over its own actions, seems to be in
hreat. Since the
ollapse of the So-
viet Union in 1991, the United States has experi-nced absolute hegemony in a uni-polar world.
However, as globalization intertwines markets and
ultures, our neighbors to the East are gaining eco-
nomic traction. As China continues to grow eco-
nomically while America seems
o be experiencing the Japanese
tagnation trend, sovereignty is
becoming weakened. This eco-
nomic trend will inevitably ompromise American political
overeignty, ultimately creating
new world order.
A national debt reaching over $12 trillion,
aused by extreme government spending, accounts
or the reason why American economic sovereignty
s being compromised. Major problems in govern-
ment waste, bailouts to private corporations, and a
rillion dollar overseas expenditure are causing thedebt to skyrocket. During the Obama Administra-
ion alone, the national debt has risen over $1.5 tril-
ion and continues to climb. Many economists re-
lect this trend in the weakening U.S. dollar, the re-
erve currency around the world. When compared
o the Chinese yuan, the U.S. dollar comes out
trong. However, China has left the Yuan low
mainly for an export advantage.
China is aware that if they keep their
rency at a lower rate than their consumers, in
case the U.S., they can sell more products
goods, giving them an economic advantage. At
same time, China recognizes the weakening do
and is trying to usurp it for other alternative
nominations. In a New York Times article, ProfeRoubini warns this troubling fact as China is
paring to have its currency be ―means of paymen
bilateral trade.‖ China has made light of its posi
towards the US dollar during the G20 summit
which it called for a new international trade
rency.
To help support American spending, Ch
has become the largest creditor of the world, le
ing $1 trillion in bonds to the United States alHowever, as time passes and America consu
more, China is becoming increasingly worried ab
its largest debtor nation. In March of 2009, Prem
Win Jinbao demanded that China be guaranteed
safety of American markets. These two factors p
out the crucial lack of so
eignty America is losing. In
first point, China own
treasuries and having the aity to become the credito
American spending shows
vulnerability of American sustainability. To c
expenditures, America depends on foreign state
credit its markets, as well as the Federal Reserv
create them.
China, thus, is beginning to create an
nomic upper-hand for itself. As the dollar weak
and China becomes worried about the safety Obama administration cannot provide, China
the power to sell (or dump) the treasuries. Secon
China’s ―demand‖ for safe markets strongly port
the former point, as China’s role in the world
comes stronger. American political decisions, e
cially towards the international community,
largely provided on the basis of its hegemo
China’s confidence to demand anything from
“China possesses one
thing the United States
doesn’t: human capital.”
Marissa Yturralde-Giannotta
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United States dramatically shows the decline in U.S.
power.
Moreover, to further illustrate this point,
China possesses one thing the United States doesn’t:
human capital. In a country with over 1 billion peo-
ple and remarkable economic growth, the Chinese
middle class will inevitably keep getting larger.Once the Chinese are able to obtain purchasing
power, they can produce and sell products to their
own domestic arena, leaving the country’s depend-
nce on American consumerism. This remains the
ooming problem in many economists’ minds, as the
uture of America is held largely with the Chinese.
For the United States, the uni-polar world
will inevitably come to a close in the next century, as
nations such as China, India, and Brazil becomerowing players in the international world. Ameri-
an sovereignty has already been compromised eco-
nomically and once the US is affected dramatically
by its weakening economic sovereignty, decisions
based on international circumstances will have to
arter to a more bi-polar political world. It is our
overnment of over-regulation and over-taxation
hat causes the private sector to loose more jobs due
o rising costs. Government policies can change toreate an economic and political change in this
ountry. If DC wants to remain in its position and
etain its sovereignty, it must change its economic
policies.
