Evidencias de Culto Domestico en Amarna

7/30/2019 Evidencias de Culto Domestico en Amarna

1/28

Egypt Exploration Society

The Material Evidence for Domestic Religion at Amarna and Preliminary Remarks on ItsInterpretationAuthor(s): Anna StevensSource: The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 89 (2003), pp. 143-168Published by: Egypt Exploration SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3822495 .

Accessed: 19/05/2011 03:19

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless

you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you

may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at .http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ees. .

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed

page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Egypt Exploration Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal

of Egyptian Archaeology.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=eeshttp://www.jstor.org/stable/3822495?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=eeshttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=eeshttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/3822495?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ees


2/28

THEMATERIALEVIDENCEFOR DOMESTICRELIGIONAT AMARNAAND PRELIMINARY EMARKSON ITS

INTERPRETATION*ByANNA STEVENS

The archaeological record at Amarna offers scope to enhance currentunderstandingof domestic religion at thissite. The material evidence suggests that conduct undertaken ncluded offering rituals and the use of magic andamuletic images, and involved the royal family and Aten, some 'traditional' deities and private ancestors.Domestic religion appearsto have interacted with daily, secular conduct and to have been subject to influence bya variety of factors. The pictureof domestic religion at Amarnapresentedhere has potentialrelevance for domesticreligion in general in New KingdomEgypt.THEreation f theoreticalubsetsof religious onduct an be animportanttage n theanalysisandcomprehensionf ancientreligions,whethern broadgroupings, uch asstate or funerary eligion,or more specificsubsets,of whichdomesticand fertilityreligioncan be consideredexamples.Domesticreligion, defined here as religiousconductundertakentrictlywithinthe confinesof the house,1 s a particularlysefulsubset or scholarsusingarchaeologicalata.Inthiscase, thebasisuponwhichconductis grouped-a commonhousehold nvironment-hasa relativelydirectarchaeologicalcorrelate n the physical remains of the house and its contents. The potentialofarchaeological atato enhanceunderstandingf domesticreligion n ancientEgypt sillustratedparticularlywell at Deir el-Medina. The structureof domesticreligionremainspoorly understood, however, and the potentialof the archaeologicalrecord toprovide nformationn this realmhas not beenexhausted.Amarna rovidesanappropriateontext nwhich o exploredomestic eligionand sa site where hearchaeologicalvidence s particularlyignificant, iventheoverall ackof direct extualandepigraphicources.Archaeologicalvidencehascertainly otbeenexcludedfrom previous studiesof 'non-state'religionduringthe AmarnaPeriod

* This article derives from researchbeing undertaken owards a PhD dissertation on the material evidence fornon-statereligion at Amarna in the Centre for Archaeology and Ancient History, Monash University, Melbourne.I would like to thank Colin Hope and Olaf Kaperfor their very helpful comments on versions of this paperand JoAitken for proofreading a draft. I am also grateful for the advice I received from the JEA reviewers; theirobservations have had a significant impact on the structure and scope of this article. I wish to thank the EgyptExploration Society, Barry Kemp and the Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung,Berlin, for permission todiscuss a number of objects that are previously unpublished, or published in limited detail. Gratitude is alsoexpressed to the EES, the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaftand the Deutsches Archaologisches Institutfor permissionto reproducethe figures in the text.

1 Conduct undertakenoutside the house, including that which occurred in the garden or house compound, isexcluded.


3/28

144 ANNASTEVENS JEA 89although,o date,discussionhas oftenfocuseduponits significancen relation o theimpactof Akhenaten'seligiousreforms.2Thereremains need forclarificationf thematerial vidence or domestic eligionpreserved t Amarna.naddition,here s scopefor closer consideration f its role in contributingo understandingf the broaderdomesticreligioussystemat the site, bothin theperiod n which Akhetaten ervedasEgypt'scapital, romthereignof Akhenatenntothatof Tutankhamun,ndduringanysubsequentccupation.3 he aim here is first to providean overviewof the evidence,of which two generalcategoriescanbe identified:permanentult emplacementsndportable bjects.Thearchaeologicalecordoffersthebroadest copeto investigatewospecificaspectsof domestic eligion, henature f the conductandtheidentities f theassociateddivinities.4These are then examined.Whilst a reasonablyhigh level ofunderstandingf these areasexists, it is enhancedwhen the corpusof material sclarified and consideredas a whole. This will ultimatelyhave implications orunderstandingf the impactof Akhenaten's eligiousreformsand for the generalunderstandingf domestic eligion n theNew Kingdom.

2 Statues and stelae of the royal family and Aten have been discussed extensively. See, for example, L.Borchardt, Portrdts der Konigin Nofret-ete aus den Grabungen1912/13 in Tell el-Amarna (Leipzig, 1923); J.Assmann, 'Palast oder Tempel? Uberlegungen zur Architektur und Topographievon Amarna', JNES 31 (1972),153; id., 'Die "loyalistische Lehre" Echnatons', SAK8 (1980), 26; C. Aldred, Akhenatenand Nefertiti (London,1973); R. Krauss, 'Die Amarnazeitliche Familienstele Berlin 14145 unter Besonderer Bericksichtigung vonMassordnungund Komposition', Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 33 (1991), 7-36; D. Arnold, The Royal Womenof Amarna (New York, 1996), 96-108. See also G. Pinch, 'Childbirth and Female Figurines at Deir el-Medinaand el-'Amarna', Or 52 (1983), 405-14; R. Hari, 'La religion amarnienneet la traditionpolytheiste', in F. Junge(ed.), Studienzu Spracheund Religion Agyptenzu Ehren von WolfhartWestendorf Gbttingen, 1984), II, 1043-6;S. Ikram, 'Domestic Shrines and the Cult of the Royal Family at el-Amarna', JEA 75 (1989), 89-101; A. H.Bomann,The PrivateChapel n AncientEgypt(London, 1991); B. J. Kemp,AncientEgypt:Anatomy f aCivilization(London, 1991), 304-5; id., 'How Religious were the Ancient Egyptians?', CAJ5/1 (1995), 30-2; H.Gyory, 'Remarks on AmarnaAmulets', in C. J. Eyre (ed.), Proceedings of the SeventhInternationalCongressofEgyptologists (OLA 82; Leuven, 1998), 497-507; E. Hornung,Akhenatenand the Religion of Light (Ithaca, NY,1999), 111.3The nature and extent of occupationafter the official abandonmentof the city by the court early in the reignof Tutankhamun emains unclear. Evidence for later activity includes the sculpture fragments naming Horemheband the hieratic inscriptionnaming Horemheb and Seti I excavated in the Main City: F. G. Newton, 'Excavationsat el-'Amarna, 1923-24', JEA 10 (1924), 293; H. Frankfort, 'PreliminaryReport on the Excavations at Tell el-'Amarna', JEA 13 (1927), 210; B. J. Kemp, 'Tell el-Amarna', L4 VI, 310. The Workmen's Village might havebeen occupied until the end of the reign of Tutankhamun Kemp, LA VI, 310), whilst excavations at complexQ48.4 have revealed a building phase that could representquite substantialactivity some time into the reign of thisking (C. Kirby, 'Report on the 1987 Excavations: The Excavation of Q48.4', in B. J. Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports, V (EES Occasional Publications 6; London 1989), 15-55; B. J. Kemp, 'Appendix: Workshops andProduction at el-Amarna', in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReportsV, 63). The early excavators encountered additions tobuildings that they attributed o 'squatter activity', for example, H. Frankfort and J. D. S. Pendlebury, The Cityof Akhenaten, II (MEES 40; London, 1933), 3 (hereafter CoA II); J. D. S. Pendlebury, 'Excavations at Tell elAmarna:PreliminaryReport for the Season 1933-4', JEA 20 (1934), 134-5. A number of later burials have beenencountered, the earliest of which might date shortly after the official abandonmentof the site, for example, L.Borchardt, 'Ausgrabungen in Tell el-Amarna 1911. Vorlaufiger Bericht', MDOG 46 (1911), 29-30; F. Ll.Griffith, 'Excavations at el-'Amarna', 1923-24', JEA 10, 302; J. H. Taylor and A. Boyce, 'The Late NewKingdom Burial From Beside the Main Chapel', in B. J. Kemp (ed.), Amarna Reports, III (EES OccasionalPublications4; London, 1986), 118-46.4 Aspects such as the identities of the participantsand the motivations behind the religious conduct, the placeof domestic religion in the broader non-statereligious system, and the impact of Akhenaten's religious reformswill be given closer consideration within my dissertation.


4/28

2003 DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNA 145Permanentcult emplacements

AltarsAltarswithinhousescomprise significantategoryof evidence,althought is difficultto determineheoriginalnumberpresentat thesite, giventhevagariesof preservationandproblemsdentifying ltars n thepublished lans.In 1923, Borchardt roducedpreliminary tudy of the altarsbased on the excavationsof the DeutscheOrient-Gesellschaft,n whichhe identified ixteenexamples.5Whenthe structuresxcavatedby theEES areconsidered,he number f altarscanbe increasedo approximately0.Most are located n theMainCityandNorthSuburb,buttheyalso occur n theCentralCityandpossibly heWorkmen'sVillage.6Altarscanbe identified rimarilyn houseswitha floor areaof over 100squaremetres.

