ETYMOLOGY, CONTEMPORARY USAGE AND INTERCULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE WORD: GRINGO

7/30/2019 ETYMOLOGY, CONTEMPORARY USAGE AND INTERCULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE WORD: GRINGO

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ETYMOLOGY,!CONTEMPORARY!USAGE!AND!INTERCULTURAL!IMPLICATIONS!OF!

THE!WORD:!GRINGO!

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A!Thesis!

Presented!to!the!Faculty!in!Communication!and!Leadership!Studies!

School!of!Professional!Studies!

Gonzaga!University!

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Under!the!Supervision!and!Mentorship!of!David!Givens!

Intercultural!Communication!

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In!Partial!Fulfillment!

Of!the!Requirements!for!the!Degree!

Master!of!Arts!in!Communication!and!Leadership!Studies!

______________________________________________________________________________ !

By!

Jaren!Scott!

May!12,!2012!


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Abstract

This thesis examines intercultural perceptions between Americans and Mexicans,

and the etymology/implications of the term gringo. Whereas most investigations have

focused on the Hispanic experience within the United States, this research asks

participants to create a cultural casting of the typical gringo. Historical events combined

with current academic literature in intercultural communication theory examine these

stereotypes and their implications in a rapidly merging, or mutually integrating society,

consisting of the United States and Mexico. The thesis surveys modern Mexican

attitudes in regards to their North American neighbors with emphasis on Stella Ting-

Toomeys identify negotiation and face theories. More importantly, the study focuses on

the etymology, historical usage and modern implications the word gringo entails in

todays modern Mexico.


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract 3

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 5

Background of Study 5Statement of Problem 7

Primary Research Questions 8Theoretical Basis 8

Organization of Research 9Purpose of the Study 9

Definition of Terms 10

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 11

Introduction to Literature 11Theories and Hypotheses 12

Theoretical Basis 16Rationale 22

CHAPTER 3: SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY 25

Introduction 25

Design 25Sample 26

Instrumentation 26Ethical Considerations and Procedure 27

Strengths and Limitations 28

CHAPTER 4: THE STUDY 30

Results 30Discussion 31

CHAPTER 5: SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS 38

Limitations of Study 38

Further Areas of Study 38Discussion 39

Recommendations 40Conclusion 42

References 43

Appendix: Survey Results 46


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!GRINGO:!MODERN!MEXICAN!PERCEPTION! 5!

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Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION

Mexicans are acutely aware of the many North American stereotypes used to

describe them and in return, do not hesitate to return the favor due to the perceived

differences in displaying cultural values regarding issues such as environmental

protection, common courtesy for others and conducting business in an ethical manner. In

fact, when inquiring into alleged ethical violations exempli gratis corruption, stemming

from my own cultural relativism, I have received a fair amount of hostility. Through a

constant attempt to gain a sense of how to view the other, I set out to research the

struggles of North American residents, business people and tourists in Mexico. In doing

so, I failed to find any substantial existing research regarding the Mexican attitude toward

their North American neighbor.

Background of Study

Let me preface this thesis with some of the personal experiences I have had in

Mexico. I work in Mexico as a language and culture consultant providing English

instruction to corporate clients in Guadalajara, Jalisco. Furthermore, I have gained

aspects aggregating their perspectives from three primary sources: the Mexican

University system, the Mexican business paradigm and the ethnic colloquial perspective

of the population. Qualitative evidence was collected from the Mexican University

system, under which I spent two years as a direct undergraduate exchange student. More

qualitative research has since been conducted while practicing business in Mexico within

various organizations over a four-year span. These experiences form the foundation and

intercultural relevancy from which I conducted the research concluding this thesis.

During my student exchange I can state that I was unequivocally spoiled in


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Mexico. Aside from the clearly amazing cuisine, climate, customs and culture, I was also

introduced to a world where friendship seemed to supersede finance, respect trumped

revenue, and surprisingly for a predominantly Catholic society, where religion had been

given the backseat to reason. As a bonus, I was granted an all access pass to 500+ years

of Hispanic and Pre-Hispanic culture through fine art, literature, music, philosophy, and

politics. This allowed me to interact with the breathtaking natural beauty and experience

the oral tradition that still has quite the stronghold in this charming society. The

modernized, highly educated Mexican elite instructed me in the ways of business,

science, and finance while the Mayan descendants of the Lacandon Jungle showed me a

new way to transcend my consciousness and view life in completely different terms.

When I began my business abroad, I immediately began to notice organizational

traits that might be bothersome to the common gringo. Viewing the experience from a

US American cultural lens, I observed a personal perception of the lack of organizational

structure, human resource administration or general accountability in many Mexican-

owned companies. To this day I still find myself occasionally quarreling with the

intercultural workplace discrepancies stemming from violations between my own

expectations and those of Mexican professional society. I have witnessed management

structures actually let contracts fall apart and projects fail due to the refusal to provide

previously agreed upon services, respect contractual obligations and encourage

subordinates to participate in company processes.

Based on the cultural expectations of myself and otherextranjeros in the

workplace, the following is a list of office complaints from outside cultural observers,

most likely in the negotiation phase of culture shock: People do not show up for


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meetings, lack certain degrees of professionalism, quit unexpectedly or undermine given

tasks, and company leadership is often non-participatory in addressing workplace

concerns. As far as communication habits are concerned, most are exclusively one-way.

Oftentimes, e-mails and phone calls are never returned and instructions not followed,

with many workplace organizations executing the blame game as standard practice in lieu

of identifying and resolving issues. Now, this thesis does not intend to generalize or

support any North American ethnocentrism, sense of authority or subjective supremacy in

regards to the Mexican culture in any way. Rather, the inclusion of the aforementioned

cultural complaints serve to introduce the various attitudes toward the otherto begin the

conversation as to why it so difficult for some gringos to function south of the border.

Statement of Problem

In my profession, we pride ourselves on appropriately pairing our clients with

North American professional counterparts, orlanguaculturalconsultants. Not only do

we expect our instructors to impart their linguistic/industry specific knowledge, they must

also serve as social ambassadors and mediators to our Mexican clientele. Due to

differing communication styles between the two cultures, clients often complain about

the manner in which instructors present information, or have general issues in terms of

class content. My hope is that the information uncovered during the study will help

identify, resolve and mitigate future communication conflict while offering solid

solutions such as the implementation of face-negotiation and feedback to facilitate the

intercultural communication process between these two cultural value systems.

Based on years of being an active participant the target culture, I do feel as though

I have gained a valuable bit of insight into understanding the Mexican worldview and


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what motivates how people think, feel, and behave. I am also well aware of the

numerous stereotypes and opinions most Americans have regarding their neighbors to the

south. However, aside from the occasional questions of Why do gringos? I really

have not been presented with a strong case illustrative of how Mexicans view the

everyday gringo. With more and more Americans moving to Mexico, and with many

Mexicans opting for life in the north, I am concerned that unfriendly attitudes will only

increase unless gringos become fully aware of what being labeled as such truly entails.