Why Conservatives Shoul
Hate
Our Foreign PolicLet’s take a moment to examine some m
stays of conservative thought: three total nnegotiables in the con-
servative worldview from
old standard-bearers like William F. Buckley, r
on down to the present-day Tea Party movement
Number one: conservatives do not like w
fare programs. They destroy productive capital,
distribute wealth, and sadly perpetuate pove
Number two: conservatives positively hate cor
rate bailouts (which are really just corporate wfare). They also destroy productive capital, re
tribute wealth, and incentivize risky behavior. N
ber three: conservatives do not take kindly to
expansion of Federal authority over the states
consolidates power in too few hands, it leaves d
sion-making to distant bureaucrats who don’t
derstand a state or city’s local needs, and it’s usu
just plain unconstitutional, violating the t
amendment.How does this apply to America’s present
eign policy? It commits all three sins against con
vative principles- and does so more extravaga
than perhaps any other government program or
icy. If American conservatives are averse to the
distribution of wealth from some Americans to
ers, how much more should they oppose the re
tribution of wealth right out of this country into
for the Foreign Policy Handbook?
Be a Patriot. Join the Movement.
Email the Editor:
Find us on the web: http://www.yaliberty.org/
Wesley Messamor
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hands of the people of other countries? Aside from
more overt forms of foreign welfare, even our mili-
ary policy often amounts to little more than welfare
or the people of other countries. When our compas-
ionate conservative president, George W. Bush
bragged about the humanitarian nature of Opera-
ion Iraqi Freedom- he was bragging about expand-ng our welfare state to include recipients in other
ountries. Can conservatives honestly approve?
As for bailouts, or corporate welfare- the
number one factor that galvanized America’s resur-
ent liberty movement over the last two years- our
oreign and military policy are fraught with it. The
errible thing is how sneaky it is. If a lobbyist con-
vinces Congress to bail out their company with tax-
payer money, Americans can clearly see and opposehis policy as corporate welfare. But what if the lob-
byist gets Congress to award his company a contract
or services the government can convince taxpayers
hat it needs? Then the lobbyist and his company
an get away with the taxpayer’s money without in-
iting the taxpayer’s rage. But this is still corporate
welfare and it happens all the time- frequently in
he defense budget (which is one reason why de-
ense accounts for so much of the federal budget). Ist so hard to believe that not all our defense dollars
ctually make us more safe? That our politicians
ust might be lying to us and spending that money
o make their friends and lobbyists and donors
wealthier at your expense?
Finally- the more involved our federal gov-
rnment becomes in a foreign policy of never-
nding troop deployments, peace-keeping missions,
wars, occupations, permanent treaties and strategiclliances (like NATO and the UN), the more deci-
ions it necessarily makes for the several states
whether those decisions are best for each individual
tate or not. Concentrating so much power in the
hands of the federal government should make any
onservative wary, and our present foreign policy
does just that. It ensures that our federal govern-
ment takes more and more money from states and
decides how it should be spent, makes more
more decisions in one distant city (Washing
D.C.) that affect everybody else, and has rawer,
checked power over the states and the people
spectively. Conservatives should not be happy w
this state of affairs at all. While they may cheer
government’s decision to indefinitely detain potial terrorists without charges because it m
make us more safe, conservatives would do wel
remember that our government’s Departmen
Homeland Security considers them potential ter
ists.
It should be clear from our examination
these three mainstays of conservative thought,
conservatives (even more than socialist prog
sives) should be outraged at our present foreign icy.
Be the Catalyst
Join the F oreign Service
Visit <<http://careers.state.gov/officer/index.html>>
Be the change in the Washington Machine
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Our Foreign Policy?
Many different groups influence foreign pol-cy in the United States. The purpose of this article
s not to discuss in depth how each of the groups
that will be mentioned affect
foreign policy, but to men-
ion some major ones who do, and some resources
o study them further. This subject is often contro-
versial. I suggest studying them through the lens of
skeptic, but with an open mind.
The first group is the Council on Foreign Re-ations (CFR). They are ―an independent, nonparti-
an membership organization, think tank, and pub-
isher,‖ according to the official CFR website. Their
members include media personalities, globalist ce-
ebrities, and powerful politicians and bureaucrats,
mong others. Their members have exerted much
nfluence on our foreign policy since their founding
n 1921. While the CFR has no clear, discernable
genda, it is their individual members who influ-nce foreign policy, not the group itself.