FRONT ELEVATION SIDE ELEVATION

_-- i It

~~~~IS 1, 1 ,~~~~~~ ~tJ., I I \i III

- IIJ-L I

EXISTINGLAN RECONSTRUCTEDLAN

FIG. 1. Domestic altar from house T41.1 (after, CoA III, 27, fig. 6; courtesy of the EES).

5 Portrats, 20-4. The altarshave also been consideredbriefly by Assmann,JNES31, 153, n. 64; P. T.Crocker,StatusSymbolsntheArchitecturef el-'Amarna',EA71 (1985),56;andIkram, EA75, 96-7, amongothers.6 HousesJ49.1, M50.1, M51.1, N48.14, N49.10, N49.21, N50.17, N51.2, 048.8, 048.11, 049.9, 049.16,049.17, P47.5, P47.7, P47.11a, P47.22, P47.23, P48.2, P49.13, P49.15, Q44.1, Q46.1, Q46.3, Q46.9f,Q47.23d,R46.2, R46.3, T33.1, T35.6, T35.17, T36.5, T41.1, U35.3, U35.25, U35.26, U36.22, U37.1 andLongWallStreet10:Borchardt, ortrdts,21-4, Abb. 15-16; Newton,JEA10, 292, pl. xxv;T. E. Peet andC.L. Woolley,TheCityof Akhenaten, (MEES38; London,1923),24, 84, pl. i (hereafterCoAI); CoAII, 12,34-5, 42, 50, 68, ps. iii-iv, vi-x, xx.6, xxi.; J. D. S. Pendlebury,The City of Akhenaten,II (MEES44;London, 1951), 26-7, fig. 6, pls. xi, xxx. 1, xxxi (hereafterCoAIII); L. Borchardtand H. Ricke, Die Wohnhuser

Lodn1,2-,fg ,ps i xx ,xx hratrCAII;LrhrtadH%ik,DeWhhue


5/28

ANNA STEVENSThe most elaborate altar is that from T41.1 in the Central City, the 'officialresidence' of the First Servitor of the Aten, Panehesy (fig. 1).7 This takes the form ofa miniaturechapel, frontedby a doorwaywith broken lintel and uraeuscornice, and was

originally approached by a small flight of stairs or a ramp. Behind the doorway,projectingwalls with a cavetto cornice extended to join the wall of the room in whichthe altar was located. The front face of the altar is decorated with scenes of Akhenaten,Nefertiti and three princesses worshippingthe Aten. The shrine appearsto have beenapproximately1.5 m high originally. This is the only altar of this form in a privatehouse identified to date.Most of the remainingaltars are made of mud-brick. At least eleven take the form ofa rectangularplatform approached by a staircase, or in a few cases possibly a ramp,flanked by balustrades that sometimes end in short returns (fig. 2).8 A parapet, ofvarying height, is often preserved around the top edge of the platform. These altarsappearto have measuredup to 1 m in width and to have been preserved to heights ofbetween approximately30 to 90 cm. Apart from patches of gypsum plaster on a fewexamples, they bore no preserveddecoration.

{- I 1[ 1! U.I- j-- i_ i I

ii Vr0.15 Fm

9 ., , 0 ImFIG. 2. Domestic altar with approaching staircase in house P47.22 (after Borchardt and Ricke,Die Wohnhiuser, 132, Abb. 18; courtesy of the DOG and the DAI).

in Tell el-Amarna (WVDOG 91; Berlin, 1980), 24, 30, 50, 103, 107, 113, 132, 134, 165, 187, 208, 219, 228,247, 255, 275, 278, 280-1, 306, 328, Abb. 18, 30, 38, Tafein 13A, 18B, Hausplane 2, 4, 12-13, 28-30, 32-3,49, 55, 60, 63, 68, 78, 82, 90-1, 93, 101, 109; B. J. Kemp, 'Wall Paintings from the Workmen's Village at el-'Amarna', JEA 65 (1979), 49, 52. See B. J. Kemp and S. Garfi, A Survey of the Ancient City of el-'Amarna (EESOccasional Publications 9: London, 1993) for the layout of the site.7CoA III, 26-7, fig. 6, pls. xi, xxx.l1, xxxi. The altar is now reconstructed in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo(JE 65041).8 Houses M51.1, N49.21, 049.16, 049.17, P47.5, P47.22, P47.23, P48.2, P49.15, Q46.1 and T36.5: CoA

I, 24, pl. i; Borchardt, Portrats, 21-3, Abb. 15-16; CoA II, 50, pls. ix, xx.6; Borchardt and Ricke, DieWohnhauser,24, 103, 132, 134, 219, 255, 278, 281, Abb. 18, 30, 38, Tafeln 13A, 18B, Hausplane2, 29, 32-3,63, 82-3, 91, 93.

146 JEA 89


6/28

DOMESTIC RELIGIONAT AMARNAAt least fifteen altars take the form of a simple platform,but lack the adjoiningstairsor ramp.9 Apart from one possible stone example,10all are mud-brick. These areparticularlydifficult to identify from the published plans. It is not always clear whetherthe staircase or rampis simply not preserved, but some seem to have been constructedwithout this feature. It is also uncertain whether such altarspossessed a parapet.Altarsof this type for which measurementsare available are preservedto heights of between25 and 90 cm. Gypsum plasterwas again noted on a few examples.Few features are present or can be identified on top of most altars, both those withand without steps. In at least one case, the back of the altarplatformis raised (fig. 2).It is possible that the raised area formed a pedestalfor an object such as a stela or statue,or that a stela or structuralelement was insertedin the depression along the front. Themud-brick altars are unlikely to have supported stone elements on the scale of thePanehesy shrine, which was set on plasterfoundations.

FIG. 3. Plan of house M50.1 with possible domestic altar in room 9, opening off the north-eastcorner of the central room (after Borchardt and Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,Hausplan93; courtesy of the DOG and the DAI).9HousesN49.10, N50.17, 048.8, 048.11, P47.5, P47.7, P47.11a, P49.13, Q46.3, Q46.9f, Q47.23d,R46.2,R46.3, T33.1 and T35.17: Borchardt,Portrats, 21-2; CoA II, 68, pis. viii, x; Borchardt nd Ricke, DieWohnhduser,30, 37, 50, 103, 107, 113, 165, 202, 208, 275, 306, Hausplane4, 7, 12-13, 28-30, 49, 60, 90, 101.10That in house Q47.23d: Borchardt,Portrats, 21; Borchardt and Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,165, Hausplan49.

2003 147


7/28

ANNA STEVENSThreepossiblemud-brickltars akea differentorm.Theyarerectangularedestalsspanningheentirewidthof the small roomin whichtheyarelocated.In M50.1, thisemplacements situatedn a roomopeningoff the central oom(fig. 3). In J49.1, it isin a roomin theeastern ornerof thehouse,openingoff the 'north oggia',whilst n049.9, it lies in a roomin the westerncornerof the house.11n all thesecases, the'altar'appearso comprise he central eature f theroom; hat n M50.1occupiesmostof the room.Thisstructure asa parapet longits frontedge andis approachedy astaircase lankedby balustrades.Centralprojections djoininghe othertwo examplesmightbethe remains f similar taircases.The altarnM50.1measures .50m inlengthandwaspreservedo a heightof 0.30 m, whilst hat n 049.9 waspreservedo a heightof between hreeandfourcoursesof brickwork.Thereareno published etailsof thedecoration f thesestructures;resumably one waspreserved.A few miscellaneousmplacementsmay also have servedas altars,althoughheiridentifications such is particularlyentative.For example,Kemphas notedthat a

'squarebin'locatedbeneath painting f a groupof womenandchildren n LongWallStreet10 at theWorkmen'sVillagecouldhave beenthefoundation f a smallofferingtable.12At Q44.1, raisedmud-bricklocksflanking mastaban the central oomhavebeensuggested s pedestalsor statues.13 t 048.8, a white-washed,ectangular,mud-brickstructure ithparapetwas builtdirectlyagainstheinnerrecessof a verticalnichein thecentral oom.Similarly,at U37.1 a rectangular,mud-brickmplacement ithapossible tonestepwas erected na stoneslabbesidea verticalniche nthecentral oom.Theniche tselfdid notcontinue elowthe level of the mud-bricktructure,whichboretracesof gypsumplaster.14he excavators gainsuggestedhis servedas analtar.Borchardttatedthat the altarswere generally ocatedon the easternwall of thecentral oom sodaBder vonden AltarTretendeich deraufgehendenonnezuwendet',butobserved hat heyoccasionally ppearedn otherrooms.15 nthe finalreportof theDOGexcavations, t was notedthat 'RaumundHimmelsrichtungindfast in jedemHause, n demein Altargefundenwurde,verschieden'16When healtars xcavated ytheEESare alsoconsidered, othassessmentsmergeaspartially ccurate. nupto 22houses, the altaris locatedin the centralroom, whilst in thosehousesthatdo notconform o the 'standard'Amarna ousetype,it is situatedn one of thelarger,centralrooms.17Altarsalsoappearn otherrooms,withupto four n the 'square oom',18 neperhapsn the 'north oggia',19 nepossibleexample n the 'bedroom',20 wopossibly11Borchardt,Portrdts, 22; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnh&user, 28, 247, 280, Hausplane68, 78, 93.12Kemp, JEA 65, 49.13Newton, JEA 10, 292, pl. xxv.14 See Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhiuser, 202, Hausplan60 on 048.8, and CoA II, 12, pl. iii on U37.115Borchardt,Portrdts, 22.16 Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,255-6.17 Houses M51.1, N49.21, 048.11, 049.16, P47.5, P47.7, P47.23, P48.2, R46.2, T33.1, T36.5 and T41.1;and perhapsN48.14, 048.8, P47.11a, Q44.1, Q47.23d, T35.17, U35.3, U35.26, U36.22 and U37.1: CoAI, 24,

pl. i; Newton, JEA 10, 292, pl. xxv; CoAII, 12, 34, 50, 68, pis. iii-iv, vi, viii-x; CoAIII, 26-7, pl. xi; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,50, 103, 107, 113, 134, 165, 187, 202, 208, 219, 255, 281, Hausplane 13, 28-30,33, 49, 55, 60, 63, 82, 93.18 Houses P49.15 and Q46.1, and possibly N51.2 and Q46.3: Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhiuser, 24, 30,278, 328, Hausplane2, 4, 91, 109.19House N50.17: Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,306, Hausplan 101.20 House P49.13: Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,275, Hausplan90.

JEA8948


8/28

DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNAin the 'second entrancehall' 21 up to seven in small or largerrectangular ooms off thecentral oom,sometimesn thecomer of thehouse,22 ndtwoin rooms n the comerofthehouse,opening ff a loggia.23 hepossiblealtarnthe front oomof LongWallStreet10attheWorkmen'sVillagehas been noted.Thedecision o erectaltarsnplacesotherthan hecentral oomappearso havebeenrarelynfluencedylimitations f space n thecentral oom.It is notalwayspossible o determinehe orientationf the altars rom hepublishedeports,but at least fourteen re builtagainst n eastwall, tenagainsta northwall,eightagainst southwallandupto twoagainst westwall.Thus,whilst healtarstend o conformo certain ocations ndorientations,here s significantariation.Thereis alsogreater ariationntheir orm han s reflectedn Borchardt'sreliminarytudy.Theonlymaterial ecorded n close associationwithdomesticaltarswerefragmentsof lampstandsexcavatednear that in house Q46.1 andpotteryvessels sunkin thegroundnear those in P49.15 and P47.22, althoughobjects such as stelae wereoccasionallyound n the samehousecomplex.24

Domesticaltarsof varyingforms have been identifiedat a numberof othersettlements;he Deirel-Medinaitsclosareparticularlyell known.There emains omedebatewhetherhelitsclosfunctioned sbeds,possiblywithparticularitual ignificanceduring exualntercourserchildbirth,ormed focusof activereligious ituals saltars,orwereused for a combinationf suchpurposes.25nthisrespect, heformand ocationof the largerstepped tructuresn J49.1, M50.1 and 049.9 maybe significant. t hasbeenproposedhat heAmarna ltarsandthe Deir el-Medinaits clos differedn termsof scale, the latterbeing larger,and in the sense that the lits clos were enclosed o agreaterdegree,possessingmore substantialerimeterwalls.26Thiscomparisons basedon thesmaller, tepped odiums tAmarnafig. 2). TheemplacementsnJ49.1, M50.1and049.9 provide loserparallels s theyare of similar ize to thoseat Deirel-Medina,whilsttheir location n a separate oompossiblyenhanced he sense thatthey wereenclosedor isolated. f theinterpretationf thelatteras altars s correct, heseparallelsprovide urthervidence hat he litsclos also functioned s such.Vertical ichesVerticalrecessesbuilt into internalwalls wererelatively ommon eaturesof Amarnahouses. These couldbe either one or two bricksdeep withsingle-or double-rebated