Furthermore, I would like to study the origins of the gringo stereotype, how it entered and

evolved in Mexican society, and the role the term plays today.

Primary Research Questions

How does the average Mexican define the term gringo?

What general cultural connotations (positive and negative) are ascribed to gringos?

How are gringos perceived as harboring assumed attitudes of superiority over Mexicans?

Theoretical Basis

Stella Ting-Toomey is a well-known and respected theorist and researcher in the

field of Intercultural Communication. A brief overview of Ting-Toomeys background

provides prevailing theories and academic contributions to communication studies,

demonstrating her importance in an area that is continually expanding as it rides on the

wave of globalization. Ting-Toomey explains how she decided to become a

communicator due to her frustrations with an ethnocentric bias in the body of academic

literature available at the time. I find a current bias in that: communication research

concerning Hispanic populations appears to only focus on the perspective from those

residing outside of their home countries, with these people typically portrayed as


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disenfranchised. The theoretical foundation of my thesis focuses on Ting-Toomeys

notion of facework and mindfulness. These are derived from her leading theories of face

and identity negotiation in cross-cultural communication.

The changing appearance of the global landscape makes the dynamics of the

cross-cultural communication context ever so important. Stella-Ting Toomey (1992)

explained that nearly 40% of US managers sent overseas achieve complete failure and

return home prematurely (p. 2). Toomey investigated why this is occurring and most

importantly, how it can be remedied. In analyzing the theories of researchers, it is

important to first examine their background, contributions to the field of study and an

overview of their bibliographical history.

Organization of Research

Since the topic is not necessarily rich with primary research, I compiled much of

the data myself. I employed a mixed survey method instructing survey participants to

rank agreeability of certain statement on a 5-point scale, as well as provided a qualitative

ethnographic interpretation of the results. Luckily most were quite candid in sharing their

true sentiments, often without invitation, as to how they felt about foreigners. However, I

found it much easier to recruit the help of a former academic colleague from Mexico in

order to ensure the delivery of my prompts did not provoke a potential researcher bias.

Purpose of the Study

The study stems from the fact that I constantly manage teachers, trainers and

intercultural communicators within my cultural consulting company in Mexico. We also

deal extensively in the assistance of many expatriates residing in the area. All of our

instructors are Americans and Canadians that have lived and worked in Mexico for a


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minimum of one year, possessing at least basic or conversational Spanish skills. These

trainers deal with Mexican business professionals seeking industry-specific English

knowledge such as interview preparation, sales pitches and telephone practice, as well as

general language study and translation services among other areas. The results obtained

from the study will guide training programs to current employees and future new-hires of

how to remain mindful of issues regarding intercultural sensitivity while providing a

cultural frame of reference for the other.

Definition of Terms

Per results of the study, as we will examine later, the termgringo was reportedly

derived from Mexicans yelling green go at United States soldiers in Mexico during the

Mexican-American War a command for the unwanted invaders dressed in green to go

home. It is important to note that the term exists elsewhere in the Spanish (and

Portuguese) languages and is often used to denote any foreigner in other Latin American

regions. In this study the term will refer to the use of the term in Mexican and American

dialects of Spanish and English. Although the term is occasionally used in the pejorative

sense, for the sake of this study it is not.

American, as understood in United States English, denotes a North American

from the United States. Although having varying meanings throughout the Spanish

speaking population, the traditional American English definition is now most common in

Mexican and US Spanish. Note: In Mexico the termAmerica refers to the single

landmass in the Western Hemisphere what people from the United States would

understand as the separate continents of North and South America.


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Chapter 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Because different groups have different histories, different religious beliefs, and

different circumstances in which they must survive, they have developed different

conceptions of what is a true harm and what is a true benefit for them. What is right for

me may not be right for you, and vice versa (Wall, T., 2003, p. 21). General human

nature leads folks to believe that their way of doing things is the right way. This follows

the paradox that different ethical systems define the good and the bad differently,

which confounds any strict evaluation of the ethics of an individual at any given

developmental stage (Lichtenstein et al., 1995, p. 98).

Nobody should discriminate against any person on the basis of race, religion,

sex, national origin, age, marital or veteran status, sexual orientation [in select

geopolitical regions], physical or mental impairment that limits a major life activity, or

any other non-merit factor (Gonzaga EEO Policy, 2010). But is it not discriminating

to disregard the way in which people make sense of information? This literature review

examines common perceptions held between Mexicans and Americans toward one

another, setting the stage for bridging the differences and understanding their cross-

border counterparts. In order to come to this conclusion, political-correctness has to be

put aside slightly in order to delve into the true perceptions of the aforementioned

cultures toward one another. The aim of this study is to expose Mexican attitudes toward

gringos and provide the instruments necessary for Americans to prevent falling into

negative cast stereotypes when venturing into Mexico.


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Theories and Hypotheses

Mexico vs. US

Organizations are made up of coalitions composed of individuals and interest

groups who differ in their values, preferences, beliefs, information and perceptions of

reality (Carey, 2011, p. 25). In Mexico regional differences are vast and the ways in

which members of these regional cultures differ are so grand that many consider their

ownpaisanos or fellow countrymen to be of foreign status. Mexico has a ripe history of

corruption, genocide, political instability and a de facto societal stratification that,

arguably, could challenge the classic caste system of India.

Mexicans consider themselves historically oppressed by Anglos, with modern

indigenous peoples still falling victim to discrimination and injustice handed down from

Mexicos European descendants. Being diversely cast as victims, troublemakers or

downtrodden serves as a sad reminder of the disdain and lack of awareness that

contemporary Mexico holds for its many peoples (Terborg, Landa & Moore, 2006, p.

438). Cultural ambassadors are often advised to be extremely vigilant over what they say

and how they say it due to many Mexicans perceived presence of prejudices and

stereotypes unfairly placed upon their country from the United States. In this situation,

where cultural backgrounds may reflect a general or supposed power/influence

imbalance, it is imperative that ways to advocate clear and consistent goals are found.

Doing so allows clients and instructors to share a collective method of achievement

without either party becoming offended from face threats.

Mexican culture places high value upon hierarchies, structures of influence and

interpersonal relationships with much lesser value on the adherence to written policies


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and procedures. Mexicans consider Americans to be very impatient. This sense of

impatience is often a response to many, comparatively speaking, differences in certain

expectations and the frequent violation of such. In dealing with these vast societal

differences, it is often difficult for many gringos to function without letting tempers flair.

After adding the semi-turbulent political environment, sometimes lacking or poorly

maintained infrastructure and what can be perceived as the conflicting notions and

demonstration of honesty and morality patience becomes the Americans absolute key

to survival south of the border.

