Facing Reality_English Language Learners in Middle School Classes

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Facing Reality: English Language Learners in Middle School Classes Author(s): Eliane Rubinstein-Ávila Source: English Education, Vol. 35, No. 2, English Education in Middle Grades (Jan., 2003), pp.

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Facing Reality: English Language Learners in Middle School Classes

Eliane Rubinstein-Avila

middle school teachers today need to consider carefully the complex needs of the English language learners (ELLs) in their classrooms. As

Young (1996) argues, because the English-only movement continues to "gain momentum" across the country, the "mainstreaming of non-native speakers into English-only classrooms is becoming the norm" (p. 17). Therefore, all middle school teachers today, not only those teaching English as a second language classes, ought to consider obtaining ESL endorsements or sheltered English content area training in order to be better prepared for the

day-to-day realities in their classrooms. In order to ensure that no child lags behind, the educational plight of immigrant students and US-born children of immigrants can no longer be neglected. Providing the means for these children to further their literacy development will not only benefit individual students, their families and communities, but also will benefit and

strengthen the nation. In this article, I address several relevant questions of interest to middle

grades language arts teachers and teacher educators: Who are today's En-

glish language learners? How is the plight of "new" immigrant students different from the plight of immigrant youth a century ago? Why do immi-

grant youth in the 21st century require special programs, if they succeeded in the past without them? What are the current challenges for middle school

ELLs, and how might middle school teachers, particularly English language arts teachers, best support a diverse range of English language proficiencies in their classrooms? How might teacher preparation programs provide preservice teachers the tools they need to become successful professionals and to help them prepare for the realistic challenges and recognize mul-

tiple possibilities with the ELLs in their classrooms?

122 English Education, January 2003



Rubinstein-Avila > Facing Reality

Looking to the Past to Help Us Understand the Present and Plan for the Future

As Carroll, Blake, Camalo, and Messer (1996) argue, "The expectation that teachers in today's middle and high schools will teach native speakers and writers of English is outdated" (p. 25). In fact, the number of English lan-

guage learners enrolled at the middle school level is currently higher than at any other time in the history of the nation. At the same time, the dropout rates of Hispanic/Latino students from secondary schools are highest among all minority groups, and many of these dropouts are ELLs. Almost all students enter middle school, but this is the point at which we begin to lose them. The challenge for middle school teachers, therefore, is to retain the growing number of ELLs who are enrolled and to ensure their lit-

eracy development and content-rich education. The following question has been asked by many Americans (some of

them educators): "In spite of my great grandfather's limited education and no English skills when he arrived in the US from , he was able to put his children through school, and he eventually even bought a house. So why do new arrivals today need special treatment (i.e., bilingual/ESL/sheltered English content area classes)?" It's an important question, for while effective middle school teachers may not harbor such feelings about their students, this pervasive attitude within a community could prevent the allocation of tax revenues to support the education of non-native speakers. The answer is that the needs of today's immigrant students must be exam- ined in historical, social, and economic contexts.

During the first great wave of immigration during the turn of the 20th

century, immigrant adolescents were rapidly absorbed into a burgeoning industrial work force. At that time, good health and a willingness to work hard for long hours were the only requirements. In spite of workers' low skills and English proficiency, work was plentiful in mills and factories. Thus, immigrant adolescent workers were slowly able to "move up" within the

factory structure, and as adults, they were even able to achieve the Ameri- can dream of home ownership and the chance to provide a better life and

greater opportunities for their children. However, the adolescent immigrants from the current great immi-

gration wave, which started after the Immigration Act of 1965 and peaked in the 1990s, face social and economic realities that differ sharply from those of their predecessors a century ago (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Today's adolescent ELLs (first and second-generation immigrants) are con-

The number of English lan-

guage learners enrolled at the middle school level is currently higher than at any other time in the history of the nation.