21 Houses P47.5 and R46.3: Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,50, 103, Hausplane 12, 29.22 Houses M50.1, 049.17, P47.22 and possibly N49.10, Q.46.9f, T35.6 and U35.25: CoA I, pl. i; CoA II,35, 42, pis. vi-vii, xxxi.1; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,37, 132, 255, 280, Hausplane7, 32, 83, 93.23 Houses J49.1 and 049.9: Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhiiuser,228, 247, Hausplane68, 78.24 On the vessels, see Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,24, 26, 132, 278, Hausplane32, 91. The stelae

comprise primarilyan example depictingTaweret from N49.21 (CoA I, 25, pl. xii.2) and a stela with no preserveddecorationfrom Q46.3 (Borchardt,Portrdts, 22-3; Krauss, Jahrbuchder Berliner Museen 33, 35).25 B. Bruyere, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935). Troisieme Partie: le village, les

dechargespubliques, la station de repos du col de la Vallee des Rois (FIFAO 16; Cairo, 1939), 61-4; Kemp, JEA65, 52; J. F. Romano, Daily Life of the AncientEgyptians (Pittsburgh, 1990), 26-7; F. D. Friedman, 'Aspects ofDomestic Life and Religion', in L. H. Lesko (ed.), Pharaoh's Workers.The Villagers of Deir el Medina (Ithaca,NY, 1994), 97-111; L. Meskell, 'An Archaeology of Social Relations in an Egyptian Village', Journal ofArchaeological Methodand Theory5/3 (1998), 223; id., Archaeologies of Social Life (Oxford, 1999), 99-102.

26 Friedman, in Lesko (ed.), Pharaoh's Workers, 110. The lits clos measure, on average, 1.7 x 0.8 m and0.75 m in height (Bruyere, Rapport (1934-1935), 56).

2003 149


9/28

150 ANNA STEVENS JEA89edges, althoughhe backsof thenichesappearo havebeenflat,withno furthernternalrecesses.The nichesmeasured p to approximately.5 m in widthand seem to havebeen around the same height as the doorways originally.27Althoughit is againsometimes difficult to identifyexamples from the publishedplans, they can berecognisedn approximately36houses,manyof whichcontainmorethanone niche.Approximately25 nichescan be identifiedwithin hecentral oom,28 round 7 in thefronthallor north oggia,29 p to 15 in the square oom,30 in thewest loggia,31 inthebedroom32ndat least 3 in otherrooms.33The discoveryof these niches prompted onsiderabledebate over whether heyfunctionedimplyas architecturalounterweightsrpossessedreligious ignificance.34Supportor the first interpretationan be found n the fact that the vastmajority relocatedoppositea doorwayor so as to balancea doorwayon the samewall, whilstalimitednumber replacedoppositeor so as to balanceanother iche.35nonlya smallnumber f casesnichesdo not appear o balanceotherarchitecturaleatures.36 fewnichesare also decoratedwithmodelledmudplaster o imitate hepanelsof doors.37Possibleevidencethat the nichespossessedreligious significance s to be foundprimarilyn thepainted eliefs foundaround ndwithin hem. Niches nhousesK50.1,M50.16 and P47.19 bore decoration hat includedprayers o the Aten andpossiblescenesof worshipof theroyalfamily.38 hesesceneswerelocatedn theupperportionof the niches, above paintedred andyellow panels, and furtherexampleshave probably

27 Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 21; CoA I, 42.28 For example, house V37.6: CoA II, 9, pl. iii.29 For example, house N49.18: CoA , 10, pls. i, ix.3.30 Houses J49.1, 049.20, P47.19, P47.33, Q46.2, Q48.1, R46.3, V36.1, V36.5 and possibly Q46.3 (CoA I,36, pl. ii; CoA II, 11, pls. iii, v; Borchardt and Ricke, Die Wohnhauser, 28, 30, 50, 127, 224, 228, 258,

Hausplane3-4, 12, 23, 66, 68, 84).31 Houses K50.1, M47.3, 048.14 and P47.19: CoA I, 7, 43, pl. iii; Borchardt and Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,58, 126, 212, Hausplane 17, 23, 61.32 House R46.3: Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,51, Hausplan12.33 Houses R46.3, U36.39 and V37.4: CoAII, pis. iii-iv; BorchardtandRicke, Die Wohnhauser,50, Hausplan12. All are in rooms off the central room apartfrom in R46.3, where there is a possible niche in a narrowroomin the south-west corner of the house.34 For example, Borchardt, MDOG 46, 22; 'Excavations at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt, in 1913-1914', Annual

Report of the SmithsonianInstitution(1915), 451; C. L. Woolley, 'Excavations at Tell el-Amarna', JEA 8 (1922),65; CoAI, 42-3; F. W. F. von Bissing, 'Zur Geschichte der "roten Nischen" in el-Amarna', AfO 3 (1926); S. R.K. Glanville, 'The Decoration of the Houses', in H. Frankfort ed.), TheMuralPainting of el-'Amarneh(London,1929), 39-40, 50; CoAII, 9.

35 Borchardt,MDOG46, 22; id., 'Ausgrabungen n Tell el-Amarna 1911/12. VorlaufigerBericht', MDOG 50(1912), 18-19; id., 'Ausgrabungen n Tell el-Amarna 1912/13. Vorlaufiger Bericht', MDOG 52 (1913), 15; id.,'Ausgrabungen n Tell el-Amarna 1913/14. Vorlaufiger Bericht', MDOG 55 (1914), 20-1.

36 Consider the possible niches in J49.2, 049.12 and U36.1: CoA II, pl. iii; Borchardt and Ricke, DieWohnhduser,229, 250, Hausplane69, 80.37 H. Frankfort, 'Preliminary Report on the Excavations at el-'Amarna, 1928-9', JEA 15 (1929), 147, n. 1,pl. xxvi.2; CoA II, 32, pl. xviii.6.38 Woolley, JEA 8, 65; CoA I, 6, 19, 43; Borchardt and Ricke, Dieohnhiauser, 124, 127; S. Seidlmayer,'Die Inschriften', in Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,342-5. Niches preserving fragmentsof the name andtitles of the house owner were also found in N49.18 and Q46.1 (T. E. Peet, 'Excavations at Tell el-Amarna: A

Preliminary Report', JEA 7 (1921), 171-2; Woolley, JEA 8, 65; CoA I, 10, pl. ix.3; Borchardtand Ricke, DieWohnhauser,24).


10/28

DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNAbeendestroyed.39hesignificancef suchdecorations difficult o determine, owever,as somedoorwaysalso boreprayers o the Aten, scenesshowing he worshipof theroyalfamilyandAten,andthe namesandtitles of thehouseowners.40Decorationwaspreservedon least 45 additional iches. The majoritywere eitherpaintedred with acentralyellow panelor wereentirely ed,occasionallywitha whiteborder.41 herearenopublished etailsof the decorationf theremaining xamples;n manycases, it wasprobably otpreserved.A smallnumber f objectsandemplacements ere alsoexcavatednassociationwithniches.A potteryvase was foundburied n frontof a nichein K50.1, wherefragmentsof a hymn o the Aten were located.The excavatorsuggestedhis was a receptacleorofferings.42 he association f possiblealtarswith verticalnichesathouses048.8 andU37.1 has beennoted,but therearenopublished etailsof thedecoration f the nichesin eitherhouse.A stepped tructurenterpreteds an altarwas alsobuiltagainsta nichewith red andyellow paintedpanelsin the centralroom of N49.21. The excavatorsidentified he structure s anaddition o the roomnot builtduring hesameconstructionphaseas the niche.43'[B]emalteFalkenk6pfe us Nilschlamm'were also excavated n the vicinityof adoublenichein the centralroom of 049.1.44Borchardtmplied hatthese formedpartof a frieze andsuggestedhat he nichewas decoratedn a similarmanner o the doubleniches n thechapelsof thetempleof SetiI atAbydos,whichweretoppedwithcarveduraeusfriezes.45Althoughhe later favoured he idea that the niches were purelyarchitecturalalances,on the basis of theirlocation,he cited thisparallel nitiallyasevidence hatsomepossessed eligious ignificance.nthelistof objects rom049.1 inthefinalreportof the DOG excavationss a mud'Fledermauskopf?), gelbmit blauerandschwarzer emalung'excavation umber 1/303).46A paintedmudmodelwiththisexcavationnumber rom Amarnas in the collectionof the AgyptischesMuseumundPapyrussammlung,erlin.Intheopinionof theauthor,t resembleshebustof a falconmorecloselythana batand s probably neof thefalconheads oundatthe niche.47 he

39 The vertical preservationof houses is rarely recorded in the early excavation reports, but those in the cityproper generally do not seem to have been preserved to a substantialheight when excavated (Kemp, JEA 65, 51).40 CoA I, 9, 22, 26, 33, 37, 42-3, pls. x.4, xxxiii.6; II, 109, pl. xxiii.4; III, 27, 189, pl. lx.4; Borchardt,MDOG 46, 19; Borchardt and Ricke, Die Wohnhauser, 57, 62, 112, 137, 241, 262, Taf. 26; Seidlmayer, inBorchardtandRicke, Die Wohnhauser,342; id., 'Zur einigen Architekturinschriften us Tell el-Amarna', MDAIK39 (1983), 183-206.

41 CoA I, 18, 22, 24, 28-9, 34, 43; II, 9, 11, 15, 21, 32-3, 38-9, 27, 49, 51, 56, 68, 77; III, 117; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,28, 60, 187, 191, 211.42 CoA , 43.43 CoA I, 24, pl. i. In contrast to most stepped altars, the steps of this structurerun along the wall rather thanproject out from it. The niche is incorporated nto the side of the structure rather than the back, which gives theimpression that it was not intended as a focal point of the installation.44Borchardt,MDOG 6, 22.45 MDOG 46, 22. The parallel is again suggested in Borchardt and Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,239, where thefalcon heads are stateddirectly to have been partof a frieze. See also the discussion in CoAI, 42-3. On the nichesat the temple of Seti I, see A. M. Calverley and M. F. Broome, The Templeof King Sethos I at Abydos, II: TheChapels of Amen-Re,Re'-Harakhti, Ptah, and King Sethos (London, 1935), pls. 9, 25.46 Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,241.

47 The model was examined in the museum magazine by the author in May 2000, at which time it was notaccessioned. I would like to thank Prof. Wildung and the Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlungfor

2003 151


11/28

ANNA STEVENSbaseof the bust is roughened, ut it is not clear whetherhis resulted romattachmentto anotherobjector surface.If joinedto a wall as partof a frieze, it wouldprojectdirectlyoutwards nd be orientedparallel o the floor. This seemsunusual;he bustmightbe expected o face outwards.Thus, thereis some questionaboutBorchardt'sreconstructionf thenicheandthevalidityof parallelsdrawnbetween t andthenichesin the templeof Seti I, bothin termsof appearance ndreligioussignificance.Thepossibility emains, hough, hat hefigureswere usedin religious onducthat ocusedupontheniche.48There s also evidenceof domesticnicheswithcultsignificance t Deirel-Medina,whereverticalniches with rebatededges often occurred,particularlyn the secondroom,andoccasionally alanceddoorways.Someappearo havebeen decoratedwithcult scenes, such as theworshipof AhmoseNefertari ndAmenhotep, whilstothersboretracesof redandyellow paint, he latter n a centralband.49 number f scholarshave notedthe similaritybetweendomesticnichesandfalse doorsin tombsused tofacilitatehemovement f thek3;50Meskellhas raised hepossibilityhatthe red-andyellow-painted iches at Deir el-Medinaserved as pointsof contactwith deceasedancestors.51he function f theAmarna ichescannotbe confirmed, ut thepossibilitythatsomepossessedreligious ignificancemustremain,particularlyiventhepresenceof possiblecultemplacementst a few examplesandtheapparentult significance fthoseatDeirel-Medina.Rectangularr round-toppedichesTheexcavators ccasionally oted hatsmallernicheswerealsocutintothe walls of thehouses. These were recorded n particularduringexcavationsat the Workmen'sVillage.52 Unfortunately,the published reports provide few details of theseemplacements.They were generallyinterpreted s receptacles or lamps, and theblackeningnsidesomenichessupportshis identification.53t is possible,however, hatothersservedas emplacementsor cult items suchas stelae andfigurines.Thenichespermission to discuss it here. There are no other artefacts in the list of objects from this house in the excavationreport that match the description of the falcon heads, although these are mentioned in the description of thecomplex itself; see n. 45.