Americans tend to have an extremely tough time adapting to general informality,

an informality that draws many full-time expatriates looking for a relaxed attitude on life.

When living in Mexico, it is not uncommon for Americans to become too comfortable

and fail to fulfill strict expectations of personal appearance, presentation and even

hygiene while also adhering to the bold hierarchy in social, gender, and racial relations.

Bolman & Deal (2008) emphasized survival as the key aim or primary task facing any

organization (p. 65). This often leads to playing the dual role of foreigners realigning

their cultural behaviors to satisfy host expectations while simultaneously rejecting local

ethical violations (such as the denial of basic human rights or freedom of speech) in

doing so.

Mexicans are often very capricious over things that other cultures may consider

non-issues all while neglecting what others might deem organizational, societal and

cultural problems. Operating under a traditional authoritative society, workers often feel

threatened and find it difficult to challenge higher-ups (Conrad & Poole, 2005, p. 111).

Many Americans murmur that they find it very challenging to receive honest and open


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feedback, positive or negative, pertaining to the perceived nature of their communication

styles. It may be possible to suggest that some Mexicans view gringos as higher-ups due

to the more aggressive and direct nature in which Americans tend to communicate, not to

mention the perception that Americans have historically victimized their neighbors to the

south. With this being said, living and working in Mexico entails deliberate mitigation

and prevention of constant complaint and criticism incurred during daily life as a

foreigner.

Zhao & Parks (1995) discovered the devastating effects that have been seen as a

result of executing the traditional task-oriented management systems, which treat

employees with a lack of respect and empathy. These organizational communication

styles often parallel the perceptions of viewing gringos as victimizers. Hierarchical

structures, although productive from a results/returns standpoint, often result in many

feeling bullied. The sentiment of ill treatment is often amplified when combined with

intercultural communication dissonance.

Linguistic Considerations

The biggest challenge present in the inter-linguistic environment is that of

communication or cultural dissonance, which inevitably occurs to an extent between any

dissimilar groups of people. Zamborlin (2007) places a specific focus on the potential

consequences of a speaker's inadequate linguistic, sociolinguistic, or pragmatic

competence by examining six utterances occurring in six separate intercultural

encounters. Results found the exhibition of many nonverbal instances of communication

dissonance, such as the perception of politeness or the lack thereof.

With English language instruction being a massive market in Mexico and highly


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desirable for career advancement, Whorf (1940) presents the challenge of developing

new realities that come along with linguistic instruction. Although considered outdated,

the hypothesis made a solid statement in its time of how language shapes reality:

We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages. The categories

and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there

we cut nature up, organize it into concepts, and ascribe significances as

we do, largely because we are parties to an agreement to organize this way an

agreement that holds throughout our speech community and is codified in the

patterns of our language (Whorf, 1940).

In assessing foreign speakers of English, Phan Le Ha (2009) described

international students as having suffered from negative stereotyping associated with their

origins and use of the local language (p. 203). Coates (2004) noted that international

students remain the foreigner and the stranger. With many US-based companies

outsourcing services and production, the demand for English speakers abroad is

increasing exponentially. In these environments, many non-native Anglophones are

made to feel like outsiders in their own lands due to inadequacy of the English language

proficiency required to make a living. Also to be taken into account are the effects of

English instructors perceived prejudices, stereotypes and attitudes toward those on the

receiving end of the educational process.

Narratives play a significant role in acts of communication consumption, allowing

consumers to understand, structure, and share their experiences. Stories can powerfully

affect realities, such as when consumers share a tale of an exciting journey, performance,

or religious experience (Muiz, 2005, p. 738). Those involved in the corporate


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environment share a number of similar stories, which fall into numerous categories. For

example, most true brand fans harbor a knowledgeable account of their favorite

companys founding, history, culture and current happenings. Others recant their first

encounter with a certain product or speak with amazement about how their selection is

simply superior. Another major cornerstone of any brand following is to identify with a

common culture, which is also achieved in a narrative nature.

Janssen and Murachver (2004) presented the idea of defining culture by language

through studying the use of language and its reflection of attitudes toward

gender. Culture influences communication and communication reinforces/reshapes

culture (Martin J., & Nakayama, T., 2007). For this specific study, it was important to

investigate how gender fits into a lexical scheme. Gender roles become clear in the

writings of college students exclaimed Janssen and Murachver (2004). In their study,

college students were assigned a different topic to write about, either socio-

emotional/descriptive, functional, or one involving a political issue. Even in writing,

which is slower than speech and allows for more thought and revision, perception of

these gender roles became clear. More female-role styles were used in the socio-

emotional/descriptive topics, and more male-role styles were used in the topics about a

political issue. Female-role styles tended to revolve around I feel statements, whereas

the male-role styles were more direct, I think speech types.

Theoretical Basis

Facework and Languaculture

As native English speakers or sojourners adjust to life outside of their

homelands, some of their cultural coping mechanisms may be interpreted as rudeness.


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As suggested by Pitts (2006), specifically nine types of talk are used across the sojourn:

advice, superficial/introductory talk, information sharing, comparison, humor, story

telling, gossip, complaint, and supportive talk (p.1). Although humorous comparisons

and the occasional complaining often serve as a culture shock coping mechanism,

members of the host culture tend to view the behavior as threatening, offensive, and rude.

Researchers still investigate methods of reducing intercultural conflict that may arise

through the presence of incompatible culture communication standards and dissonance.

Stella Ting-Toomey is most prominently known for her research in the field of

Intercultural Communication with its emphasis on culture, context and culture shock.

She addresses the notion that effective identity negotiation revolves around cultural and

personal identity validation issues (Ting-Toomey, 1986, p. 78). Her body of research

throughout her academic career places importance on cultural values and how they

influence language usage and context issues. She is noted for her contribution to

communication by contributing the term languaculture and introducing the concept of

face theory to the academic field of study.

In an attempt to discover the true background of Stella Ting-Toomey and hoping

to encounter exactly when and where she discovered her passion for Intercultural

Communication, a transcript of an interview conducted by Maria Luisa Perez Caado

was reviewed. In the interview, Ting-Toomey explained how she was born and raised in

Hong Kong and first experienced communication in an international context while

studying abroad in the United States. She began her voyage as asojourner a term used

favorably by Toomey in the year 1972. Undergoing the effects of culture shock, she


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was driven to be curious about the cultural differences, similarities and communication

style issues (Caado, 2006).

Her first bout of culture shock occurred once she was transplanted from the

cosmopolitan Hong Kong to the small community of Iowa City. Susan Rendirle (2002)

suggests Ting-Toomey is unique since most researchers in her field are born and bred US

Americans who first experienced culture shock and otherness outside of the US. In Ting-

Toomeys case, she underwent the same ordeal in the reverse order, offering insight into

the US as being odd and experiencing it as something different from her cultural norm.