The best book I have come across in re-
earching the CFR is The Shadows of Power: The
Council on Foreign Relations and the American De-
line, by James Perloff. It basically asserts the CFR
s a ―hidden oligarchy‖ of sorts, and even if you do
not agree with its conclusions, you will likely find it
a riveting read, and will learn a lot about the CF
the process. It should be noted the CFR has s
members which may be considered promoters of
cause of liberty, such as Amity Shlaes, author of
Forgotten Man, a free-market account of the G
Depression, which I recommend reading. Shlaes
senior fellow with the organization.Two other groups which, along with the C
are often accused of abetting in a globalist cons
acy are the Trilateral Commission (TC) and
Bilderberg Group. I have yet to come across any
erature which defends the two groups against a
sations made against them, which is mainly
they are working towards globalism and aga
American sovereignty. One book that offers ins
into both groups is The True Story of the BilderbGroup, the North American Union Edition,
Daniel Estulin. While it is hard to prove or disp
some of Estulin’s accusations, he does provid
very in-depth look into the history of both gro
as well as some attendee lists, which you may
surprising. No one can deny both groups exert m
sive power over American foreign policy. Presid
Jimmy Carter was a Trilateral Commission mem
himself, and President Bill Clinton attendeBilderberg Group meeting before becoming the
mocratic nominee in 1992. Remember that biz
moment during the 2008 election where Presid
Obama’s plane took off with a bunch of angry
porters inside, and no then-Senator Obama? M
allege that President Obama was actually attend
the 2008 Bilderberg Group meeting in Chant
Virginia.
The American Israeli Public Affairs Commtee (AIPAC), which calls itself ―America’s pro-Is
lobby‖ on its website, is influential in obtaining
government support for the Israeli government.
PAC makes the interests of the Israeli governm
paramount. For further study on AIPAC from a
ertarian angle I highly recommend the antiwar.
articles which pertain to them. Grant Smith w
an excellent article on how AIPAC spies on Am
Brandon DeMeo
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ans. Philip Giraldi, whose writings often appear on
he Campaign for Liberty website, wrote an article
on antiwar.com entitled ―The Best Congress AIPAC
Can Buy,‖ which I consider a good starting point for
tudying the negative effects of AIPAC on our for-
ign policy.
While these are not the only groups whichnfluence our foreign policy, they are four of the
most important. Clearly, our interventionist foreign
policy is due in part to influences by groups which
have other goals in mind than national security.
That is the inherent danger in these groups; they do
not put America and its citizens and its military men
nd women first. They put their special interests
irst.
Disproving Democratic Peace Theory
Many academics and so-called politicians of-
en argue that Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) is
lose to becoming international relations law. While
many Libertarians and liberty-
minded individuals uphold the
mantras of free markets, advocating nation-building
or the sake of free trade is the philosophical equiva-
ent of Adam Smith resurrecting from his grave and
greeing with Vladimir Lenin on the science of his-
ory; it’s blind neoconservatism at best. Nation-
building-Democratic-Caliphates violate state sover-
ignty and induce blowback. DPT suggests that no
two democracies ever go to war with one ano
because, as Kant professed in Perpetual Peace, p
ple in an electoral system will never vote for a lea
who is willing to send them to war. He wrote,
“If the consent of the citizens is required in order to de
that war should be declared (and in this constitution it c
not but be the case), nothing is more natural than that
would be very cautious in commencing such a poor ga
decreeing for themselves all the calamities of war.”