48 Potentialparallels include the unprovenancedmodel mud vultures and ram-heads n the British Museum(forexample, EA 61670, 61915) suggested to have been connected with the New Kingdomcults of Mut and Amun atThebes: S. Quirke, Ancient Egyptian Religion (London, 1992), 8, fig. 2; L. Giddy, The Survey of Memphis, II:KomRabi'a. The New Kingdomand Post-New Kingdom Objects(EES ExcavationMemoir 64; London, 1999), 19.Similarmudvultureandram-headswere found near the temple of Ramesses II at Abydos: D. O'Connor, 'Abydos:A Preliminary Report on the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition, 1967', Expedition 10/1 (1967), 17. The Amarnafigure is simpler in form than these.49Bruyere, Rapport (1934-1935), 67-9, pl. xii; D. Valbelle, 'Les ouvriers de la tombe': Deir el-MedinehaI'epoque ramesside (BdE 96; Cairo, 1985), 261; Meskell, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 5/3,231-2.

50 W. M. F. Petrie, Religion and Conscience in Ancient Egypt (London, 1898), 34-5; Bruyere, Rapport(1934-1935), 67; von Bissing, AfO 3, 175-6.

51 Journal of Archaeological Methodand Theory5/3, 231-2.52 Woolley, JEA8, 57; CoAI, 63, 81, 87, 89-90. The fact thatfewer examples were noted from the city proper

may be due again to the poorer vertical preservationof houses beyond the village; see n. 39.53 For example, Woolley, JEA 8, 57; CoA I, 63, 81.

152 JEA89


12/28

DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNAthemselves rovide ittledirectevidence o supportucha function,althoughome wereround-topped, erhaps n imitationof a round-toppedtela.54 n some cases, thedimensions f thenichemightalsoindicate ultuse. At West Street13, a round-toppednichemeasuring 5 cm in height,30 cm in widthand10 cm in depthwascut intothenorthwallof a chamber eneathhestaircase.55his nichewasperhapsoo shallow ohold a lamp,but it couldhaveaccommodatedn objectsuch as a stela.There s alsosome indirectevidencefor the use of niches as cult emplacements:he presenceofgypsumplasteron the back of the royal familystela in Berlin(AMP 14145)couldindicatehat t was erected n a niche.56The use of smallnichesas emplacementsor cult objects s also well attestedatshrines,wheretheyhave been foundwith votivestelae n situ or in close association.At Amarnatself, stelaewereapparentlyound n round-toppedichesin the tombofAny.57Thehouses at Deir el-Medinahad smallrectangularndround-toppediches,some of whichseem to have beencultemplacements,nd domesticshrinesat Askutincorporatedmallniches;onewas foundwitha stela in situ.58Nichesin someRomanPeriodhousesmightalsohavebeenusedas shrines,asterracottaigurines f thisperioddepictingdeitiesin shrines hatpossiblyrepresent icheswith mouldeddecoration reknown romKaranis ndothersites.59CulticcupboardsTherehas been someconfusionas to whether heAmarnadomesticaltars ncorporatedcupboards.Peet andWoolleynotedthat a fertility igurine,a steladepictingTaweretandtwo model beds were found'in the smallcupboard eneath he stairs'in houseN49.21.60N49.21 contained probable omesticaltarwithanapproachingtaircasenthecentralroom,but also incorporated full-scalestaircaseeading o the roof of thehouse.Somescholars ave nterpretedhe excavators'tatemento mean hat heobjectswerefound n a cupboard eneathhestairsof thealtar,61nd it has beenimplied hatthese spaceswere used for the storageof cult equipment.62he excavatorsmadeno

54 CoA I, 86, 89-90.55 CoA I, 86.56 Krauss, Jahrbuchder Berliner Museen 33, 7-9, Abb. 2; Arnold, Royal Women,97-8.57 N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, V. Smaller Tombs and Boundary Stelae (EESArchaeological Survey 17; London, 1908), 9. See L. Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmaldes Konigs Sa.hu-Rec, I(Leipzig, 1910), 126, Abb. 171, for examples from a temple context.

58 Bruyere, Rapport (1934-1935), 76-7, 193-6, 332, figs. 86, 204, pls. xv-xx; F. D. Friedman, 'On theMeaning of Some AnthropoidBusts from Deir el-Medina', JEA 71 (1985), 83; id., in Lesko (ed.), Pharaoh'sWorkers,113, 115; A. G. McDowell, Village Life in AncientEgypt: LaundryLists and Love Songs (Oxford, 1999),103; S. T. Smith, Askutin Nubia: The Economics and Ideology of Egyptian Imperialism n the SecondMillenniumB.C. (London, 1995), 66, 139-47, fig. 6.3, pls. 7, 15-17.59D. Frankfurter,Religion in RomanEgypt:Assimilationand Resistance (Princeton, 1998), 134-5.

60 CoAI, 24-5. Two fertility figurines are listed from this context in the field notebook (Kemp, AncientEgypt,346, n. 64).61 Pinch, Or 52, 414; id., Votive Offeringsto Hathor (Oxford, 1993), 216; G. Robins, 'Dress, Undress andthe Representationof Fertility andPotency in New Kingdom EgyptianArt', in N. Boymel Kampen(ed.), Sexualityin Ancient Art (Cambridge, 1996), 29.62 See Meskell's discussion of niches at Deir el-Medina in Journal of Archaeological Methodand Theory5/3,223. She identifies these as cultic cupboards, based partially on the incorporationof a similar cupboard in the

153003


13/28

ANNASTEVENSreference o a cupboardwithin healtar tself, however,andnoneof theotheraltarsatthe site seemsto haveincorporateduch a feature.It is morelikelythatthe artefactswereactually ound n the alcovebeneathhe staircaseeading o theroof.63The concentration f cult material n the staircasealcove in N49.21 raises thequestion f whether hesespaces houldbeconsideredultemplacements. hesealcovesappear o havebeen commonat the site.64 n mostcases, accessto themwas gainedthrough nentranceromthecentral oom,in whichemplacementsuch as altarsweresometimesocated,but thereis no evidenceof a close physical ink betweentheseinstallations. herearefew detailsavailable f thearchitecturef specificalcoves,andthepossiblesignificance f theround-toppedichein that n West Street13 hasbeennoted.Thematerialound n the alcovesmay givesome ndication f their unction.Thepublishedxcavationecordsprovidedetailsregardinghe contents f thealcoves ntheWorkmen'sVillage.Thesecontained rangeof material,ncludingplantand animalmatter,vessels, jar sealings, textiles, furnitureand miscellaneous tems such asfragmentsof moltenglass. Whilst some of this can be associatedpotentiallywithreligious onduct, heonlyartefactshatcanbe assignedwith relative onfidenceothisspherearea rudimentaryemale igurine nda headrest ecoratedwithprotective eitiesfromLongWallStreet12andWest Street13 respectively.65Thus,thereis littleevidence hatthe alcovesat the Workmen'sVillagewereusedexclusively or the storageof ritualgoods, althoughhismayhave occurredn somecases. If theywereusedforthegeneral torageof belongings ponabandonmentf thesite, however,we will be witnessinghe material emnants f abandonmentrocesses,ratherthan of everydayactivity.The lack of space in the village houses is alsosignificant. t seemsunlikely hata significant roportionf theavailable pacewouldbe devoted o thestorageof cultequipment, t leastexclusively.Hence,thereremainsa degreeof uncertainty egardinghe extentto whichthe situation t the Workmen'sVillage s typicalof thesiteas a whole.LustrationslabsOver 40 stone 'lustration labs' in houses in the North Suburband Main City,predominantlyn thecentral oom,canbe identifiedrom heexcavationecords.66heycan againbe difficult o identify n the publishedplansand additional xamplesmayhavebeenremoved.Amarna altar. On the latter, she cites A. A. Loose, 'Woonhuizen in Amarna en het domein van de vrouwen',Phoenix 38/2 (1992), 23; Robins, in Boymel Kampen(ed.), Sexualityin AncientArt, 29.63Cf. Kemp, Ancient Egypt, 305.64For example, Newton, JEA 10, 292; B. J. Kemp, 'Reporton the 1985 Excavations:Work Inside the WalledVillage', in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports III, 7, 16-19.65CoA I, 86, pls. x.2, xxiii. 1. On the contentsof the alcoves in general, see Woolley, JEA 8, 55, 59; CoAI,71, 78-9, 83, 85-6, pls. x.2, xix.4, xx.2.66CoA I, 7, 21, 29, pls. i, iii, v.4; II, 8, 11, 16, 34, 42, 69, 71-2, 76, pls. iii-iv, vi, xi; III, pl. xi; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,17, Hausplane 1-2, 9, 12, 16, 23, 26, 44, 51, 54, 63, 65, 69, 73, 83, 94, 96, 103,107; P. T. Crocker, Social and Spatial Groupingsamong the Domestic Quartersat el-Amarna,Egypt (Cambridge,unpublishedMPhil dissertation, 1984), 11; C. Tietze, 'Amarna:Analyse der Wohnhauserund soziale StrukturderStadtbewohner',ZAS 112 (1985), 69. Examples in or near rooms thought to have served as bathroomsare notincluded.

154 JEA 89


14/28

DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNAThey generally ake the form of a low, rectangular latformwith a slightlyraisededge. A short,centralprojection ften,but notalways,occursat thefront.A vessel orrectangulartonetrough s sometimes unk in the groundadjacento the edge of the

platform; therexampleshavedepressions utout of thesurfaceof theplatformtself.Thevessels anddepressions ppeardesigned o collectliquidrun-off.Few dimensionsof the platformsare recorded,but they seem to have differedslightly in size.67Lustration labs can occasionallybe identified n the same house or room as altars.There is again generally little indicationof a close association between theseemplacements, lthougha 'whitewashed"altar"on a lustration lace' was recordedfromT35.6 in the NorthSuburb.68There s little evidence o linkthe slabsdirectlywithcult;theyhavegenerallybeeninterpretedas emplacements or water jars, possibly associated with washing.69Nonetheless,heimportancef purificationnd ibation itualsn stateandfuneraryultraisesthepossibility hatthe slabs were associatedwith similarrituals n the domesticsphere.70There is no indication hat they were necessarily inked exclusivelyorintimatelywithcult,but it is conceivablehat heyfunctionedn preparatoryitespriorto a mainritual, orexample.DomesticreliefsandinscriptionsDomesticreliefs andinscriptionsanbe considered, n theonehand,as documentaryevidenceof religiousbeliefor practice,andon the other to havepossessedreligioussignificancen theirownrightas, for instance, oci of cultor amuleticmages.Alongwith the reliefs andinscriptions elating o the cult of the Aten or royal familyfoundarounddoorways ndassociatedwithverticalnichesas notedabove,a smallnumber fpainted cenesrelating o the royalfamilywere excavatedn the Workmen'sVillage.Paintedmagesof royalfigures, in bothcases possiblyTutankhamun, ere foundinWest Street2/3 andLongWall Street7.71 Peet andWoolley suggested hatfragmentsof paintedplaster romMainStreet9 formedpartof a sceneof Atenworship,althoughthefragmentsmayhave derived rom a privatebirtharbour cene.72 cenesrelatingocultsor religiousactivity n domesticcontextsotherthanthatinvolving he Atenandroyal familyare preservedonly in a few paintedrepresentationsn the Workmen's