From the initial experience of undergoing culture shock and experiencing its

powerful effects for the first time, Ting-Toomey decided to dedicate her career to the

study of intercultural communication. She is affectionately known by Rinderle (2002) as

one of the most prominent theorists in the field and continues in her assessment of

Ting-Toomey as a credible researcher, citing her as a prolific author, professor at

California State University at Fullerton (CSUF), partner in a twenty-five year

intercultural marriage and mother to a biracial child. Ting-Toomey is renowned for the

introduction of her brainchild, face and identity -negotiation theories, accompanied by

many identity dialects and themes. She has also introduced numerous terms to the field

of intercultural communication. Although in agreement with language shaping reality, in

Caados 2006 interview, Ting-Toomey exclaimed it would be very sad if human

language shaped our thinking process, believing that humans are much more

imaginative than the Whorf hypothesis gives credit. Furthermore, they are entirely

capable of moving beyond Stan Deetz culture-centric lenses to empathize and try to

understand other cultures.


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Ting-Toomey defined the term face as a persons image in an interactional

situation with the notion of facework describing the management of face concerns and

face needs in interaction (Caado, 2006). Ting-Toomey introduced influencing factors

outlining the role and attributes of cultures that determine the management of facework.

As explained in GriffensA First Look at Communication Theory (2006), Ting-Toomey

established four dimensions of organizational management practices when observing,

analyzing, and negotiating with the self. The knowledge of cultural traits in regards to

individualism-collectivism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, and the function of

masculinity versus femininity were suggested to help sojourners adequately adapt their

communication styles to local standards.

Identify-Negotiation Theory

One of her most well cited works is the Identity-Negotiation Theory. Developed

in 1986, Ting-Toomey addressed the notion that effective identity negotiation revolves

around cultural and personal identity validation issues (Ting-Toomey, 1986). Ting-

Toomey (1993) also introduced five identity dialectics themes and ten core assumptions

with the five boundary-crossing themes. According to Ting-Toomey (2008), these

identities are the basic building blocks of the identity negotiation theory, which is a

fundamental theory in cross-cultural communication:

1.) Identity security-vulnerability This is the primary dialectic of humanexistence, referring to the theme of identity challenge and stretch. Humans

seek acceptance and the prevention of shame.


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2.) Identity inclusion-differentiation Serves as the theme of group membershipcommunication. Individuals like to feel included when there is communal

group relationship involved.

3.) Identity predictability-unpredictability Process of prescriptive and predictiveexpectancy derived via the familiarity or unfamiliarity of a culture.

4.) Identity connection-autonomy Reaching out for connection with others inorder to develop identity security and form a deep connection with a culture.

5.) Identity consistency-change Takes into account eight identity domains ininfluencing everyday interactions and how people must grapple with the

personal meaning of behavior they are producing.

Identity negotiation produces the idea of navigating between different personas or

faces depending on the communication context. Humans have a tendency to crave

acceptance and emotional security. Therefore, in an attempt to ward off un-acceptance

and emotional insecurity, most devise a method of adapting to the cultural

communication norms necessary to prevent being labeled as outsiders. This theory is

essential in presenting its central issues such as face saving, face losing, and face

honoring which resonate with diverse ethnic groups and cultural groups on a global

level (Rinderle, 2002).

Closely related to her notion of identity negotiation is her second most recognized

theory of face-negotiation. The study of facework examined the motivators behind

selecting identity-negotiation strategies rather than the whys behind the issues. Ting-

Toomey introduced influencing factors such as defining the role and attributes of cultures

that determine the management of facework. As explained in Griffens 2006A First


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Look at Communication Theory, Ting-Toomey established four dimensions of

organizational management practices when observing, analyzing, and negotiating with

the self:

1.) Individualism-collectivism Refers to organizational practices withinindividualistic cultures such as the US, Australia and Great Britain contrasted

with collectivistic societies such as Japan, South Korea and Singapore.

2.) Power distance Describes how the US subscribes to equal power distributionverses the high power distance of East Asian cultures, which prefer the

adherence to hierarchical structures.

3.) Uncertainty avoidance Cultures such as Japan do not like conflict andpursue group harmony. East Asian cultures are high in uncertainty avoidance

in contrast to the US, where folks like to take risks and individual initiative

while seeking conflict.

4.) Masculinity versus femininity The most controversial dimension due to itsarguably sexist nature. Japan rates high on the masculine dimension, placing

males in charge. On the other end of the spectrum, countries such as Norway

and Sweden have much stronger feminine dimensions, meaning that roles are

more fluid amongst the sexes.

Ting-Toomey continues to use the above criteria in order to examine face

saving techniques employed by groups and organizations that communicate within an

intercultural context. Her theories have been used by everyone from corporations

attempting to stimulate overseas growth to academic personnel interacting with exchange

students and even bi-cultural couples seeking to accustom to a new romantic roles. She


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has achieved spreading her academic influence through many literary works, interviews,

seminars, lectures, committee positions and contributions to peer reviewed journals.

Ting-Toomey is a long-standing proponent of removing ethno-centricity and bias

from research. While undergoing her Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Washington,

she found research to be extremely biased towards the individualistic Western way of

managing intimate conflict (Rinderle, 2002). She felt as though she could not identify

with the current body of research and used this dissatisfaction to drive and develop new

theories. In this sense, I agree that available academic sources tend to depict Americans

as villains with non-Anglos assuming the victim role. Ting-Toomey also coined the term

mindfulness, which will be a recurring theme throughout this paper, referring to actively

removing bias from communication and research.

Rationale

Poole and Conrad (2005) stated that successful organizations encourage

employees to identify (p. 161). On the same note, for one to truly feel a part of society,

they must be able to identify as an insider. But what occurs when expatriates call a

society that will never see them as included members their home? Carey (2011)

positioned that organizations must allow for authentic relationships to foster as well as

the chance for an individual to demonstrate self-efficacy and full actualization of

potential (p. 10). In order to become a bona fide member of society, the biggest task is

merely procuring the tools necessary for expatriates and their hosts to form a mutual

understanding.

Zhao and Parks (1995) advocated the need to develop innovation techniques in

order to prevent communication failure in the intercultural context. The authors


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expressed the need to stray away from the task-oriented attitude and opt for the

relationship-oriented communication management style. However, in the development of

a relationship-based communication exchange, there are also notions that should be taken

into account to avoid the possibility of offending another and preventing the relationship

from being forged in the first place.