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English Education, V35 N2, January 2003

fronted with a different economy, one that has been described by using the

hourglass as a metaphor: The skilled and educated workers enter top-level jobs, while unskilled workers are relegated to repetitive, badly paid jobs with

little, if any, security and opportunity for upward mobility. In today's

economy an adolescent with a high school diploma and only mediocre aca-

demic literacy skills is much less likely to achieve middle-class status as an

adult. Therefore, in order to succeed in the current economy, adolescent

ELLs need to obtain much higher levels of education and develop solid aca-

demic proficiency in English. In the recent past, approximately 80% of ELLs

(R-12) were typically enrolled in special programs such as bilingual (with a

range of first language support), dual immersion programs, English as a

second language classes, self-contained and sheltered English content classes

(Butler & Stevens, 2001). The passage of propositions such as 227 in Califor-

nia in 1988, and 203 in Arizona in 2000 (with other states threatening to

follow their lead) limited ELLs access to these services (Gandara & Max-

well-Jolly, 2000). As a consequence, many more ELLs are attending main-

stream classes.

The question now becomes this: Are mainstream English and content

area teachers equipped to meet the needs of these students? While some

elementary teacher education programs are gearing up to prepare all

preservice teachers for culturally and linguisti-

cally diverse students (see Mora & Grisham,

2001), few middle school and secondary teacher

education programs are addressing the needs of

ELLs across the curriculum (Moore, Bean,

Birdyshaw, & Rycik, 1999). For example, a recent

examination of the impact of Proposition 227 on

16 school districts in California found that ELLs

are more likely to be taught by non-credentialed

teachers, and no systematic professional development was in place (Gandara & Maxwell-Jolly, 2000).

Heterogeneity among Middle-level English Language Learners

The majority of English language learners today are immigrants or the chil-

dren of immigrants, part of the fastest growing segment of the nation's population (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Although ELLs are referred

to as one entity, often in contrast to students for whom English is the home

language, they are a vastly heterogeneous group. In fact, diversity is one of

the most salient features of ELLs (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). This heterogene-

Although ELLs are referred to as one entity, often in contrast to

students for whom English is the home language, they are a

vastly heterogeneous group. In

fact, diversity is one of the most salient features of ELLs.

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ity is even greater among middle school students. Such heterogeneity often is confronted for the first time in middle school, a situation that can create social tensions for ELL students. Because middle schools often bring students together from diverse and distant neighborhoods, the students and their families are less well known by teachers, other significant adults, and

peers. In addition to individual differences (interest, motivation, personal

characteristics), ELLs today differ in age, country of origin, ethnicity, lan-

guage, culture, family SES (social economic status), prior formal schooling experiences, and consequent levels of proficiency in their first language and English language development (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). Educators cannot assume that all ELL students are immigrants or children of immigrants, since Native American children speaking a variety of home languages such as Chippewa, Cherokee, Choctaw, Apache, Crow, and especially Navajo, also

may be designated ELL (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). Similarly, many Mexican

families, especially in the Southwest along border towns, may have been

residing in their communities for over five generations, well before the land

they live on became United States territory. Teachers may not be fully aware of the impact of ELL students' SES

and social capital on their English language acquisition and development. Often factors such as the students' perceived cognitive abilities or their nationalities are viewed as challenges or blessings. Consequently, well-in- tentioned teachers may make simplistic generalizations such as, "My South American students seem to learn English so much faster than my Mexican students." However when SES is considered, the picture becomes much more

complex. Whether ELLs are from Argentina, Colombia, Israel, India, or Mexico, those whose parents are highly skilled professionals or university professors (usually living in the US temporarily) bring with them resources and experiences that are aligned with mainstream school culture and ex-

pectations; therefore, they often are able to provide the academic support that is expected by school personnel.

In order to illustrate more vividly the impact of SES on the process of academic English language development, I provide a snapshot of three middle school ELLs whose experiences and academic needs vary.