67 One example measured approximately 1.5 m in width and 80 cm in depth (Borchardtand Ricke, DieWohnhduser,Taf. 19A).68CoA II, 42. The exact natureof this emplacementis uncertain.69 CoAI, 6; T. Kendall, 'The House', in E. Brovarski, S. K. Doll and R. E. Freed (eds), Egypt's GoldenAge:The Art of Living in the New Kingdom(Boston, 1982), 30; Crocker, Social and Spatial Groupings, 11; Tietze,ZAS 112, 69-70; Kemp, Ancient Egypt, 295-6.

70 See A. M. Blackman, 'Purification(Egyptian)', in J. Hastings (ed.), Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics,X (Edinburgh, 1918), 476-82; H. W. Fairman, 'Worship and Festivals in an Egyptian Temple', Bulletin of theJohn RylandsLibrary 37 (1954), 173-86; J. F. Borghouts, 'Libation', LA III, 1014-15.71 CoA I, 83; B. J. Kemp, 'The Amarna Workmen's Village in Retrospect', JEA 73 (1987), 44; F.Weatherhead,'Reporton the 1986 Excavations:Fragmentsof a PaintedRoyal Figure with Artist's Grid from WestStreet 2/3', in B. J. Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports, IV (EES Occasional Publications5; London, 1987), 17-29.72 CoAI, 59-60, 80, pl. ix.2; Kemp, JEA 65, 51. A scene in the front hall of Long Wall Street 7 possibly also

depicted a birth arbour(CoA I, 83; Kemp, JEA 65, 52). For fragmentsof plaster with a possible offering formulafrom Main Street 10, see B. Gunn, 'Inscriptionsof 1922', in CoA I, 146-7; Kemp, JEA 73, 45.

2003 155


15/28

ANNA STEVENSVillageand these have been discussedby Kemp.73 he most notable s partof a scenedepictingBes figuresandprobablyTaweretn the frontroomof MainStreet3. In thefrontroom of LongWall Street10, was the lowerpartof a scenedepicting numberof human igures,all probablywomenandgirls,perhapsparticipatingn a celebrationor ritualassociatedwith childbirth.There was a structure hatpossiblyserved as asimplealtarbeneath.

PortableobjectsA link with the religiousspherecan sometimesbe suggestedfor portableobjectsexcavatedat Amarna,primarilyon the basis of iconography, extual or epigraphicparallels,or thepresenceof similarmaterialn distinctcult contextselsewhere.Thismaterialmightnotalwayshave functioned s a central omponent f religious itual,orservedsolelyin thereligiousrealm,but this is notnecessary or it to havepossessedadegreeof religious ignificance.Thelinkingof portable bjectswithpotential eligiousassociations pecificallyo thedomestic phere s problematic.Althoughheseobjectswere often excavatedamongstresidentialareas, the fact that they were readilytransportablereatesuncertaintys to whether hey were actuallyused in domesticcontexts.In othercases, materialwas found n areas hatservedotherfunctions, uchas workshops.Problemsregarding he datingof these objectsare also significant,particularlys earlyexcavators arely nvestigatedhe stratigraphyf the site.74 t canbe assumed hata proportionf the materialwasdepositedduring heperiod n whichthe city servedas Egypt's capital,but there is little opportunityo investigate hequantity r rangeof material eposited t that ime.OfferingtablesAt leasteighteenntact nd ragmentaryfferingableshavebeenrecordedromdomesticcontexts in the Workmen'sVillage and the Main City.75 The majoritymeasureapproximately5-25 cminlength.OneminiaturexampleromWestStreet17measured6.6 x 6 cm.76Theofferingablescanberectangularrsquaren shape,andbothspoutedandspoutless xamples ccur.A possibleexampleound n the central oomof M50.13was raisedonlegsandhad ivelarge,basin-shapedepressionsnitsupperace. Thiswasof considerable ize, measuring73 x 59 x 36 cm.77Anotherprobableofferingtable withshort egsandfive circular epressions as excavated utsidehouseL51.1.78

73JEA 65, 47-53.74 I. Shaw, 'Sifting the Spoil: ExcavationTechniquesfrom Peet to Pendleburyat el-Amarna', in A. Leahy andJ. Tait (eds), Studies in Honour of H. S. Smith(EES Occasional Publication 13; London, 1999), 284-5.75 CoA I, 18, 66, 68-7, 71, 73, 75, 77-8, 81, 87-9, 102, pls. vi.2, xiv.5, xxiii.3; Borchardtand Ricke, DieWohnhauser,20, 164, 217. Some fragmentaryexamples possibly derived from statues of the royal family; see F.Ll. Griffith, 'Excavations at Tell el-'Amarnah, 1923-4. A. Statuary',JEA 17 (1931), 181.76 CoA I, 88. Details of its dimensions and decoration, not mentioned in the excavation report, are providedon the original object registration card in the EES Amarna Archive; no. 22/132. I am grateful to the EES for

permission to cite this.77 CoA I, 18, pl. vi.2.78 CoAI, 18. Consideralso theimestonae block with in-built bowls containing 'grease' from a room beside thebathroom n T36.11 (CoA II, 25, pls. xii, xix.3, xx.3; B. J. Kemp, 'Chapel Group528-531', in B. J. Kemp(ed.),AmarnaReports, II (EES Occasional Publications2; London, 1985), 50).

156 JEA 89


16/28

DOMESTICRELIGIONAT AMARNAManyoffering ablesborenotraceof decoration, utat leastone had magesof birdsand flowers.79The miniatureofferingtable was decoratedwith six nfr-signs.Anexample ound n EastStreet1 at the Workmen'sVillagebore a head incisedon the

back,anda fragmentxcavated tQ47.22wasdecoratedwitha prayer o Osirisarounditsedge.80Fragmentsf a 'table',perhaps nitemof cultequipment,romM50.13boreinkdrawings f theearlyformof thenameof theAten,possiblyanadditionalartoucheand 'meaninglesslines'.81BasinsStonebasinsortroughs nd argestonebowlswereoccasionallyecordedromdomesticcontexts.82Thereis little directindicationn the excavation eports hatany servedreligious unctionsandthere s a rangeof utilitarian,ecularpurposes or whichtheywould have been suitable.Detailsregarding hese receptaclesare limited,and it isdifficult o assignanyfunction o them.A chalkstoneasin ound n thecentral oomofP47.17 bore a figure of a worshipper,which suggests that this exampleat leastfunctionedn cult.83Indirect videnceof a religiousrole for some of thesereceptacles an be seenin thesignificance ffordedibationandpurificationitualsn templeandfuneraryult. Somebasinsandbowlsfound n publicareasof templesandtombs, ncluding xamplesromtheAmarna rivate hapels,arethoughtohaveheld iquids uchas water orlustrationrituals,or functioned s receptacles or libations.84 numberof fragments f stonebasinsand bowls were also foundamongsthouses at Deir el-Medina,occasionallybearingdecorationncluding rayerso deities,imagesof worshippersnd 3h qrn Rc-formulae.85Shrinesand naoiThereis little clearevidenceof portable hrinesor naoi in domesticcontexts n theexcavation ecords,although s theseweregenerallymade of wood, theywould havebeenparticularlyrone o destruction.A smallnumber f woodenuraeiwereexcavatedin residential reas.Thesewerepossiblydecorative lementsof shrinessimilar o anexample rom the Houseof the King'sStatue,86lthoughwoodenuraeicould also be

79Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhiuser, 20.80 CoAI, 66, 71; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,164. The former apparentlyhad 'nothingto do withthe cult of the Aten' (CoA I, 66).81 CoA I, 19.82 For example, CoA I, 26, 30; II, 65; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,119.83Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser, 119, Hausplan31.84 J. Jacquet, 'Un bassin de libation du nouvel empire dedie a Ptah. Premiere partie: 1'architecture',MDAIK16 (1958), 161-7; H. Wall-Gordon, 'A New Kingdom Libation Basin Dedicated to Ptah. Second Part: TheInscriptions', MDAIK 16 (1958), 168-75; L. Habachi, 'Varia from the Reign of King Akhenaten', MDAIK20(1965), 70-3; Bomann, Private Chapel, 21, 29, 32; Pinch, Votive Offerings, 301-2.85Bruyere, Rapport (1934-1935), 210, 237-335; R. J. Demaree, The ?h ikr n R"-Stelae:OnAncestor Worshipin AncientEgypt (Egyptologische Uitgaven 3; Leiden, 1983), 146-53, 287.86 Uraei were recorded from 047.14, P47.17, S39.1 and T33.10: CoA II, 70; III, 22; Borchardtand Ricke,

Die Wohnhduser,86, 122. On the shrine at the House of the King's Statue, see CoA III, 141, pl. lxxix.7; Kemp,Ancient Egypt, 283-5, fig. 95.

2003 157


17/28

158 ANNA STEVENS JEA 89incorporatednto objectssuch as statuesand staves. Pieces of decoratedwood andfragments f boxes are alsomentionedn theexcavation eports, ome of whichcouldhavebeenpartsof shrines r naoi.87A woodenHathor eadwas found ntheWorkmen'sVillage,whichthe excavators uggestedderived rom a casket. It possiblyoriginatedfroma shrine imilaro anexamplewithHathor-headedolumns romDeirel-Medina.88Statues, telae, igurines,ostraca, mplements,essels and miscellaneousmaterialsA rangeof additionalbjectswithpotential ignificanceor domestic eligionhasbeenexcavated n residential reas, including ewellery, figurines,statues,stelae,ostraca,implements,essels andothermiscellaneousmaterials.89hecorpusofjewellery,mostof whichis madeof faience,includes magesof divinities,animals,anthropomorphicfigures,varioushieroglyphicmotifsandroyalnames;wedjat-eyesndBesimagesoccurmostfrequently.90

Amongst he figurinesareanthropomorphicmages,particularlyertility igurines;animals,often cobrasor monkeys;deities ncludingTaweret ndBes images;andnon-figurative bjects,such as modelballs.91Mostfigurines re madeof potteryorunfiredclay, but faienceand stoneexamplesalso occur.Imagesof theroyal familydominatethe statuary,butdeitiessuch as ThothandpossiblyPtahoccasionallyappear,as doprivatendividuals.92magesof theroyalfamilyandAtenalso occurmostfrequentlynstelae, where divinitiessuch as Taweret, Thoth,Ptah, sacred animalsand privateindividualsare also represented.93imilar magesoccasionallyappearon ostraca.9487Forfragmentsf woodwith thenamesor imagesof theAtenandroyalfamily,see CoAIII,32; BorchardtandRicke, Die Wohnhauser,03. See Borchardt nd Ricke, Die Wohnhauser,7, 290, for other decorated

fragments;and CoA I, pl. xix, fig. 4, for a 'box lid' that is possibly the door of a shrine.88See CoA , 72, pl. xx.1, on theAmarnaragment, ndE. Leospo, Woodworking:urniture ndCabinetry',in A. M. DonadoniRoveri ed.), EgyptianCivilization: aily Life(Turin,1988),fig. 215, on theDeir el-Medinashrine.For woodenHathor olumnsandsistra,see C. Tutundjian,A WoodenSistrumHandle',VA2 (1986),73-8; Pinch, Votive Offerings, 140-1.89 It is beyond he scopeof the current rticleto providea comprehensiveiscussionof this material.Thereader is referred to the excavation reports and the examples in the following footnotes.90Forexample,Petrie,Tellel-Amarna, ls. xiv-xx; CoAII, pis. xlix-l; III,pl. cxii; A. Boyce, 'CollarandNecklaceDesignsat Amarna:A Preliminary tudyof FaiencePendants',n B. J. Kemp ed.) AmarnaReports,VI (EESOccasionalPublications 0; London,1995),336-71; Gyory, n Eyre(ed.), Proceedings f the SeventhInternationalCongress, 497-507.91For example, CoA I, 84, pl. xxiii.5; II, 35, pl. xxxviii. 1-3; Pinch, Or 52, 405-14.

92Over300 fragments f statueshavebeenrecordedrombeyond heCentralCity,mostof whichappearohaverepresentedmembers f theroyal amily; ee n. 2 forexamples.Onstatues f deitiesandprivate ndividuals,see Borchardt,MDOG 0, 26; J. D. S. Pendlebury,Preliminary eport f the Excavations t Tellel-'Amarnah',JEA 19 (1933), 117-18, pls. xvii-xviii; Borchardt ndRicke,Die Wohnhauser,8, 253; M. M. el-Damaty,'Squattingtatuesn the CairoMuseum',MDAIK 6 (1990),5, pl. 5.D, E; J. L. Haynes, Statuette f Thothanda Scribe',in R. E. Freed,Y. J. Markowitz nd S. H. D'Auria eds),Pharaohs f the Sun:Akhenaten,Nefertiti,TutankhamunBoston, 1999), 258, no. 185.93 For royalfamilystelae, see Borchardt,Portrats,2-24, Abb. 5; id., MDOG50, 26-8, Abb. 9; F. Ll.Griffith, Stela n Honour f AmenophisII andTaya,fromTellel-'Amarnah',EA12(1926), 1-2; CoAII, 46,pl. xl.7; Borchardt ndRicke,Die Wohnhauser, 43, 160, 182, 310; Ikram,JEA75, 89-101. For examplesshowingotherdeities,see CoA , 25, 66, 80, 85, pls. xii.2, xxiii.4; II, 48, 66, 76, pl. xxxv.3,5,6;BorchardtndRicke,Die Wohnhauser,8, 248, 295. Ona steladepicting privatendividual,ee CoA , 66, 68; Demaree,The