According to Aristotle, one has to think of oneself as a member of the larger

community (Solomon, 1992, p. 322), while embracing the hypo-critical self (Johnson,

2007, p. 51). Keith Merron believed that what differentiates a masterful consultant from

others is the ability to "feel the situation and the ability to effectively meet the moment

(Gallos, 2006, p.374). "The central premise of source credibility is that people we view

as trusted experts will be much more effective in their attempts to persuade us than

sources we distrust or regard as incompetent" (Griffin, 2009, p. 14). A great consultant

knows that he will not produce the change, but rather, will be the facilitator of the

change producing process (Gallos, 2006). Bolman & Deal (2008) emphasized, survival

as the key aim or primary task facing any organization (p. 65).

Credibility is a multidimensional construct focused on the believability of the

source (Frymier & Thompson, 1992; McCroskey & Teven, 1999). A number of studies

have established that credibility is instrumental for crafting instructional messages

(McCroskey & Teven, 1999; McCroskey & Young, 1981). For feedback messages to be

persuasive, an evaluative act requires some degree of expertise or knowledge that

warrants the quality of the feedback. Two perceived trait dimensions of teacher

credibility have particular relevance: 1. Competence credibility refers to a teacher that


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has expertise and is knowledgeable; and 2. Character credibility refers to perceptions of

the instructors trustworthiness and honesty (McCroskey & Teven, 1999).

In a case study dealing with the effective management of perceived face threats

and its presence in the teacher-student relationship, Trees & Hess (2009) obtained results

against a hypothesis stating students assessment of instructors attention to face

concerns will positively predict students appraisal of feedback usefulness. Applying an

8-item Revised Instructional Face-Support (RIFS) scale, the researchers measured

students perceptions of the positive and negative face support they received during

instructional feedback from teachers. The study revealed that negative and positive

instructional feedback was strongly correlated with teacher credibility and mitigation of

face threats.

Dong Q. Days (2008) survey of 419 young adults, in an attempt to gauge whether

the presence of multiculturalism is an accurate predictor of potentially reducing ones

ethnocentrism, declared that the ability to properly promote multiculturalism while

reducing ethnocentrism is of high importance in ethnically/culturally diverse

environments (p.2). The study also suggested that through the promotion of intercultural

communication sensitivity and multiculturalism, critical measures may be developed to

reduce ethnocentrism and eventually conflicts among intergroup interactions, which lead

to the reduction of intercultural conflict.


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Chapter 3 SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY

Introduction

There appears to be little question that the United States and Mexico often have

strained relations and distorted perceptions of one another. Yet, they also remain two of

the most important trading partners on the planet, being considered economic leaders of

the English - and Spanish -speaking worlds, respectively. Through trade, migration,

educational exchanges and technology aiding in a large import/export market of cultural

artifacts, Mexicans and Americans are now in closer contact than ever.

Nevertheless, these two countries are remarkably diverse and differ significantly

from one another despite such close geographic proximity. In order for the two cultures

and economies to flourish, it is of upmost importance that both understand the other. Due

to the overwhelming influence of Mexican heritage in the United States, academic

literature tends to exclusively reflect the Mexican narrative from within United States.

This thesis examines the other side of the equation How Mexicans view the American

migrant and the cultural stereotypes that affect the gringo visitor, expatriate, loyal tourist

or passionate aficionado.

Design

The research unfolds along a multi-method design including both qualitative and

quantitative elements. The goal here was to look for keywords in regards to attitudes

towards North Americans and derive common themes amongst the Mexican perception

of gringo culture and community. A simple survey method was used to examine the

general sentiment and prevailing stereotypes towards the common gringo. The study also

included an ethnographic interview in which the respondent was presented the results of


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the survey in order to reflect upon its findings.

Sample

In order to effectively gauge recurring themes across a variety of populations in

Mexico, a stratified sample of 20 people was employed. The sample included

representatives of all socio-economic classes from Guadalajara and Mexico City. In

order to be included in the test population, some subjectivity in the selection process was

necessary, such as excluding the I love everything American and I hate everything

gringo demographics. The survey contained two quality control questions to ensure that

the aforementioned attitudes did not potentially skew the results. For example, many

United States fanatics merely tout how anything American is superior and often identify

themselves as being more American than Mexican, even if they have never stepped foot

north of the Mexican border. And of course you have those on the complete opposite end

of the spectrum. I ultimately chose to exclude any apparent bias of either sort.

Instrumentation

In conducting the data analysis a survey frequency scale examining the

occurrence of the key words and themes was employed. Survey questions were designed

to prompt commentary on gringos, with many responses falling into categories

corresponding to traditional cultural differences described between United States and

Mexican culture: structure, education, family, morality, sexuality, communication style,

honesty, independence, work ethic, and the function of gender/race. The keywords and

categories were selected based upon observation of continuous differences cited during

my years of discussion, periods of personal instruction, interaction and negotiation with

Mexican clients and American working professionals abroad.


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Following the collection of survey data, a professional colleague and graduate

student at the Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico (National Autonomous

University of Mexico, or UNAM) was interviewed extensively and asked to analyze the

results based on cultural assumptions toward his own people and the gringo.

Respondents were instructed to provide answers addressing certain face concerns

involved with the aforementioned criteria, if at all possible, falling along the lines of:

individualism-collectivism, power distance relationships, uncertainty avoidance and

masculinity versus femininity.

The primary method of investigation applied in the interview portion was the

ethnographic participant approach. During the study, survey-takers were continually

reminded that many gringos consider themselves an equal part of Mexican society, in the

same sense that many Mexican-Americans identify with their contributions to the United

States while retaining a strong admiration for their cultural heritage. For the purpose of

gaining quantitative insight, a 1-5 rating scale was used to measure general gringo

stereotypes in society. Participants were encouraged to subjectively share positive and

negative aspects of both US and Mexican societies.

Ethical Considerations and Procedure

Due to the very sensitive nature of Mexico-United States relations from a

Mexican perspective, it was extremely necessary that the scope of the experiment be

presented positively, prior to the solicitation to participate in the survey. It was made

clear that the purpose of the study sought to foster stronger intercultural communication

practices rather than further degrade specific cultural groups along stereotypical lines.


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Strengths and Limitations

The main strength of the design method was that controversial topics were

touched upon under the correct conversational context. By reiterating the fact that the

intent of the research was to bridge cultural gaps and increase mutual understanding, it

was anticipated that participants would be much less likely to withhold authentic

information. Survey participants included a carefully constructed list of selected

individuals known through personal and/or professional relationships of mine, such as

past professors, friends, clients, students and a percentage of random contestants.

A major weakness of the sampling method was that it was not as thorough as

multiple extended one-on-one interviews. This proved to be difficult in the data

collection process as many reviews ended up being staunchly pro or anti-American,

which seemed to stem from either extremely positive or negative subjective past

experiences either in the US or with an American person. The digital distribution of the

questionnaire also required participants, regardless of socio-economic class, to be at least

familiar with basic computer use. This is a skill obtained by those that have received

some education and does not necessarily encompass the massive segments of society that

are tech or even completely illiterate.