Radika

Radika came to the US with her family from India. After only one year in an ESL program, she seemed to have integrated smoothly, and almost effort-

lessly, into the mainstream 7th grade class. Like many ELLs whose foreign-

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born parents are highly educated professionals, Radika did well in school in

spite of language barriers. Radika had been enrolled in schools continuously; she had not missed months or years of school in the transition from India to the US. She was highly literate in her first language upon arrival, and the school she attended in India had provided her with a solid base in math, science, and ESL. She also could count on her parents' help with school

assignments. In the US, the family lived in a higher income neighborhood where English was the dominant language. Radika's access to extracurricu- lar activities also provided her with numerous opportunities to interact with native English speakers. Print in several Indian languages and English was common in Radika's home in various forms (newspapers, manuals, maga- zines, books, dictionaries, comic books, and letters). On weekends Radika and her siblings often accompanied their parents to museums, plays, recit- als, and the entire family attended the local library to check out books. Radika did not replace her mother tongue with English; rather, she added English to her already extensive language repertoire.

Stefani

Stefani, also in the 7th grade, was born in the US to working class Mexican

parents. Although she had been enrolled in US urban schools from kinder-

garten (except for a year or two during which the family moved back to

Mexico), she was still categorized as ELL (because her standardized test scores were below the 36th percentile). Stefani was enrolled in a bilingual/ ESL program that was physically segregated from the rest of the school (segregated as many such programs are: in bungalows, basements, other wings off the main building). Stefani's interaction with native speakers of English was infrequent, and most of her teachers were not fully credentialed. She lived in an immigrant enclave where face-to-face interactions with native

English speakers were also limited, if not rare. In spite of her parents' de- sire to support her, they were not able to assist Stefani with school assignments and projects. Moreover, due to the poorly-lit streets and the potential dangers of drug-related activity in her neighborhood, her fearful and pro- tective parents prohibited her from visiting friends or participating in after school programs where she might have had opportunities to obtain assistance with homework and to interact with native English speakers. On week-

ends, since both parents worked, Stefani was the principal caretaker for her two younger siblings, and thus spent most of the time indoors watching tele- vision. While Stefani hoped to go to college after high school, her limited access to the college-bound curricula (due to her ELL status) no doubt cur-

126




tailed her chances of being admitted to a four-year institution (see Valdes, 2001).

Caco

Not unlike many immigrant families, Caco's family experienced a long and

bumpy path from the Dominican Republic to their final destination in Mas- sachusetts. As a result, Caco's formal schooling attendance was intermit- tent. Caco's parents were well aware and concerned with the disruption that this was causing, but did not have much choice in the matter. Caco

began attending a small town school in the Dominican Republic as a child. As is often the case among rural families before immigrating, they moved to Santo Domingo (the capital), where Caco attended several different schools. En route to New York, the family spent a year in Puerto Rico waiting for

visas, during which time Caco attended school only sporadically. Once in New York City, Caco attended a couple of schools before his family finally resettled an hour away from Boston, where his parents and older brother secured better factory jobs. In spite of his limited schooling experience, Caco was enrolled in an 8th grade class with limited ESL support. Caco- resil-

ient, quick-witted, and out-going- communicated with ease among his "bros"

(as he called his friends), but his academic literacy skills in both Spanish and English were extremely limited. While he felt he was learning more than he ever did before, Caco was not handing in the required assignments and was failing most of the content area classes. Caco began to fall between the cracks of the educational system and he failed to develop the academic English skills

required to succeed at the secondary level and

beyond. This lack of access is not conducive to the fulfillment of the American Dream. It leaves Caco and students like him with only one option: to join the workers at the bottom of the hourglass.

Educating Middle-level Teachers of English Language Learners:

Challenges and Possibilities

I believe systemic challenges need to be addressed so that teachers can better support the English language learners in their middle school classrooms. Teacher preparation programs have a responsibility to prepare future teachers to teach the students that they most likely will be teaching, not imaginary or "ideal" ones. Districts also have the responsibility to provide inservice

Teacher preparation programs have a responsibility to prepare future teachers to teach the students that they most likely will be teaching, not imaginary or "ideal" ones.