3h ikr n R'-Stelae, 164, pl. xix.C7.94For example, CoA II, 19, 83; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,22, 174, 241, 310.


18/28

DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNAImplementsxcavated mongst esidential reas hatwereconceivably sedin domesticcult includepossiblesistraandbronze ongs.95A linkcanbe suggestedbetweensomevessels and cult. These sometimesbearimagessuch as Bes figures,Hathorheadsormodelled obras.96Miniatureotteryvessels andtallpottery tandsareidentifiablen afew domesticcontexts.Althoughboth vessel types conceivably ulfilleda varietyoffunctions,a cult use for someis suggestedby theirexcavationn definedcultcontextswhilst,in religious cenes,thestandsare sometimes epictedholdingncenseandothergoods.97 hallowbowls with tracesof resin, includinghosewithout-turnedims,alsooccur n residentialreas.Although ssentially utilitarianorm,the use of suchbowlsas censers for the burningof incense is attestedagainin representationsf offeringscenes.98 inally,materials uchasplantremains, hell,semi-precioustonesandpiecesof wax-likesubstancesoccur. The originalfunctionof these is generallyunclear.However,as there s evidence hat heycouldbe usedin religious ontexts,particularlyin magicalrituals,oftenin a manner hatwould eavelittle trace n thearchaeologicalrecord,99heirpresenceat thesite shouldbe noted.

Interpretations f the archaeological ecordIn investigating omesticreligionfromthe archaeologicalecord n general,depositsassociated with identifiablecult spaces are particularly ignificant.These can beidentifiedwith relativeconfidenceas havingentered he archaeological ecord as adirectresultof religiousconduct.Suchdepositsare rareat Amarna, owever,and t isnecessary o interprethe evidence n terms of its generalnatureand on the basis ofconductreflected n alternativeources.Thus,whilsta broadpictureof the domesticreligious ystemcanbe obtained,here s littleopportunityo examinesolatednstancesof religiousconduct.

95Newton,JEA10, 289; CoAII, 19, 24, 58 74, 77; Borchardt ndRicke,Die Wohnhduser,42, 201, 278;P. Lacovara,TongswithHands', n Freedet al. (eds),Pharaohs f theSun,251, no. 158.96 Kemp,JEA67, 14, fig. 6; P. J. Rose, 'Report n the 1987 Excavations: heEvidence orPotteryMakingatQ48.4', inKemp ed.),AmarnaReportsV, 91-2; C. A. Hope,'Blue-PaintedndPolychrome ecorated otteryfromAmarna:A Preliminary orpus',CCE2 (1991), 17-92.97 Onminiature essels, see CoAII, 78-9, 82-3, 86-90; Borchardt ndRicke,Die Wohnhduser, 06, 176,179. Onofferingstands,see CoAI, 103, 105, 108, pls. xxvii.1, xlvi; L. Hulin,'PotteryCult VesselsfromtheWorkmen'sVillage', in B. J. Kemp ed.), AmarnaReports, (EESOccasionalPublications ; London,1984),175;P. J. Rose, 'ThePotteryDistribution nalysis',in Kemp ed.), AmarnaReports , 140;id., 'Pottery romtheMainChapel', n Kemp ed.), AmarnaReports II, 101;Bomann,PrivateChapel,9, 11, 15-16. A few intactandfragmentary ottery ampstands hat werepossiblytall offeringstandswere also recorded rom the DOGexcavations, uchas those excavatednear the altar n Q46.1 (BorchardtndRicke,Die Wohnhiuser, 6, 175,325).98 N. de G. Davies,The RockTombs f El Amarna, : The Tombof Meryra EESArchaeologicalurvey13;London,1903),25, pl. xii; id., TheRockTombs f El Amarna, V: Tombs f Penthu,Mahu,and Others EESArchaeologicalurvey16; London,1906),pl. xv; G. Nagel,Laceramiquedu NouvelEmpireDeir el Medineh,I (DFIFAO10;Cairo,1938), 176-81; Rose, in Kemp ed.), AmarnaReports , 140;id., 'ThePottery romGateStreet8', in Kemp(ed.), AmarnaReportsIV, 135; M. Serpicoand R. White, 'The Botanical dentityandTransportf IncenseDuring heEgyptianNewKingdom',Antiquity4 (2000),889-90.99Forexample,J. F. Borghouts,AncientEgyptianMagicalTexts Leiden, 1978), 16-19;M. J. Raven, Wax

in EgyptianMagicandSymbolism',OMRO 4 (1983), 9-32; id., 'Resinin EgyptianMagicandSymbolism',OMRO70 (1990), 10-18.

2003 159


19/28

ANNA STEVENSThearchaeologicalvidence ndicateshatseveral ypesof conductwereundertaken.The occurrenceof rituals nvolvingthe offeringof goods is suggested irst by thepresenceof appropriatemplacementsor perishableand non-perishablefferings,particularlyffering ablesandprobably omestic ltars.Thereceptacles uilt ntosomeof the formermight ndicate hespecificofferingof liquids.100racesof whitewash nsome altarscouldreflectsimply he ritualpurityof thestructure, utmayalsoindicatethe use of liquid ibations.As alreadynoted,some stonebasinspossibly unctionednrituals nvolving iquids,perhapsibationor purificationituals; ustration labs couldhavebeenused nsimilar ites.The smallnumber f identifiableottery tands onstitutepotential videnceof offeringritualsnvolvingncense.Manyvessel types conceivablyfunctioned s containersn offeringrituals,such as the bowls with tracesof resin. Thepotterybowlswiththree-dimensionalobra iguresmighthavecombined divine magewith a receptacleorofferingsn a singleobject.Thisis supportedy theassociation fthecobra magewithseveraldivinities, he occurrence f free-standingobra igurines

thatpossiblyservedas cultimages,andthewavyrimof thebowls,whichsuggests hattheywereintended o holdliquids.Severalcategories f evidencealso occurthatwereprobably sedasofferingshemselves, uchasfigurines nd temsofjewellery.Althoughindividualxamples sedassuchcannotbeidentified,t is noteworthyhat imilar bjectshave been excavatedn votivedepositsat shrinesbeyondAmarna,101nd these wereconceivablyuitable omponentsf offering ituals n the domestic phere.Theuseof amulets nd alismanss presumablyeflectednthepresence fjewelleryandsmall igures,particularlyhosewithmotifssuchasdivinities,hieroglyphs, nimalsorbodyparts.A rangeof otherobjectsmayhavebeenperceivedopossessprophylacticproperties, although individual examples that functioned as such are againunidentifiable. orexample,vessels with motifssuchas Bes imagesandHathorheads,evenif not useddirectlyas elementsn religiousritual,mighthave been understoodopossessprotective ropertiesn a household ontext imilar o headrests ecoratedwithdivinities.Statues,stelae,figurinesand ostracamay sometimeshave been perceivedsimilarly,whilst domesticreliefssuch as those of the Bes imagesand Taweret igure,andwomenandgirls,wereconceivably rophylacticmages.102Severaltypes of items occur that could have been used duringmagicalrituals,particularlyhose thatrequiredhe manufacturer manipulationf images. Figurinesfrom he site areregularly rokenandsometimes howsignsof burning, lthoughhereis little indication hat this resulted rom the deliberatebreakageor burningduringmagical ites. The use of figurines ndother magesas componentsf magical itualsswell attestedn spells,however,andexamplesare known hatrecord he use of imagesthat occur at Amarna, uch as cobra andanthropomorphicigurines.103he fact that

100Gypsum-coated receptacles that possibly contained ritual liquids or oils were also built into benches inBuilding528, partof a chapel complex at the Workmen'sVillage: Kemp, in Kemp(ed.), AmarnaReportsII, 43-5,50, figs. 4.1-5; Bomann, Private Chapel, 19, 61.101For example, Pinch, Votive Offerings, 160-300.102 See Kemp, JEA 65, 53, on the possible protective qualities of the latter.103 Consider the well-known spell against nightmaresin which the use of four clay uraei is prescribed (R. K.Ritner, 'O.Gardiner 363: A Spell Against Night Terrors', JARCE27 (1990), 25-41); and the spell for protectionagainst scorpions preserved primarilyin P. Turin 1993, in which Isis models a serpentfrom the earth (Borghouts,

Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts, 51-5, no. 84). Anthropomorphic mages are also well attested as componentsofspells, for example, Borghouts, Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts, 32, 39, nos. 48, 60-1.

JEA 8960


20/28

DOMESTICRELIGIONAT AMARNAmany figurines rom the site are hand-modelled, ften frommaterialswithpotentialmagicalpropertiessuch as clay, and unfired,could be explainedby their actualmanufactureuringmagical ituals.The nherentmagicalqualities f smallamuletsuchas scarabs,beads and wedjat-eyesalso rendered hem appropriate omponentsofmagicalrituals n general.104he use of material uch as resins andplantmatter nmagicalrituals,andthepresenceof suchmaterial t thesite,has beennoted.Religiousconductnvolving he use of such materialswaspresumablymorewidespreadhancannowbe recognised.105Some domesticreligiousconductat Amarna learlyfocuseduponcult imagesandspaces,sometimes robably hroughhe directworshipof theformer.Thisis suggestedby the presence of probablecult images and of permanentand temporarycultemplacements.Amongst he corpusof materialpreserved, tatuesand stelae of highquality anbe identified s themost ikelyexamples f cult mages,butfigurines, implestelae,figuredostracaandvesselssuchas cobrabowls could sometimes ave servedassuch,particularlyor thoseunable o acquirehigherquality mages.Altarsandofferingtablesconstitute he clearest xamplesof domestic ultspaces,but the limitedevidencefor smallerniches, potteryofferingstands and wooden shrines is noteworthy.Thepresenceof vessels and altar-likeconstructions hat could have served as offeringemplacements t some verticalniches and at the painted cene of the femalesin theWorkmen'sVillageraises hepossibilityhat hesealso servedas cult foci.106A greaternumber nda widervarietyof bothcultimagesandemplacements ereprobably ncepresent han s reflectedn thearchaeologicalecord.Manyexamples relikelyto havebeen removedor destroyed,whilstthe cultsignificance f some is likely simply o beunrecognisable. orexample, heoriginof the stoneoffering able n the OldKingdomappears o have been the combinationf a htp-loafanda vessel placedon a mat.107There s little reasonto suppose hatthe use of mats or baskets or theplacement fobjectsused in religiousritualwas completely uperseded y the introductionf theoffering table. These may have providedan affordableand accessible means ofdelineating sacred,relatively leanspacewithina domestic etting.08Scenesof Amarnahousespreservedn a few reliefs are also of significancen thisrespect.In an Amarnahouse depictedon a block found at Hermopolis, s a free-standing,rectangulareaturewith a roundedobject, seeminglyon top. This is notdissimilaro thehieroglyphic tp,althoughhe baseis higher; t mayrepresent stoneofferingtable or altar.109n an apparent epresentationf the house of the officialMeryrain his Amarnatomb, a raised shrine-likestructurewith flared cornice,seemingly pproached y stepsorrampswithbalustrades,s alsodepictedn the central