In examining themes regarding cultural perceptions, there was clearly going to be

a slight presence of subjective bias in some of the reviews. This possibly occurred from

how survey participants self identified or their level of patriotism. Another crucial fact to

take into account is that Mexico is an extremely diverse country with numerous regional

differences. With this being said, research conducted in Guadalajara, Jalisco and Mexico

City, Federal District only reflected the attitudes of a very select subpopulation of


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Mexican society and did not necessarily portray the same picture for the entire country.

Mexico does not possess an immigrant presence to the scale of the US. Due to

the lack of centuries of mass world migration, Mexicans are very reluctant to bring an

outsider inside. It is not uncommon for a foreigner to spend their entire life in Mexico,

pay taxes, raise a family, learn the language and actively participate in society while still

being considered an outsider. As a foreign researcher in a closed society, it must be taken

into consideration that some participants perhaps chose to filter or withhold information

during the survey/interview processes. In an attempt to prevent any possible researcher

bias, I recruited local colleagues of mine to distribute the survey on my behalf.


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Chapter 4: THE STUDY

Results

The study was conducted using an online surveying and data collection service.

Local colleagues of mine distributed the survey to a target sample of 30 Mexicans in

Guadalajara and Mexico City. Eventually the test sample ended up being reduced to 20,

mostly due to some not completing the survey entirely. The selection criteria stated that

participants had to be Mexican nationals who had not previously lived in the United

States. Since the questionnaire was distributed online, I was afraid that this would limit

results to those living in the appropriate socio-economic class to afford a computer.

Fortunately I was able to convince a friend of mine to solicit answers from inside an

internet caf in a low-income industrial area of Mexico City. All survey participants

were afforded anonymity and instructed that they were taking place in an intercultural

study based on Mexican perceptions of North Americans. Post survey, participants were

instructed that the results would be analyzed and used for an American master students

thesis and were offered the right to not submit their answers if they felt uncomfortable.

The survey was conducted in two sections. The first five questions prompted

participants to provide short answers regarding their perceptions of the gringo. The

questions were intentionally left open in order to promote a wider range of responses.

Despite the broadness of the questions, sufficient data was gathered to determine very

strong themes present in the answers. The second section required survey takers to

assign a 1-5 quantitative ranking following a series of statements pertaining to the topic.

Finally, I recruited the help of a masters student at the National Autonomous University

of Mexico (UNAM), with whom I had previously worked when dealing with intercultural


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disputes. He served as my cultural lens by interpreting and analyzing the data from a

Mexican perspective and offering objective interpretations and local perspective. This

communication exchange also led to a more in-depth interview to further gauge the local

and cultural context of the term gringo.

Discussion

The first survey question asked for a definition of the term gringo. Of 20 people

that responded, 15 indicated that the word referred exclusively to Americans. Still, there

were degrees of variation in the answers. Interestingly, many mentioned that a gringo is

a legal American, an official American and even a white; born and bred, English

speaking American. Five people provided an explanation confirming the etymology of

the word.

The common consensus is that the words green go were yelled during the

Mexican-American war. I have encountered two conflicting accounts as to who was

actually doing the chanting. One theory claimed that the words were shouted by

American military men invading Mexico for their troops to advance onward, green go!

Other sources indicated that the term was a cry from Mexicans for the uniformed

Americans to go home. Nevertheless, it was unanimously agreed upon that the term

stems from the Mexican-American War. Although a couple of folks indicated that the

word gringo can be used to describe any foreigner that does not speak Spanish, they also

mentioned that the term is more commonly applied to those from the United States.

The following question invited contestants to describe the typical gringo. The

wording of this question attempted to solicit the most stereotypical version of the term.

Once more, strong themes were developed throughout the answers. More than half of the


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answers (13/23) indicated that gringos are white with light colored eyes. Only one

participant mentioned that other races do indeed inhabit the United States. Another

theme was that gringos like to drink and party. As my interviewee noted, this is likely

because most peoples only interaction with gringos is when they share common beach

vacation spots, usually during Spring Break. Others commented on the relaxed dress

code of Americans and that it is often uncustomary to dress as formally in public as their

Mexican neighbors. Five respondents indicated that gringos posses a certain attitude of

superiority over other cultures, an idea that will be revisited shortly. Humorously, three

people commented on the typical American as being overweight, with one answer simply

stating McDonalds. This also led to the interesting discussion of fast food being

reserved for the wealthier classes in Mexico, which may possibly explain why it is not

too common to see morbidly obese people in Guadalajara.

The next question asked survey takers to state some of the positive aspects of

American culture. Half of those (10/20) that answered the question commented on

Americans as being highly educated and cultured with a strong consensus that gringos are

open-minded. Of the remaining respondents, there was a notion of the United States

having a superior economy due to patriotism, dedication, discipline and capitalism. Once

more, a few people mentioned Americas whiteness light skinned, blond haired, and

light colored eyes, as being a positive cultural aspect. And of course, a select bunch of

folks did not fail to mention the food as being a strong cultural trait.

One person stated that the United States doesnt have a culture, an idea I

encounter on a daily basis in my personal life in Mexico. My interviewee clarified that

Mexicans typically feel the United States is merely an accumulation of many cultures and


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lacks anything truly proprietary. I invited him to look up many United States cultural

experiences that do not exist in Mexico such as tailgate parties, homecoming, prom,

Thanksgiving, bonfires, drivers education, yard sales, allowance, beer pong, riding

public school buses, et cetera.

As a follow-up to the positive aspects of gringo culture, participants were then

asked to state the negative characteristics of United States society. Half (10/20) that

answered the question indicated, to a degree, that Americans in general feel as though

they are superior to others, are not very emotional and lack complete sympathy for others

including their own families. One person cited the state of our for-profit healthcare

system as an argument supporting the claim, while two others stated that the immense

support of the US military complex and constant desire for war as being a consequence of

low morality. Once again health was brought into question, with five people commenting

on the unhealthy nature of American food, poor diet and the tendency to be overweight.

In a culture where people are often perceived to be motivated only by money, it

is not difficult for us (Mexicans) to gauge your ethical guidelines based on your

economy my interviewee explained to me. A few contestants were also bothered that

gringos use the term American to describe themselves, since in Mexico there is only

one American continent English: North America and South America. Therefore,

anyone from Alaska to Argentina is technically an American. Unfortunately, the

appropriate Spanish designation estadounidense, or what would hypothetically be

United Statian if it were to exist in English, does not.

With all the stereotypes, positive and negative exposed, the last question asked

what Mexicans needed to take into account when doing business with a gringo.