127




teachers with the knowledge and support they need to face challenges and

recognize possibilities with ELLs. Feeling unequipped to help students succeed can trigger defensive reactions that, while not intentional, are damag- ing to students as well as to the ethos of classrooms and schools. As I stated

earlier, I believe that all middle school teachers need to acquire and de-

velop knowledge of sheltered English instruction and a repertoire of strate-

gies for effective teaching of ELLs in their classrooms. A strong dose of

empathy, carino, and greater understanding of the daily challenges these students face, beyond those they experience in school, is also essential for

creating a community of learners.

Rethinking Assumptions and Attitudes

The assumptions and attitudes about adolescents held by many middle school

preservice teachers, coupled with the often limited preparation middle school teachers receive in literacy and second

language acquisition, are likely to spell disaster for ELLs. In exploring preservice teachers' as-

sumptions about adolescents, Finders (1998/ 1999) documented the attitudes of 60 (mostly fe- male and mostly white) preservice middle school teachers and found that they overwhelmingly viewed adolescent students as a homogenous group. The preservice teachers engaged in what Finders (1998/1999) calls "pervasive stereotyping," referring to students as "packs" and "herds"

that required "reining in" and domestication. Such stereotyping, I would

add, is perhaps even greater when middle school students do not look, dress, talk, or walk in a manner that is familiar or acceptable to middle school teachers. Middle school teachers, even those with the best of intentions, may tend to view ELL students as members of particular cultural groups rather than as complex individuals. They may assume erroneously that lan-

guage development is homogeneous from individual learner to individual learner within cultural groups.

Other researchers have pointed out teachers' negative assumptions of English language learners as well as the various structural conditions of schools that inevitably constrain the interactions between teachers and ELLs

(Gutierrez, Baquedano-Lopez & Alvarez, 2000; Rubinstein-Avila, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). Exploring teacher-student relationships at a middle school with a large Latino student body and many ELLs, Ratz (1999) found that

The assumptions and attitudes about adolescents held by

many middle school preservice teachers, coupled with the

often limited preparation middle school teachers receive

in literacy and second language acquisition, are likely to spell

disaster for ELLs.

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Latino students felt discriminated against and often unfairly blamed. Ratz noted that teachers in the middle school in which she taught associated

being a "good student" with many dominant white mainstream values be- sides just good grades: politeness, neat grooming, acceptable traditionalist

clothing, and use of standard English, values which were adhered to by most of the Asian American and European American students in her school. Ratz learned that some teachers mistakenly interpreted fashion and behavioral fads among Latino students as signs of gang membership. Eight focal ELL

participants, who were labeled "at risk" due to low test scores, were placed in the lowest track, where teachers were more likely to disinvest and chan- nel their energy toward students who were doing well.

Nevertheless, teachers who are open to learning from their students, do. For example, teachers are often unaware, until they look and listen

closely, that many immigrant students spend years away from either par- ent, sometimes both (see Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Other teachers I met in California were astounded at the first-hand information they obtained from their students about the atrocities committed in El Salvador.

Consequently, they took a greater critical stance in questioning their own

political alliances as they realized the importance of seeking additional, and

alternative, sources of information other than the mainstream news. Still other teachers I knew in the Greater Boston Area began to reflect on the similarities and differences in the challenges faced and opportunities available to their Puerto Rican vs. Dominican students and their families. All these teachers who believed they could learn from their students, listened- and did.

Strategies for Instruction: Effective Integration of ELLs in Mainstream Classes

Being sensitive to English language learners' needs does not entail feeling sorry for them, lowering expectations, or "watering-down" one's language or the curriculum. Quite the contrary, it is best reflected by conveying to students that we have high expectations for all learners. There are several

things teachers can do to support ELL learners. Some adaptations, Echevarria and Graves (1998) suggest, are as simple as slowing down, even if slightly, one's verbal output and being conscious of enunciating clearly. They also

suggest that long and complex explanations should be shortened, especially when posing a problem or providing directions. Displaying lessons on the board or on an overhead provides students with additional visual scaffolding.