104For example, Borghouts, Ancient EgyptianMagical Texts, 23, 36-7, nos. 30, 55.105Cf. Kemp, CAJ5/1, 26.106 CoAI, 43; Kemp, JEA 65, 49.107C. Kuentz, 'Bassins et tables d'offrandes', BIFAO 81 (1981), 244; Bomann, Private Chapel, 106.108 am indebted to Barry Kempfor this suggestion. For the htp at Deir el-Medina, apparentlybaskets or mats,see J. J. Janssen, CommodityPricesfrom the RamessidPeriod (Leiden, 1975), 160-1; note the relatively low priceof some examples. See also Pinch, Votive Offerings, 321, on the use of baskets as receptacles for offerings atHathor shrines.109J D.. Cooney, AmarnaReliefs from Hermopolis in American Collections (Brooklyn, 1965), 74-5, no. 47.

He identified this as a representationof the service quartersof the Great Palace, but Kemp, Ancient Egypt, 298,fig. 100, has interpreted t as a house.

2003 161


21/28

ANNA STEVENSroom.110 implewooden standsare shown supporting essels in representationsfAmarnaPeriod houses on talatat from Karnak, ncludingsome being presentedasofferingso theAten,probablynan outdoor hrine.111uchstands ouldalso havebeenusedas portable ltars.The apparentack of cult emplacementsn anotherpossible representationf anAmarna ouse in the tombof Mahuserves as a reminder hat hese wereprobably otuniformeatures,112ndthatdomestic eligion s unlikely o havealways ocusedupondefinedphysical paces.Indeed,whilsttheofferingof votivegoodsor theundertakingof magical iteswasprobably ftendoneat defined ultspaces,other ormsof religiousconductwere presumablyonstrainedo a lesserdegreeby physicalboundaries.Thewearingof amuletictemsof jewellery llustrateshis.Attemptso identify hedivinitiesassociatedwithdomesticreligiousconductat thesite are complicatedby the fact that whilst divinitiesare sometimesrepresented rnameddirectlyon the material, his is not alwaysthe case. Interpretationsf thedomesticaltarshavegenerallybeenpolarisedbetween heirassociationwiththeroyalfamilyand Aten and, less frequently,with the cults of traditional,minor'deities,particularlyhose linked with human ertility.113herehas also been a tendency oassigna single nterpretationo thealtarsas a whole ntermsof the divinities enerated.Theimageryof thePanehesy ltar ndicates clearassociationwiththecultof theroyalfamilyandAten,whilstthe east-westorientation f somemud-brickltarsmayreflecta similar inkwiththe solarcult,as was notedby Borchardt.t is alsonoteworthyhatopen-air, teppedpodiumsare featuresof 'Sunshades f Re', or Re-Chapels,114hilstatAmarnatself,podiumswith a rampor staircase ppear requentlynofficialcultandceremonialontexts,as throneplatforms,Windows f Appearancendaltars.Thelatterincludeexamples n probable Sunshades f Re', which may have been associatedparticularlywith female membersof the royal familyat the site.115This suggestsapotential ink betweenthe steppeddomesticaltarsand solar cults in general,or theofficialAtencultof theAmarnaPeriod pecifically.Simple,unstepped ltarsalsooccurin officialcult contextsat Amarna.116he possibility hat the state hadconsiderable

110Davies, El AmarnaI, 38-9, pls. xxv, xxxiii.111C. Traunecker, 'Les maisons du domaine d'Aton a Karnak', CRIPEL 10 (1988), 74-5, 81-5, figs. 1-3.112 See Davies, Rock TombsIV, 17, pls. xxv, xxviii, althoughnote that the scene is not preserved fully.113 On the link with the former, see Borchardt, Portrdts, 20-4; Aldred, Akhenatenand Nefertiti, 102, 130,

168; Assmann, JNES 31, 153; id., SAK8, 26; R. Stadelmann,'Altar', LA I, 146; Crocker, JEA 71, 56 (althoughsee Crocker, 'Uses of Space in AmarnaArchitecture:Domestic andRoyal Parallels', BACE3 (1992), 15); Krauss,Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 33, 35-6; Friedman, in Lesko (ed.), Pharaoh's Workers, 110-11. For theirassociation with traditionalcults, see Pinch, Votive Offerings,216; Robins, in Boymel Kampen(ed.), SexualityinAncientArt, 29-30.114R. Stadelmann,'swt-R"wals Kultstattedes Sonnengottesim Neuen Reich', MDAIK25 (1969), 159-78; P.A. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study (London, 1984), 121-5; B. J. Kemp, 'Outlying

Temples at Amarna', in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports VI, 454-5.115 On steppedpodiums, see Davies, Rock TombsI, 30, 39, pls. X.A, xii, xxxii; B. J. Kemp, 'The Window of

Appearanceat el-Amarna, and the Basic Structure of this City', JEA 62 (1976), 89; id., in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReportsVI, 454-5; I. Shaw, 'Balustrades,Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at el-Amarna', JEA 80 (1994),109-27. On 'Sunshades', see W. H. Fairman, 'The Inscriptions', in CoA III, 200-8; Stadelmann,MDAIK25,162-6; and Kemp, in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports VI, 454-5, 458-61.116Davies, Rock TombsI, 41, pls. X.A, xi-xii, xxv, xxvii-xxviii, xxxii-xxxiii; CoA III, 15-16, pl. iv.

162 JEA 89


22/28

DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNAinfluenceon the designof houses at the site also exists.117 his couldindicatehat,iferectedat the time of constructionf thehouse,thealtarswereat leastintendedo beassociatedwith the officialcult.

Conversely,both steppedand unsteppedaltars occur in contextsthat did notnecessarily avelinks withthe officialreligiousdoctrine f theAmarnaPeriodor withsolarcultsin general.Forexample,altars n housesof SecondIntermediate eriod oEighteenthDynastydate at Lishttook the formof simple,unstepped latforms.Altarsin some housesat MedinetHabu,apparently f late EighteenthDynastyand ThirdIntermediate erioddate,werestepped,as were the lits clos atDeirel-Medina.118hisraises the possibilitythat some mud-brickaltars were erected as 'generic' cultemplacements, uitablefor a range of cult, rather than imitationsof official cultstructures r simplified ersionsof thePanehesy-typef shrine.Furtherupportorthiscan be found nthe factthat heywere notopento thesun andwerenotalwaysorientedeast-west.119Thedecoration reserved nthe verticalnichessuggests hat f thesedidpossesscultsignificance,at least some were associatedwith the royal familyor Aten. Althoughadditionalcenesrelating o the royal familyand Atenmay have been destroyed, tcannotbe assumedhatall nicheswithtracesof decorationriginallybore suchscenes.Given heparallelswith falsedoors n funerary ontexts, hepossibilityhatsomewereassociatedwith funeraryor ancestorcults should be considered. t is impossible odeterminewhether hesmallerniches, f usedforreligiouspurposes,werecult-specific.There is also little indication n the decorationof offeringtables found amongstresidential reas hat hesewereintendedo serveparticularults. It is noteworthyhatthey generallyack the inscriptionselating o theroyalfamilyand Atenpresenton atleast some offeringtables from statecomplexes n the CentralCity, and on someoffering ablesheldby statuesof theroyalfamily.120 f theidentificationf thewoodenuraei as fragments f shrines s correct, he excavation f theuraeus-toppedhrineattheHouse of theKing'sStatueandthescenesdepictingheroyalfamilywithinshrineswithuraeus riezesarenoteworthy.121owever,representationsf bothdeifiedroyaltyand otherdeitiesin shrineswithuraeus riezes in Eighteenth ndNineteenthDynastyprivatetombs could indicate hat the three-dimensionalersionswere not associatedexclusivelywiththeofficialcultduring heAmarna eriod.122117Cf. Traunecker, CRIPEL10, 92-3.118A. C. Mace, 'Excavations at Lisht', BMMA16 (1921), 12, fig. 2; U. Holscher, TheExcavationof MedinetHabu, II. TheTemplesof the EighteenthDynasty (OIP41; Chicago, 1939), 68-9, figs. 54, 56; id., TheExcavationof Medinet Habu, V. Post-Ramessid Remains (OIP 66; Chicago, 1954), 7, fig. 6, pl. 6.i; Bruyere, Rapport(1934-1935), 61-4.119Although the garden shrines at the site are also not always so oriented. Ikram,JEA 75, 101, has suggestedthis may be explained by their dedicationto the royal family, instead of the Aten. Note also Kemp's observation,in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports VI, 455, that steppedplatformsat Amarnahave been found to be 'frequentlyandunexpectedly oriented towards the north and south'. There could also have been a greater degree of flexibility inthe orientation of solar shrines in private contexts than in the official cult sphere.120 See CoA III, 67, 81, pl. lxiv.4-6.121 On the latter, see Davies, Rock Tombs I, pl. vii; id., The Rock Tombsof El Amarna, II: The Tombs ofPanehesy and Meryra II (EES Archaeological Survey 14; London, 1905), pls. xxxii-xxxiv.122 See J. Vandier, Manuel d'archeologie egyptienne, IV (Paris, 1964), 544-71; S. Johnson, 'Uraeus

Statuettes', in S. D'Auria, P. Lacovara and C. H. Roehrig (eds), Mummiesand Magic: The Funerary Arts ofAncient Egypt (Boston, 1988), 144.

163003


23/28

ANNASTEVENSTherefore, lthoughhepreserved ecoration f a smallnumber f cultemplacementsindicates hat heywere intended o servethecult of theroyalfamilyandAten,there slittlesurviving vidence hatthemajoritywerecult-specificnstallations.f theywereactuallyperceivedas generic nstallationsy the residents f thecity, associationswithparticular ults were presumably onveyed primarily hroughthe erection of cultimages.In turn,theremayhave beenconsiderableariationn theconductundertakenat similaremplacementsocated n differenthouseholdsat the site and at individualemplacementsn different ccasions.Theroyal familyand Aten are the mostfrequently epresentedubjectmatterwhichmost likely acted as cult images.A smallnumberof statuesandstelaethatpossiblyservedas cultimagesrelatingo otherdivinities lso occur.If objects uchas figurines,ostracaand vessels were sometimesworshipped irectly,the numberof cult imagesassociatedwith the latterwould be increased.Potential oci for royalancestorcultsinclude statuesof EighteenthDynasty royaltyand the well-knownstela depicting

AmenhotepIIandTiye (BMEA 57399). ThesehavebeendiscussedmostrecentlybyJohnson.123n addition,a numberof objectsappear o have servedas foci of privateancestor ults.A stela excavated ppositeMainStreet4 at the Workmen'sVillagehasbeen identified y Demareeas an h iqrn R'-stela.124 mongsthe sculptureragmentsrecoveredromP47.4, a housecomplex ocated n thevicinityof theworkshops f thesculptorThutmose,were fragments f the back half of a chalkstone nthropoidust,nowreconstructedn theAgyptischesMuseumundPapyrussammlung,erlin(25847;pl. IX, 3). Thefigurewearsa long, straightwig and,althoughhetopof the head s notpreserved,t doesnotappearohaveworna crownorotherroyalheadwear. tmeasures17.6 cm in heightandis 12.0 cm wide.125t does not resemble he otherroyalbustsexcavatedat the site,126 ut is similarto the anthropoid ustsknownfrom Deir el-Medina ndelsewhere.There s somedebateoverthe function f thelatter,buttheyaregenerally houghto havebeen associated t leastin partwithprivateancestor ults.127At T35.4in the NorthSuburb, n 18 cmhighlimestoneigureof a seatedmanwearinga kiltandholdinga lotus flower acrosshis chest wasdiscovered.A similar tatuette fa seatedmalein a kiltandclaspinga lotusbudagainsthis chestmeasuring .9 cm inheight appears o havebeen excavatedn the NorthCity.128n contrast o thatfrom123 W. R. Johnson, 'AmenhotepIII and Amarna: Some New Considerations', JEA 82 (1996), 72-80. On the

inscriptional evidence for 'houses', 'mansions' and 'sunshades' of Eighteenth Dynasty royalty at the site, seeFairmanin CoA III, 199-205.124Demaree, Theh ikr n'-Stelae, 164,l. xix.c7. Note also the votive stelae from the tomb of Any thatattestto at least the commemorationof this individual(Davies, RockTombsV, 9-11, pls. xxi-xxiii; Kemp,Ancient