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Overwhelmingly (12/20) participants indicated that a solid grasp of the English language

is necessary to effectively conduct business. One person stated that it is undeniably

important to understand the Americans way of thinking in regards to business, which is

most appropriately reflected through the use of the English language. Another strong

theme was intelligence yet again. Some folks went into much more detail of how one

must be savvy to understand how commerceshouldwork and which topics/tactics are to

be avoided. An interesting notion presented by one person was that of independence.

According to this survey taker, Americans have a strong desire to be independent

and individualist and that anyone dealing with a gringo must learn to address these issues

in order to enter into a mutual interdependent agreement. Surprisingly, the topic of

character and morality appeared again, this time showcasing that Americans are regarded

as genuine and honest by nature. In fact, one person even went as far to state, dont be a

stupid rat liar like most Mexicans, a notion I found a bit harsh, slightly humorous and

immensely ironic, since this is the kind of comment most Mexicans might expect an

American to produce. My interviewee indicated that many Mexicans feel a deep sense of

embarrassment and a certain degree of anger over how the world perceives them, which

may have provoked such a cruel comment toward their own from the participant. Plus,

he adds, it does not help that most Americans living in Mexico have experienced

firsthand the deeply rooted corruption prevalent in Mexican business practice.

Americans are also known to not show restraint in vocalizing their negative experiences,

often presenting major unintentional face threats.

The remainder of the survey consisted of statements prompting participants to

select their degree of agreeability. A simple 1-5 scale 1 being disagreement and 5


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agreement was used to quantifiably determine attitudes in regards to certain

stereotypes. The statements evolved from a series of declarations that I hear most often

when the topic of the gringo comes into conversation. Those taking the survey were also

given the option to provide additional comments if necessary. These additional

comments were mainly used in the early stages of my survey to ensure my questions

were understood correctly. Two questions were used as quality control measures in order

to identify the gringo haters and gringo lovers. Only two outliers (one from each

extreme) were identified. After reviewing the quality (i.e., no overtly racist rants) of their

other answers, I decided to include them in my results.

The first prompt stated, Gringos have a better way of doing things, which is

intended to mean better than Mexicans in its original Spanish form. Typically when

using comparatives in Mexico, it is understood that the comparison is being made against

the personal frame of reference of the person receiving the question. I confirmed this

with my interviewee before distributing the survey and he agreed that my wording would

be accurate. On a 1-5 scale, the average score was 2.75, with 70% of participants

claiming to neither agree nor disagree with the statement. Four people absolutely

disagreed and two people strongly agreed that gringos have a better way of doing things.

The second statement read, I prefer for my boyfriend/girlfriend to be gringo(a).

I selected this prompt for a couple of reasons. First, I wanted to see if there was a

correlation between those that viewed the perception of whiteness as being desirable and

the number of those preferring gringos which we have seen indicates white in Mexico

as potential mates. Secondly, I have personally encountered numerous types that either

only date gringos, or exclude them entirely. In my experience, these attitudes often fall


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along racial lines, although this was not independently evaluated. On the same 1-5 scale,

the average rating was 2.20.

I have since realized that I am not satisfied with the way in which I worded the

question. Since I asked whether there was merely a preference, an answer of no does

not necessarily indicate whether the person is opposed to the idea of dating a gringo. Yet

if one were to answer yes, this would simply imply that there is an increased desire to be

with a foreigner. With this being said, 35% of participants neither agreed nor disagreed

that they had a preference, 45% had no preference and despite the wording of the

question, it can still be concluded that 10% had a definite preference.

A statement I hear made quite often in Mexico is that gringos view Mexicans as

inferior. Surprisingly not one person disagreed or even slightly disagreed with the

statement. On the 1-5 scale an average score of 4.16 was generated, the highest in this

survey. I believe this statement can provide great insight into how Mexicans perceive the

manner in which Americans regard them and may even may make them preemptively

expect face attacks. Examining the precise sources of these massive face attacks would

be an interesting area of study in future investigations. While summarizing the results,

my interviewee suggested that Mexican anthropologists agree to Mexicans possessing a

deep societal inferiority complex comparative to anything considered Anglo.

Another common complaint I hear is that the American media exaggerates the

issue of security in Mexico. For my next prompt, I asked participants to agree or disagree

that the situation in Mexico is blown out of proportion in the US. The average rating on

the 1-5 scale was a 3.10. Only 30% of people disagreed with the statement. 40% of

contestants either agreed or strongly agreed that Mexico is not nearly as dangerous as the


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media makes it out to be. However, it needs to be noted that the degree of violence varies

in different geographical areas. Many of the survey participants live in Mexico City,

which has not been nearly as affected by the recent drug violence as the rest of the

country. It should also be noted that Guadalajara participants answered the question three

days after a string of bus hijackings, explosions, robberies and shootings following the

arrest of a high-ranking cartel member. Had it not been for the recent wave of violence, I

am suspecting the results of this question may have been a bit different. Yet, despite

these considerations, 40% still feel safer in Mexico than what the media portrays.

My last proclamation was one that I used for quality control purposes, and also

out of general curiosity. The statement asked the participant to agree or disagree the

gringos deserved to be attacked on 9/11. On the 1-5 scale, contestants overwhelming

leaned towards the disagree end, with an average score of 1.45. Not one person agreed

and only one slightly agreed, although a few felt neutral toward the statement. One

additional comment mentioned that any civilian attack is to always be condemned. My

interviewee exclaimed that years ago the results might have looked a lot different. But,

through the escalating number of terrorist acts committed against the population of

Mexico over the last few years, people are now newly sympathetic to the impact such

atrocities have on a society.


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Chapter 5 SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS

Limitations of the Study

One major limitation of the study was due to the obvious language barrier.

Although I was seeking to identify recurring key words in my short-answer survey

questions, being able to accurately translate certain subtext, slang and cultural attitudes

presented in some of the responses is reduced to an approximation. Another major

restriction I ran into was that many people I attempted to interview were unable to

successfully complete an online survey. Some of the participants did not understand the

instructions, scope of the assignment, or showed a general wariness in regards to the

purpose of the project and decided to opt out of the questionnaire.

Further Areas of Study

While the assignment focused on the etymology, use and implications of the term

gringo, upon commencing the study it became apparent that the subject was quite vast.

Conversely current research still manages to be overwhelmingly one-sided and presents

the American view of Mexicans or the Mexican experience in the United States. With

increased numbers of expatriates heading south of the border for a myriad of reasons, it

becomes even more important for research regarding their perceived cultural identity in

their newly adopted land to be conducted. A method used to gauge the average Mexican

attitude of Americans, such as an approval rating, would be effective in providing

accurate warnings, advisory messages or relocation/assimilation tips to those relocating

to Mexico.


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Discussion

In regards to my three primary research questions, the research indicated that the

etymology of the word gringo is believed to have originated in the Mexican American

War of the mid-1800s. The research also confirmed that the word in Mexico connotes a

white, English speaking person from the United States. Although other races or

ethnicities were not explicitly excluded from the definition, they were not mentioned

even once alongside the term white.