Many fail to recall the evolution of dem
racy over the course of history. Democracies wer
born overnight, neither were they byproduct
some divine intervention or gift from god. Re
sentative governments evolved from thousand
years of feudal, oppressive systems that dictatedcial law and restricted the free flow of capita
means of serfdom, slavery, religion, excess ta
social control, and divine right. The Enlightenm
was a product of Feudalism, and even then,
teachings of Locke, Hume, and Voltaire took
other hundred years to be partially implemen
into European society. By the early 1800s, Napol
Bonaparte transformed the French Republic
the French Consulate which had three voting boand plural suffrage. France, under Napoleon,
administrative departments, established hig
education, a tax code, infrastructure systems, an
central bank. It had all the ingredients to make
E.U. eurocrat believe that Napoleon was the mis
link. And so did England. England had a parliam
with dual Houses, a House of Lords and a Hous
Commons. The United States had a function
Constitution and a representative body as well. France and England went to war for the better
of the early 1800’s, and England and the Un
States went to war within the same timeframe.
As Democracies evolved through revolu
and radical political reform, they also grew h
monic. Britain, with a representative Parliam
developed an empire that covered one-third of
globe. The English mantra soon changed to, ―
PhotocourtesyofFineOldArt.com
Roy Antoun
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un never sets on the English Empire.‖ France ex-
panded into the Middle East and North Africa after
stablishing its Republic in the late 19th century.
Germany developed colonies through wars in South
Africa; the United States established protectorates
n Cuba, the Philippines, and the list expanded over
ime. Even recently, Americans reelected PresidentGeorge W. Bush in 2004 on the terms that he would
ontinue the colloquial ―War on Terror‖. Democra-
ies are not naturally peaceful; rather, they are a by-
product of whatever cultural elites sell it to be, in
his case, hegemonic. If the president woke up one
morning and decided that democracies operating on
non-Western standards would henceforth become
nemies of the U.S., it is almost guaranteed that, if
old properly, culture will follow long with the self-professed elite.
But this isn’t a matter ―if‖ the
president will do this – he already
has, hence, our distaste for states
uch as Egypt, Iran, Palestine, and
Venezuela.
However, Democracies not only go to war
with other states but also go to war with each other.
The War of 1812, fought between the United Statesnd parliamentary England, was the first example of
how two representational states were capable of
warring against one another. The Franco-Prussian
War of 1870-71 was fought between the French Re-
public and a parliamentarian, representative Prus-
ia. India and Pakistan, two parliamentarian gov-
ernments went to war with one another in the In
Pakistani war of 1965. The Falkland Island Wa
1982 was fought between Britain and Argentina
which both had representgovernments. Although many m
argue that these listed count
were not ―Democracies‖ in tod
Western standards, the
countries had wide representa
of some fashion or another with an electoral b
not limited to just aristocratic members of societ
Democratic Peace Theory is also a Wesinvention. Democracy within itself is a Western
vention and has been crafted by Western think
Immanuel Kant, author of Perpetual Peace, resi
in present-day Germany where the theory was
devised. By ―Western‖ I am eluding to the Hunt
tonian concept of the Cold War-Western W
which consisted of the United States, Canada,
Europe, minus South America and Russia; ―d
lords‖ and ―commies‖ need not apply when neocservatives reign the American Empire. This inv
tion does not suggest, however, that culture is
nately democratic; cultures are whatever their e
make them to be and are always prone to cha
Rather, Democracies have the dangerous poten
and tendency to be hegemonic, especially when
elected leaders wish to promote those ―democr
values‖ abroad. And hence, Democratic Peace T
“Governments go to war with one another; people do not.”
PhotocourtesyofPsyWar.org
The Falkland Island War: Two Democracies at War
War of 1812: Two Democracies at War
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ory is born on this concept: if the world desires to be
ree, then democracies are obliged to make the
world free for the sake of perpetual peace. But per-
petual peace inevitably relies on perpetual war. As
ultures change, governments change. Democracy is
never permanent and neither is any form of govern-
ment. The only thing perpetual is the theory. Play-ng ―world police‖, or a real life version of RISK,
with the intentions of preserving democratic values
ventually drains economies for the military en-
orcement of said values. To ensure ―freedom‖, the
U.S. has fought over five major wars in the past cen-
ury which have only resulted in perpetual conflict
oday.