The role of talk and face-to-face interaction is vital for language learn-

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English Education , V35 N2, January 2003

ing. It is imperative that ELLs be given ample opportunities to interact aca-

demically with peers as often as possible. They should be encouraged to work with fluent English-speaking peers through various cooperative learn-

ing tasks, peer-led discussions, and reading circles. ELLs need to be allowed, and even encouraged, to use their dominant language during small group discussions as a bridge to developing greater understanding of new concepts presented in English. Occasional translation of conversation between the teacher and ELLs by more proficient bilingual students in the classroom

may also facilitate meaning making of complex concepts, especially where the language barrier is likely to hamper comprehension (Rubinstein-Avila, 2002). Moreover, these situations are excellent opportunities to model to all students the authentic functions of bi/multilingualism.

When middle school teachers activate prior knowledge within a context-rich environment, students can more readily develop rich language skills. Carroll and colleagues (1996) maintain, "Writing about what one knows best helps reduce the cognitive overload that interferes with [ELL] writers' ability to express themselves in a non-native language" (p. 27). Iso- lated drills are even less meaningful for ELLs, since they are unlikely to be familiar with the cultural and linguistic context in order to link the broader

purpose or usefulness of the particular skill being taught. A context-rich environment includes providing a rich array of materials that tap students' interests and are deemed age-appropriate by peers. Even teachers who do not speak their ELLs' primary language (an impossible feat in Los Angeles, for example, where 125 languages are spoken) can explore the potential cognates in key content vocabulary in a given lesson.

Providing supplemental resources, especially visual aids, are other

important strategies. Since ELLs strongly rely on contextual clues to con- struct content area meaning in a language they do not fully master, the use of realia (pictures, symbols, illustrations and objects) should not be limited to the elementary grades; this includes reading symbols, graphs, maps, multimedia such as videos, CD-ROM programs, interactive computer dis-

plays, and relevant web sites (Egbert & Simich-Dudgeon, 2001). Visual aids such as semantic mapping and graphic organizers are also useful to build content area vocabulary across the curriculum. Hadaway and Mundy (1999) devised a type of graphic organizer for their "visual-verbal technique," where

vocabulary words were placed on a continuum to visually illustrate not only their variety, but also to underscore their intensity. For example, with the word "rain" a word like "drizzle" was placed on one extreme of the continuum while "flood" was placed at the other. Similarly, for describing wind, the words "breeze" and "hurricane" were placed in the extremes of the

130




continuum. This technique, useful across all content areas, encourages the use of synonyms, but it also underscores that since the terms may vary by level or intensity, they are not always interchangeable.

Informational picture books of various reading levels as well as films also supplement the development of many concepts in a visual manner. They can be especially effective when unfamiliar concepts are being introduced. Informational picture books containing vivid pictures, illustrations, and informative text can provide ELLs with input for scaffolding their meaning making in content area classes (Carr, Buchanan, Wents, Weiss, & Brant, 2001). English language arts teachers also may use picture books to provide ELLs with background information of an unfamiliar historical period or events as well as to aid in the comprehension of and engagement with more

complex texts being used in class. Golden (2001) reveals how adjusting one's

English curriculum to incorporate, and even focus on, film can encourage the development of visual and academic literacies in the middle grades. Many ELLs may rely strongly on visual stimuli along with collaborative peer discussions in the processes of meaning making.

Effective middle school teachers already employ strategies such as

modeling and eliciting students' prior knowledge. Explicit modeling of the

processes a certain task entails as well as the expected end product can greatly reduce the anxiety of ELLs. For example, before eliciting a list of characteristics describing fictional characters, language arts teachers can first ask students to describe a friend, an evil person, the ideal person, and so on.