Attitudes regarding gringos seemed positive overall. I was extremely surprised to

see that most participants perceived Americans as intelligent, honest and hardworking.

The only negative responses, which were prompted, trended more toward comedy rather

than hostility. For example, obesity and overindulgence seemed to be a reoccurring

theme in the negative category and were presented in a sarcastic manner. The question

asking whether gringos deserved to be attacked on 9/11 was used as a quality control

indicator to identify those that may be providing extremist or racist responses.

Fortunately, there was a very large degree of disagreement with the statement. Following

the comment of Mexicans being deeply affected by the recent drug terror in their country,

perhaps these experiences have helped them develop a sense of mindfulness and

sympathy for those affected by the 9/11 attacks.

A significant portion of my research was used to indicate whether Mexicans

perceived Americans as feeling superior. The results of the survey indicated that this is

especially true due to the perceived sense of supremacy and exaggerated depictions of

crime in the country via major American media outlets. Interestingly enough, much of

the language used in the responses conveyed a slight sense of despair in their country and


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culture. I wonder whether there is a correlation between the negative depiction of

Mexico in the press and the perception of American superiority. In terms of face theory,

I have found that Americans, including myself at times, tend to exhibit an heir of

superiority during visits to Mexico. Furthermore, the perception that American media is

out to belittle Mexico probably does not help them from losing face in the eyes of the US

and the rest of the world due to US media opinion being so influential around the globe.

Recommendations

The current research continues to present the importance of effective

communication behavior to be displayed while managing/conducting international

business or interface. Researchers Trees & Hess (2009) found that learning increases

within communication systems where feedback was highly encouraged and deemed

effective, with face-attentive feedback being the best method of mitigating face threats.

Overall, authors have identified communication competence that they consider key

elements that may predict the success of business management in intercultural and

international environments. Mitigation of perceived face attacks combined with an open

feedback-based communication system are most effective at ensuring communication

proficiency and cultural competency in intercultural classrooms and consultation.

Coates (2004) presented the notion of non-native students and teachers abroad

falling into the stranger and the foreigner roles. Although culture shock

organizational and societal is constantly experienced when dealing with locals, I also

advise my Mexican clients to recall that not all Americans fit the gringo cookie cutter

mold and that many come from vastly different cultures from within the United States. In

fact, it is not uncommon to see conflict between in-groups of foreigners due to cultural


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differences amongst themselves. It is for that reason that a true cultural ambassador must

possess a solid sense of what it is they represent.

The following suggestions are recommended when communicating in any

intercultural context: Form solidarity phrases like it matters to me that you understand

this to successfully encourage greater comprehension (Piorkowski and Scheurer, 2000,

p. 85). Use considerate tone, recognition of effort, and encouragement as helpful

elements of feedback (Lizzio & Wilson, 2008). Learners get the most from their

education when teachers are able to communicate feedback in ways that make students

eager to implement it (Lizzio & Wilson, 2008, p. 397). Skilled feedback must attain

apparently contradictory goals: to share corrective information (task goal), but also to

protect social self-images (identity goals) in the process.

Cazden (1979) posited that instruction threatens positive and negative face needs

by evaluating much of what is said and done by constraining and redirecting peoples

freedom to act as they please. Evaluative feedback, in particular, may be heard as

disapproval and limit autonomy, potentially threatening both dimensions of face. These

same consequences can easily be seen when communicating during day-to-day

conversations in which the host may feel as though the sojourner is criticizing rather than

sharing cultural relevance. Skilled intercultural interaction thus must include the ability

to mitigate face threats and negotiate mutually acceptable identities all while remaining

mindful of the other (Cazden, 1979, 2001; Kerssen-Griep, 2001).


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Conclusion

With the effects of globalization immeasurably bridging two vastly differing

neighboring cultures, the demand for research of this nature will only become greater.

With the influence of unique cultures on either side of the border, there are also many

problems that both countries are going to mutually face if they due not learn to

effectively co-exist in an intercultural context. In order for both societies to prosper, it is

of utmost importance for participants on the same side of modern global melting pot to

gain a true sense of understanding for, and how to effectively communicate with, one

another.


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APPENDIX:!!SURVEY!RESULTS!

!

1. How do you define the term gringo?

!

Cmo definas el trmino gringo?

!

Person born in the United States.!

Persona nacida en Estados Unidos.!

Any official American.

!

Cualquier estadounidense oficial.

!

It was due to the war when the Americanswould yell go.

!

Fue por la guerra, ya que los americanosgritaban go.

!

Native Caucasian from the United States. Nativo caucsico de Estados Unidos.

!

Cool. Equis.

!

American person.

!

Persona americana.

!

A man that is from the United States of

North America.

!

Hombre que es de Estados Unidos de

Norte Amrica.

!

In the general sense, the term applies to

foreigners that speak in a language that isnot understood by Spanish speakers.

!

En forma general el trmino se aplica a

extranjeros que hablan en un idioma queno se entiende por personas que hablan

espaol.

!

Typical American.!

Tpico estadounidense.!

Green go!

!

Green go!

!

American that comes from green coloredmoney.

!

"Americano" que viene de su monedacolor verde.

!

Its simply a colloquial word referring toNorth American people.

!

Es simplemente una palabra coloquialpara referirse a las personas

norteamericanas.

!

A person born in and living in the United

States.

!

Persona que naci y vive en Estados

Unidos.

!

American.

!

Americano.

!

Green go! Green-go!

!


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American.

!

Americano.

!

An American.

!

Un estadounidense.!

Americans.

!

Estadounidenses.

!

American.

!

Estadounidense.

!

Person native to and resident of the UnitedStates of America.

Persona nativa y residente de EstadosUnidos Americanos.

The word arrives from the Americanmilitary that used it to say green, go!

En el ejrcito estadounidense se utilizabapara decir green go! De ah surge.

It comes from a combination of the words

green and go. This refers to thewhites (pejorative) that went to Latin

American countries to invade and defendtheir commercial interests through military

force, such as the contras.

Viene de la combinacin de las palabras

"Green" y "Go" refirindose a que losgabachos se fueran de los pases

latinoamericanos que invadan paradefender sus intereses comerciales a

travs de fuerzas militares (como loscontras).

Its a term used in Spanish that applies toforeigners, especially to those from the

United States.

Es un termino utilizado en espaol que sele aplica a la gente extranjera en especial

a los de Estados Unidos.

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2. How would you describe the typical

gringo?

!

Cmo describiras el gringo tpico?

!

Well, I describe it as one that is aware of

everything around them and is stable.!

Pues lo describo como el que siempre esta

Documents

ETYMOLOGY, CONTEMPORARY USAGE AND INTERCULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE WORD: GRINGO