In an age where state governments dictate
ocial and economic policy, Democratic Peace The-ory will be put to a much greater test. The theory
lso suggests that states which trade with one an-
other are less likely to go to war due to fiscal de-
pendency. This is perhaps doubly more dangerous
han Engels’s prediction of a global communist
evolution. States that traded with one another
hroughout history have always gone to war, pre-
isely for economic reasons. The Anglo-Dutch Wars,
he War of 1812, and the World Wars, just to name aew, were sparked by states that already established
rade with one another or were angered over debt
nd mismanaged bureaucratic economies. Interven-
ion in the marketplace, like interventionism in for-
ign policy, gave the Nazi Party the parliamentary
majority in Germany and fascism in Italy. Democ-
acy is not permanent and that is the major flaw in
Democratic Peace Theory. Even if they were, gov-
rnment will always find new reasons to conductwar.
Governments go to war with one another;
people do not. Senator George McGovern once
tated, ―I’m fed up to the ears with old men dream-
ng up wars for young men to die in.‖ He was refer-
ncing how the ―old men‖ elected into office often
end young men to war and never vice versa. Why?
Because individuals are simply incapable of waging
war whereas the military-industrial complex is.
Nonintervention and open markets, howe
are a safer alternative to seeking a more peac
world. Democracies are, in essence, premature
publics. Allowing nations to determine their o
paths to republicanism (which is how most E
pean nation-states and the U.S. formed their gernments) is far safer than the nation-building m
tras of Democratic Peace Theory. Although this
ternative does not eliminate the possibility of wa
most certainly reduces it.
When governments become indebted to
another either fiscally or ideologically, they beco
vulnerable to war and discontent. When pr
businesses become indebted to one another, the
forced, under the rule of law, to settle mattersgally because they have no militaries. But gove
ments do and that is precisely what makes them
dangerous and volatile. That is why democracies
essentially hazardous without the rule of law. T
is why people have established republics; when p
ple stray from republican forms of government
adherence to law becomes moot even on an inte
tional level, states become prone to war and conf
Democratic Peace Theory is flawed and obsoletethese reasons. Democracy or not, so long as pe
allow the growth of the state, war will forever be
health of the state.
For an interesting read, pick up Ivan Eland’s The Empire Has No Clothes
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Explanations for
Historical: Bin Ladin’s Al-Qaeda
On September 11th, 2001, a day in which al-
most all Americans remember vividly, the images of
two towers collaps-
ing in the midst of
New York City, united a country in unprecedented
ways. The passion and patriotism that exploded af-er the traumatic events integrated the efforts of bi-
partisanship across Washington. Democrats and
Republicans alike came together in a time of great
weakness in our nation’s history. As America would
begin a war on the Middle East, the Arab World was
preparing to continue one. Eight years and almost
$700 billion later we still face the same challenges
we did on September 12th, 2001. Since the attacks
on the World Trade Center our efforts to reduce na-ional security threats and bring vengeance on ter-
orist have failed. Our tactic and understanding of
errorism have been essential to the failure of what
many would say a ―no win‖ war.
To explain why battling terrorism has failed,
we first must understand the motives of our ene-
mies. In other words, we must try to learn why they
feel they need to go to extreme measures to kill
west.‖— this first comes with the understandin
Middle Eastern history. The aftermaths of Sept
ber 11th didn’t give the public much time to pon
why they attacked ―us‖ before President Bush
nounced the nation. The President stated that
Qaeda’s motive for the attacks were solely basedthe hatred of ―our freedoms, our democracy and
wealth.‖ As a result, the nation believed this con
sion. Bin Ladin, used this for his advantage to
cruit more members into one of the largest terro
organizations in the world. In this paper, I will
plain how globalization and a ―lack of democra
have been used efficiently by terrorist organiza
such as Al-Qaeda.