Egypt, 304).125 The bust was recorded in the excavation report as the 'hintere Halfte einer uiste' (Borchardtand Ricke,Die Wohnhduser,102, exc. no. 1912/13,601). It was examined in the museum magazine by the author in May2000, andI am grateful againto Prof. Wildungandthe Agyptisches MuseumundPapyrussammlungor permissionto discuss it here.

126 See W. Kaiser, 'Zur Buste als einer Darstellungsformgyptischer Rundplastik',MDAIK46 (1990), 280-3,pls. 65-6.127J. L. Keith-Bennett,'AnthropoidBusts: II. Not from Deir el Medineh Alone', BES 3 (1981), 43-72; Kaiser,MDAIK46, 270-2; Friedman, JEA 71, 82-97; id., in Lesko (ed.), Pharaoh's Workers, 114-17. The excavationof a 'Frauenbiiste'at P47.4 might also be noteworthy;see Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhauser, 102, exc. no.1912/13,576.128 See CoAII, 43, pl. xxxvii. 1-4, on the former;and T. Whittemore, 'The Excavationsat el-'Amarna, Season

164 JEA 89


24/28

2003 DOMESTIC RELIGIONAT AMARNA 165T35.4, it is not sculptedin the Amarnastyle. It has been proposedthatthese statuetteswere placed in domestic shrines,129but their function can possibly be identifiedmoreclosely. They appear to belong to a group of sculptures suggested to be three-dimensionalrepresentationsof figures on 3h iqr n R'-stelae andpossible forerunners othe ancestor usts.Thesearetypicallyntheformof seated iguresholdingotusflowersto their chests.130A headlessfigurineof a seatedindividual,probablymale, fromU33.1, mightalso be of thistype.131Amongstmaterialuchasfigurines ndmodels,smallstelaeof relativelyowquality,ostracaand items of jewellery, the quantityof objectsthatcan be associatedwithdivinitiesother thanthe Aten androyal familyincreases.Bes, Hathor,Taweretandprobablyone or more cobra deities featuremostprominentlyn suchmaterial romresidentialareas, but other cults appear n a more limitedquantityand range ofevidence, ncludingAmun,Anukis,Heqet,Min, Serqetand Thoth.132t leastfifteenpendantsn the shapeof anthropoidustshavealsobeenexcavated t theWorkmen'sVillage,NorthSuburb,MainCity,CentralCityandKomel-Nana,although otalwayswithinhouses.133Pendants f thisformaregenerally houghto be relatedo thelargerbustsculptures,134ndcomprise urther videnceof an ancestor ult.Littlematerial eyondarchitecturalpacesandcultimagescan be relateddirectly otheofficial cult, althoughhenamesor imagesof members f theroyalfamilyandthenamesof theAten do appear n objectssuchasjewelleryand vessels.135 hepresence1924-5', JEA 12 (1926), 12, pl. viii, on the example from the North City. Both statuetteshave been publishedrecently with colour photographs by R. E. Freed, in Freed et al. (eds), Pharaohs of the Sun, 255, nos. 172-3.129 Freed, in Freed et al. (eds), Pharaohs of the Sun, 255, nos. 172-3; E. Pischikova, in Freed et al. (eds),Pharaohs of the Sun. 255, no. 174.

130 A. R. Schulman, 'Some Observationson the 4h ikr n R'-Stelae', BiOr 43 (1986), 307-8; J. R. Ogdon, 'AFragmentaryNew KingdomStatue at Buenos Aires', GM 119 (1990), 65-72; Friedman,in Lesko (ed.), Pharaoh'sWorkers, 113, 179, n. 55.131 This figure, preserved to a height of 4 cm, appearsto hold an elongated object to its face (CoA II, 72, pl.xliv.7).132 Bomann, Private Chapel, 57-79, suggested that the deities worshipped at the private chapels probablyincluded Amun, Aten, Hathor, Isis, Min, Nut, Re, Re-Harakhty,Renenutet, Shed and Wepwawet. Only the cultsof Amun, Aten, Isis and Shed are representedby inscriptionalevidence.133CoAII, 8,86, 92, 96; 85, 104; Borchardtand Ricke, Die Wohnhduser,89, 166. EES AmarnaArchiveobject registrationcard 24-5/15 also seems to record a pendantof this form; I would like to thankthe EES forpermission to mention it here. In addition, object numbers 1789, 2998, 3364, 4665 and 30250 from the current

EES excavations at the site are pendantsof this form. These were examined on site by the author in May 2000,and I am again grateful to the EES and to Barry Kemp for permission to list them here. All originate from thegrounds immediately south of the Workmen's Village, apartfrom 30250, which was excavated at Kom el-Nana.Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pl. xvii.277-8, also illustratedan anthropoidbust amulet and mould from the site; seeKeith-Bennet, BES 3, 44-5. Pendantsthought to have originated from Amarna are in the Petrie Museum (U.C.2400: Keith-Bennett,BES 3, 45), Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery (D. 1925.35) and EgyptianMuseum, Cairo(Amarna Room, Case 55525), whilst moulds are in the Petrie Museum (U.C. 2031) and Ashmolean Museum(1893.1-41(684)). Some of these may provide additionalexamples to those mentioned in the excavation records.134 Keith-Bennett,BES 3, 46, 52-4, 63.135 1. Shaw, 'Ring Bezels at el-Amarna', in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReportsI, 124-32; E. Shannon, 'Ring Bezelswith Royal Names at the Workmen's Village', in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports IV, 154-9; Borchardtand Ricke,Die Wohnhduser, 18, 174, 185. On jewellery with the names of deceased rulers such as Amenhotep II and

Thutmose III, again potential evidence of royal ancestor cults, see Shannon, in Kemp (ed.), AmarnaReports IV,156.


25/28

ANNASTEVENSof a royal namecould indicatesimplythatan objectwas manufacturedn a stateworkshop,136r was distributedon an official occasion, but such materialmaynonetheless ave been consideredopossessamuletic ropertiesr to be anappropriatecomponent f rituals. nthestatesphere, heAtenwasprovidedwithofferings uchasflowers, incense,food andgifts in theshapeof cartouches f thegod, whilstthe Atenis depictedofferingsymbols ncludingw3s-and'nh-signsandimagesof uraeito theroyalfamily.137heextentto whichknowledgeof imagesconnectedwith the officialcultspreadnto theprivaterealmandto whichtheiruse was considered ppropriatenthe latter s unclear.It is conceivable, hough, hatmaterialncorporating otifssuchas these,andhencea greaterquantity f materialbeyondcultimagesandspaces,wasoriginallyinkedwith the cult in theprivatedomestic phere.

ConclusionsAlthoughthe quantityof material rom Amarna hat can be linked with absoluteconfidence o domestic eligion s limited,particularlyn comparisono thatexcavatedat Deirel-Medina,here s a greaterquantity ndvarietyof potential vidence han soften recognised.The materialsuggeststhata rangeof domesticreligiousactivityoccurred t the site. This included heofferingof perishable ndnon-perishableoods.The exactmannern whichthesewereused is difficult o isolate,butgoodscouldhavebeenofferings o sustaina cult imageor votivegifts to a divinity,with someperhapsused in rituals ntended o purifycult images, spacesor participants.Other ormsofactivityprobablyncluded heuse of amuleticmagesand the undertakingf magicalrituals. Domesticreligiousconductsometimes ocusedupondefinedcult spacesandimages,probablywith theworshipof thelatter,butthis is unlikelyalways o havebeenthe case.Although he explicit presenceor direct influenceof a divinitywas probablynotrequired n all forms of religiousconduct, in other cases divinitieswere clearlyinvolved.The material videncerelatingo the cultof theroyalfamilyandAten,andtoa lesserdegreethatof traditionaleities,haslongbeenrecognised.Thepresenceof aprivateancestor ult at the site has beensuggested,138utthere s a greaterquantity ndvarietyof evidence for this thanrecognisedpreviously.It is possibleto envisageanumberof scenariosunderwhich additionalmaterial elating o such a cult hasbeenremovedor is unidentifiable,articularlyf its material omponents xtendedbeyondimagesof thedeceasedand ncluded enericcultobjects.139

136Cf. Pinch, Votive Offerings, 329.137Davies, El AmarnaI, 25, 29, pis. X.A, xxviii; II, pis. v, xii; IV, 19, pis. xxxi, xliv; id., The Rock Tombsof El Amarna, VI: Tombsof Parennefer, Tutu,and Ay (EES Archaeological Survey 18; London, 1908), 4, pl. iv;A. M. Blackman, 'A Studyof the LiturgyCelebrated n the Temple of the Aton at el-Amarna', in Recueil d'etudesegyptologiques dedieesa la memoire de Jean-Francois Champollion (Paris, 1922), 517-23; C. Aldred, 'TheBeginning of the el-'Amarna Period', JEA 45 (1959), 24-5.138Bomann Private Chapel 58 68, 74, proposedthatancestorcults figuredprominentlyat the privatechapelsat the Workmen'sVillage, on the basis primarilyof the occurrenceof such cults at Deir el-Medina, andthe fact thatwhilst the chapelsappearto be connected with the funerarysphere, their large number n relationto tombs suggeststhey were not all funerarychapels. See also Demaree, The 3hikr n R'-Stelae, 164; Kemp,AncientEgypt, 305.

139Consider the possibility that fertility figurines excavated in the outer areas of tombs were offerings to thedead (Pinch, Votive Offerings, 218).

166 JEA 89


26/28

DOMESTICRELIGION T AMARNATherewasat least thefacilityfor conduct hatfocuseddirectlyuponcultimagesofthe royal family and Aten in some houses. However, the presenceof images oftraditionaleitiesandprivateancestors, nd he likelihood hatsomecultemplacements

weregeneric nstallationsuggests hatsuchbehaviourwas notrestrictedo the royalfamilyandAten.It canbe implied rom the relativeprominence f Bes, TaweretandHathor n personaltemssuchasjewellery,andtheoccurrence f Bes andTaweretona domesticrelief, thatthey were favouredas protectivemages.Theanthropoidustpendants eem to indicate hatprivateancestorswere sometimesalso perceivedassourcesof protectionor the individual,whilstthepossibilityhat heroyal familyandAten weresometimesviewedsimilarlymustremain,giventheirpresenceon itemsofjewellery n particular.It is generally nappropriateo commenton the popularity f particularypes ofconducton the basisof archaeologicalata,as thedegreeto whichevidencehasbeenpreservedand can now be identified s unlikelyto be uniform.The same is trueregardingassessmentsof the popularity ndroles of particular ivinities.Given theproblemsdating hematerial,t is also largelyunclearwhether herewere differencesin theprominence f certain ultsor typesof conductduring pecificperiodswithin hephaseof occupation nderAkhenaten nd Tutankhamun.his is particularlyrueforcultsand formsof conductreflectedn a limitedamountof material r predominantlyon portable bjects.Hence,theimpactof Akhenaten'seligiousreformson domestic eligion s difficultto assessfrom the archaeologicalecord.Thesignificance f the Amarnamaterialorunderstandinghesereformscannotbe discussed ully here, but it is noteworthyhatmanyaspectsof thedomesticreligioussystemreflectedn it can be paralleled t othersites, suchas Deirel-Medina.Therangeof conduct eflecteds similar o thatattestedatDeirel-Medina,whilst hetypesof divinities epresentedanalsobe paralleledo anextent,particularlywhenthe evidenceof a privateancestorcult is included.140Thisraises hepossibilityhatatAmarna,Akhenaten'seligious eformsdid notpenetrateheexistingdomestic eligious ystem o the extent hat s sometimes uggested.Theseparallelsalso increase hesignificance f theAmarnamaterial s a source ordomestic eligion ngeneraln NewKingdomEgypt.Inparticular,herangeof conductat the site andthepotential ariationn thedegreeto which formsof conduct equireda strictphysical ocusarepresumably f widerrelevance.Thereare also two broaderfeatures f domestic eligionconveyedby thearchaeologicalecordatAmarnahatareof notein thisrespect.Thefirstis a sensethatdomesticreligiousand secularconductinteractedo a si

Documents

Evidencias de Culto Domestico en Amarna