Suggestions can be written on the board or an overhead. Thus, when re-

turning to the characteristics of the fictional characters, ELLs who may not have been familiar with these concepts (or equipped with a vast vocabulary of adjectives) are more likely to engage meaningfully. Similarly, since ELLs are likely to be unfamiliar with many additional words in the text, beyond the "key vocabulary words," English language arts teachers can encourage students to take charge of their own learning and highlight the words with which they may not be familiar. After comparing individual lists, which will inevitably display some overlap, students can be divided into small groups (heterogeneous by English proficiency) to discuss the meaning of the words, attempt to define them, and provide a couple of examples in group com-

posed sentences.

O'Byrne (2001) points out that ELLs are likely to continue needing English as a second language assistance after they are "mainstreamed" or "transitioned." Such students may have difficulties supporting their state- ments with examples from texts; in fact, they tend to use a great deal of factual information, even copied verbatim from the text. Even ELLs with

131




solid academic backgrounds in their native language may have difficulty grasping implicitly the text structure conventions valued and expected in US educational institutions; therefore, they benefit from modeling of orga- nization, sequencing and referencing, since these elements vary across lan-

guages and are by no means universal (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). English teachers also can support ELLs by providing prompt and help-

ful feedback. Reyes (1995) as well as Carroll and colleagues (1996) claim that ELLs both expect and appreciate explicit feedback on their written lan-

guage. When editing ELLs' written work, Carroll et al., (1996) recommend that teachers comment on the strengths of their students' rich, colorful or humorous descriptions, and compliment them on risk-taking attempts such as producing longer and more complex sentences or improving the organi- zation of their essays. These authors underscore the importance of keeping continuous track of the patterns of errors students make, as individuals and as a group, in order to later focus on those during mini-lessons (Carroll et

al., 1996). Reyes (1995) claims that teachers should not assume that ELLs will automatically understand and incorporate corrections unless they are made in a direct and explicit fashion. English teachers are strongly encour-

aged to require students to edit their final assignments, following the peer- and teacher-edited drafts. This last step encourages ELLs to become more

cognizant and gain greater awareness of the patterns of their errors, as well as of their strengths (Carroll et al., 1996).

Although it is imperative to adapt the mainstream curriculum and use multiple strategies to scaffold ELLs' learning of the content as they de-

velop English literacy skills, we cannot ignore the role of teachers' ideologi- cal and affective stances toward their English language learning students. In the past, the general lack of inclusion of the experiences of students of color and of the working class prompted widespread criticism of attempts to reform the curriculum. While we have experienced greater inclusion of "multicultural" texts in teacher preparation programs and consequently in

English middle school classrooms, Wong-Fillmore and Meyer (1992) warn educators to look out for adaptations and inclusions that are "merely cos- metic" (p. 651). The authors rightfully claim that superficial attempts only serve to perpetuate, rather than challenge, unidirectional, ethnocentric, assimilationist values.

Another important component of teaching immigrant students/ ELLs, as Valenzuela (1999) so aptly reminds us, is caring, and caring entails empathy and understanding. While most students are generally sensitive to the

ways in which their teachers perceive and relate to them as human beings, empathy and understanding are essential for students who are members of

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Rubinstein - Av i la > Facing Reality

subordinate groups (Ratz, 1999; Nieto, 2000; Valdes, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). In fact, the bond ELLs create with their teachers has a great impact on their achievements (Ratz, 1999; Nieto, 2000; Valenzuela, 1999). For example, Miguel, an 8th grade ELL from Mexico, struggled for years to make meaning from school texts; he had become dis-

couraged (by grades and prior teachers' attitudes) and considered not con-

tinuing his education. But the bond woven between him and his two sheltered

English content teachers, and the on-going scaffold that they provided him, resulted in the rekindling of Miguel's enthusiasm for school (Rubinstein- Avila, in press). His two teachers' pervasive caring- their carino- and their

unwavering belief in him renewed his interest, his belief in himself, and his efforts to develop his limited literacy skills and continue on to high school. As Miguel confided in me: "When they [teachers] care, you know, then I

care; I really try to do it a lot more better" (Rubinstein-Avila, in press). Eighth grade felt like family for Miguel, and he expressed concern about moving on to a new, and larger, school where he feared he would most likely be invis- ible to the teachers.