In a speech made right after the attacks, Ladin stated the reasons and justifications for
actions. In what would become his 9/11 Spe
Ladin stated that the Middle East, ever since
forced break up of the Ottoman Empire after W
War 1, has been left weak and only governe
western states. Arab nations under the contro
mainly British mandate powers, never fully reac
sovereignty. They could never govern themse
the way they wanted to in their own holy laMoreover, Bin Ladin illustrated that military in
sions particularly from the United States have d
nothing but harm to the Arab nations. He elabor
on Afghanistan’s participation, headed by
United States, to end the Cold War. The US gave
Qaeda equipment to defeat the Soviets and sub
quently radicalize them for our own national se
rity interests at the time. A few years later, the
had sided with Iraq’s former and late dictator Sdam Hussein during the Iraq-Iran war. We t
changed diplomatic ties with Iraq and put tr
sanctions that caused many to die of starvation
other related diseases. Additionally, Bin Ladin u
the Arab-Israeli conflict in Palestine. Palestine
been unable to achieve territorial and judicial so
eignty while Israel gained independence in
1960s with Western support. Economic and mili
Marissa Yturralde-Giannotta
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id from the US has been used in Israel against Pal-
stinians when trying to achieve self-determination.
The power Israel has been able to secure is largely
due and maintained by the West, particularly the
United States. Bin Ladin strongly advocated for the
nding of this aid and the US participation in Arab-
sraeli conflicts.
The Power of Globalization: Explanation #1.
While many states (Iran, Syria etc), even
hose who disagreed with the United States, showed
nitial sympathy for the attacks, the public was still
unconvinced of the war
he United States was
bout to wage in their
and. Globalization, or in-egrated global communi-
ation, has played a cru-
ial part in terrorism. The
ransfer of images, includ-
ng video and photos,
ives a live feed to the
vents happening in the
Arab region. In this case,
hese images are shown onmany television sets and
omputer screens accessible
o many Arabs. In Arab eyes, the chaos and destruc-
ion occurring is directly correlated to U.S. occupa-
ion in the region. Thus it is easy to connect that Bin
Ladin, in a wicked sense, becomes a ―freedom
ighter‖ to many Arab people. In some form, some
Arab people and even some states (indiscreetly) har-
bored a sense of satisfaction that America was now asting what the Arab world was tasting for years.
Even if it is right or wrong, Arabs directly point the
blame to the United States. Many critics of the Iraq
War, including, Congressman Ron Paul, point out
hat globalization is the main reason for continued
esentment towards the United States that inevita-
bly breeds terrorism. With our foreign policy being
displayed on all different kinds of mediums in the
region, we no longer possess soft power or ad
tion that most of the world did towards the Un
States.
The globalization theory also states that
―have-nots‖, or the impoverished, are encourage
take steps against the unjust actions occurrin
their state. Globalization creates a sense of rejecto the world’s progression that many of these ―h
nots‖ possess. This, however, is not consistent w
the findings as seen with terrorist organizations
though it does encourage a population to take
tion, most impoverished are not concerned wi
radical political age
that Bin Ladin is tryin
sell. Instead they bec
indifferent or in mcases oblivious to
events happening in
ternational politics a
or history. Because th
is a significant popula
living in rural and/or
poverished in the Mid
East, access to daily n
does not reach a percage of the people. Rat
the impoverished
solely concerned with the tasks of daily life t
some political agenda. Because globalization le
to prosperity and modernization, only the up
class, those who have leisure time, and/or th
considered intellectual, develop such feelings. Th
most terrorists, despite popular belief, are actu
the cultured of the Middle East who have accessity to world events rather than poor uneducated
ral ―have-nots.‖
Political Power Vacuum: Explanation
The years after 9/11, many in DC were c
vinced that a lack of democracy was one of the
rect causes of terrorism. This theory, consta
used by neo-conservatives and other politicians
Photo courtesy of OldAmericanCentury.Org
Can democracy be hegemonic?
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erts that totalitarian states harbor more terrorists
because of the lack of individual rights, or in essence
democracy. Individual rights and liberties, including
hose in the Bill of Rights, provide protection of thendividual from the government. The government,
herefore, has checks and balances from the collec-
ive society. A totalitarian regime (a state that lacks
democracy), they advocate, leads to mass dissent
nd rebellion within the population, or in this case,
breeds terrorism. Thus, the United States views a
ack of democracy, especially within the Arab States,
s an environment in which terrorism can easily
pread because of the discontent dwelling in thepublic.
The problem with this theory is that empiri-
al evidence disproves its conclusion. While there is
political dissent in totalitarian regimes, most are
radicated quick and efficiently. The totalitarian re-
ime in Iraq exemplifies this notion. Saddam Hus-
ein’s regime would publically show its aggression
owards any dissenter. Furthermore, totalitarian re-
imes act as big brothers in the society, heavily monitoring culture; therefore, there is no room for
deas to develop or assemble under heavily moni-
ored societies (totalitarians, authoritarian). There
has been no evidence to support that Iraq was har-
boring terrorists or that terrorist activities were be-
ng conducted under the radar of the totalitarian re-
ime. Rather, because of the power vacuum that has
occurred, terrorism has grown in Iraq and has al-
lowed much mobility within the terrorist organ
tion to assemble and recruit. Without a legitim
government with actual policing force, an envi
ment is created where terrorists are allowed to c
tinue their work and move throughout border
influence and gather more recruits. For the Un
States, this means the supply-side of terrorismstill not being addressed.
Explaining the reasons for terrorism is by
means a justification towards it. Rather, by expl
ing the reasons on how terrorism is created, m
tained, and manifested it allows the United State
battle terrorism efficiently with potentially less
of life. However, seeing the continued resentm
the Arab people have towards the United Stateslustrates that American foreign policy regarding
region needs some viable change or more blowb
will undoubtedly occur. Its important to high
the historical reasons for the cause of this res
ment as seen in the Arab eyes. Globalization am
fies the resentment and a lack of democracy m
lizes it. Although these are not the sole two reas
for the continuation of terrorism, they are imp
tant to the understanding how terrorism is still to act discreetly, going through weak governm
infrastructure and becoming transnational (
now transcontinental with terrorism recruiting
Europe) organizations. As previously mentioned
have the United States efficiently battle terrorism
stop further loss of innocent lives, there must b
study of the supply-side of terrorism and how
Ladin and others alike have been using it to t
advantage.
YALIBERTY.ORG/FPH
PhotocourtesyofTheAge.com.au
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Epic Fail:How International Financial Institutions
Are the Causes of World Problems
The International Monetary Fund (―IMF‖),
long with the World Bank, was created in 1944 at
the infamous Bretton Woods
Conference. The conference
s most commonly known for creating the dollar as
he reserve currency of the world after massive in-
lation during World War II destroyed most coun-
ries' currencies.
At conception, the IMF and World Bank were
understood to have been created in order to reestab-
ish the ravaged world after World War II. The
World Bank had the goal of ―economic and social
progress‖, while the IMF was to allow for currency
xchange and act as a lender of last resorts for in-
debted nations. Before World War II, the world
used an international gold standard for money.
Now, without a gold standard, the stated reasons for
reating the IMF was to make foreign currencies
vailable freely and sufficiently to promote trade.
Throughout the 1960s, the IMF and W
Bank both became more powerful. Now the
also functions to ―stop trade deficits‖. Nearly e
United Nations member is a member of both
World Bank and IMF and they are funded alm
entirely by membership fees. Or in other words
dollars.Most IMF and World Bank loans are gi
with stipulations. The money must be used in a
tain way or certain policies must be implemente
the liking of the IMF. Often this involves curre
devaluation or other monetary manipulations.
other times, it involves erecting trade barriers or
moving them. In this way, the IMF and World B
effectively bribe politicians of countries to enfo
policies that these unaccountable technocrats fit. Whether these policies are wise or not is not
issue but rather the perverse incentives created
the institutions to destroy the democratic proces
the countries to which the IMF and World Bank
fer loans. Worse yet, after these stipulations
made, if the government seeks forgiveness of d
often it comes with only more stipulations. La
this sort of massive loans to governments instea
credit-worthy private sector businesses encouraonly central planning, which has been shown to
consistently.