Caring also entails acknowledgement and respect for immigrant/ELL students, their families, their experiences and the language they use at home and in their communities. Zentella (2002) claims that due to a narrow view of bilingualism, and idealized (and archaic) views of linguistic purity, it is not uncommon for teachers to voice pejorative attitudes toward forms of communication used among many second-generation Latino youth, what he calls "Spanglish bashing" (Zentella 2002, p. 328). Zentella, a sociolinguist, posits that these newly created forms of communication creatively reflect the post-migratory daily lives of first- and second-generation immigrants. As she poignantly writes, "It is, after all, in the borrowing and criss-crossings of forms and meanings that the hybrid identity of Latinas is most manifest"

(Zentella, 2002, p. 329).

Conclusion

Unfortunately, the few existing published ethnographies about low-income adolescent English language learners portray their educational experiences as rather grim. The common denominator across studies seems to indicate that students' academic and emotional needs are consistently being either denied or ignored (Ratz, 1999; Valdes, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). As Valenzuela

(1999) reminds us, "Programs may provide an illusion of inclusion" (p. 162), but the real message conveyed is that there is no support or encouragement for multilingualism or multiculturalism.

133




Middle school ELLs often are being denied access to challenging, grade- appropriate content area instruction, due to their perceived linguistic handi-

cap (see Valdes, 2001). Contrary to the growing interest in effectively embracing ELLs in elementary curriculum, middle school ELLs are isolated, frequently not included, or even acknowledged, in school-wide initiatives. The continuous educational neglect and miseducation of such a large and growing segment of the population comes at a high finan- cial and moral price. The educational needs of ELLs ought to be addressed throughout teacher

preparation courses and programs, not only in courses designated as "bilin-

gual/ESL or multicultural." We must finally realize that not only are we "not in Kansas anymore!" as Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco (2001, p. 28) aptly remind us, but that Kansas itself is no longer the same. Valdes' (2001) advice is pertinent here: "We must plan carefully, and we must work quickly" (p. 159). We as a nation can no longer afford to ignore the academic literacy needs of such a large segment of our future citizenry. As my colleague Rich- ard Ruiz says bluntly, "The idea that one can prepare teachers for classrooms in which all students speak English is a fantasy, yet we continue

developing programs as if the fantasy were true" (Gutierrez, Asato, Pacheco, Moll, Olson, Lai Horng, Ruiz, Garcia, & McCarty, 2002, p. 340).

It is time we face reality; English language learners are the responsibility of all educators across educational institutions. Rather than preparing ELLs to enter the bottom of the hourglass economy, we should be

providing all students the necessary tools to become the future shapers of new possibilities. No one institution can do it alone. Teachers and teacher educators need on-going federal, state, university, and district support and collaborations in order to meet the educational needs of ELLs and provide them the chances to engage in a variety of fields and pursue a wider range of employment. As a nation that honors and celebrates diversity, we have a moral obligation to begin investing systematically in the growth and devel-

opment of preservice and inservice middle school teachers, in order to provide for the successful transition of ELLs from elementary school to high school and beyond. Facing reality means acknowledging the impact of larger societal ideologies on our programs and curricula, becoming alert and vigi- lant of our own blind spots. Ultimately, facing reality means investing systematically in the growth and development of English language arts teachers to ensure their middle school ELL students' success. Our thoughtful and

The educational needs of ELLs

ought to be addressed

throughout teacher preparation courses and programs, not only

in courses designated as

"bilingual/ESL or multicultural."

134




sound teaching of English language learners and their middle grades teachers should become a national priority.

References

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Carr, K. S., Buchanan, D. L., Wents, J. B., Weiss, M. L., & Brant, R. J. (2001). Not just for the primary grades: A bibliography of picture books for secondary content teachers. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, 45(2), 146-153.

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Eliane Rubinstein-Avila is an assistant professor in the Department of Lan-

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Documents

Facing Reality_English Language Learners in Middle School Classes