Furthermore, there is no democratic pro
for the citizens of the countries giving the loan.
IMF and World Bank is giving loans comple
while completely unaccountable to the people wh
money they are using for them. This ends in the
age of
Ameri-can tax-
payers
in a va-
riety of
ways that they would not approve. The IMF
World bank have funded various dictators over
years from Argentina to Zaire, many with poor
man rights records. Even though the loans
“With the advent of this fiacurrency, it allows massivearbitrary inflation of the global money supply.”
Daniel Suraci
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ommentary | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
iven with stipulations, money is fungible. This
means that when an international financial institu-
ion gives one million dollars to a dictator for
infrastructure projects‖ or ―food, blankets and ne-
essities‖, that is one million dollars he can use for
bullets, propaganda, etc instead of supplying those
basic needs.John Perkins, author of Confessions of an
Economic Hit Man, levels another critique at the
MF and World Bank: that they are similar tools of
orporate welfare. When a government creates an
nfrastructure project, they must hire a company.
This tends to be a large American corporation which
ffectively lobbies for the job. The companies hire
conomists to use econometrics to show massive
rowth and sustainability, even where it does notxist. The governments then take out a massive
oan from the World Bank, and then use it to buy
he labor of an American company. In this way, the
World Bank acts as simply a roundabout subsidy for
American businesses.
The IMF has one decree which should bother
Americans after the financial collapse of the past
years: the ability to bailout indebted nations. Much
of the same rationale for why domestic bailouts forompanies are bad are the same for countries. Pri-
marily, (1) moral hazard and (2) preserving a status
quo that has failed. Bankruptcy is a time not only
for companies to organize but countries as well.
preventing this reorganization, the IMF preven
country from resolving the mistakes which led
its collapse. The IMF has created its own fiat
rency called Special Drawing Rights (―SDR‖) wh
allow it to effectively give any country how
much money the IMF sees fit. Granted theysupposedly bound by their reserves, but in the
they can forgive the debt. The IMF cannot go ba
rupt.
With the advent of this fiat currency, it all
massive arbitrary inflation of the global money s
ply. While before, when the international stand
was gold, the money supply was limited by the fi
nature of gold. Now, the total money supply is
in check merely by technocrats. Obviously, thefect of this will be much more localized as the
connected in each country are paid with an arbit
amount of SDR , it acts in the same way that a F
eral Reserve increase in the money supply does
mestically. Again though, the IMF's inflation is
ated far from the reaches of any democratic pro
within the country's constituents.
Lastly, the IMF and World Bank prese
legal problem and not simply policy ones. Wherthe Constitutional authority to use federal
money to fund international institutions? E
though the executive is given the authority to cr
treaties, Congress must sign them, and can only
force provisions pursuant to their enumerated p
ers under the Constitution.
The IMF and World Bank show the failur
central planning and of bureaucracies over
over. In only this brief survey of the macronomic problems created by the IMF and W
Bank, they cause financial, monetary, legal, polit
and economic problems. This does not begin
touch on the actual effects felt in the microecono
affairs of the average citizen in the count
touched by these institutions. The IMF and W
Bank are unjustifiable, and serve only to waste
sources. As Dr. Ron Paul stated, ―The IMF is a r
In Next Month’s Issue of
F oreign Policy Handbook
In Depth Look at Greece & the Federal Reserve
Why Google Made the Right Decision
Will Afghanistan ever end? Wargaming!
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ommentary | Young Americans for Liberty | The Foreign Policy Handbook | Issue II | May 2010
of an era when power-hungry bureaucrats and de-
uded economists believed they could micromanage
he world's economy.‖ Today, it is time to move on
rom such delusion.
Young Americans for Liberty | http://www.yaliberty.org | May 2010 [email protected] | P.O. Box 2751 Arlington, VA 2220221
By the FPH Team
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“Anyone who has ever looked intothe glazed eyes of a soldier dying
on the battlefield will think hard
before starting a war.”
- Otto von Bismarck