Etnografia Visual-Schwartz_VisualEthno_using-photography.pdf

8/11/2019 Etnografia Visual-Schwartz_VisualEthno_using-photography.pdf

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V i s u a l E t h n o g r a p h y

U s i n g P h o t o g r a p h y i n Q u a l i t a t i v e

o n a S c h w a r t z

Uni ver s i ty o f i nneso t a

R e s e a r c h

ABSTRACT. T h i s a r t i c l e p r o p os e s a n e w w a y t o u s e p h o t o g r a p h s i n e t h n o g r a p h i c

r e s e a r c h . T h e m e t h o d b u i l d s o n e a r l i e r e x a m i n a t i o n s o f t h e u n i q u e p r o p e r t i e s o f p h o to -

g r a p h i c a r t ic u l a t i o n , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a n d u s e , e m p l o y i n g t h e i n h e r e n t a m b i g u i t i e s o f

p h o t o g r a p h i c i m a g e r y . R e s p o n s e s t o e t h n o g r a p h i c p h o t o g r a p h s o f a r u r a l f a r m c o m m u -

n i t y w e r e r e c o rd e d d u r i n g g r o u p i n t e r v i e w s e s s i o n s a n d a n a l y z e d i n r e l a t i o n t o a d d i-

t i o n a l e t h n o g r a p h i c d a t a g a t h e r e d i n o r d e r t o s tu d y s o c i o c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y a n d c h a n g e

a c r o s s g e n e r a t i o n s i n f a r m f a m i l i e s .

Discussions of photography in the emergent traditions of visual soci-

ology and anthropology have been concerned with two principal areas:

the use of still photographs as a methodological tool in social research,

and the use of photographs as a means of presenting social research.

The use of still photography as a research method has been fru itfully

addressed by a number of scholars (see in particular Bateson Mead,

1942; Becker, 1974; Byers, 1964; Caldarola, 1985; Collier, 1967; and

Wagner, 1979). 1

Using pictures in social research requires a theory of how pictures

get used

by both picture makers and viewers. In order to use photo-

graphs either as data or as data generators we need to have some

notion of how viewers treat and understand photographic images,

whether those viewers are informants or researchers. Ruby (1973,

1976) has drawn attention to the pitfalls awaiting people who take up

photography as a resea rch tool with too little awareness of the social

practices sur rounding photographic production and use. The following

discussion offers a theoretical foundation for using photography in

qualitative research.

A d d r e s s c o r r e sp o n d e n c e to : D o n a S c h w a r t z , S c h o o l o f J o u r n a l i s m a n d M a s s C o m m u n i -

c a t io n s , U n i v e r s i t y o f M i n n e s o t a , 1 1 1 M u r p h y H a l l , 2 0 6 C h u r c h S t r e e t , S . E. , M i n -

n e a p o l i s , M N 5 5 4 5 5 .

Qu alitative Sociology,12 2), Sum me r 1989

119

1989 Hum an SciencesPress


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1 20 Q U A L I T A T I V E S O C I O L O G Y

hotography as a Social Transaction

B y e r s (1 96 4) a n d S e k u l a ( 19 75 ) h a v e a r g u e d t h a t A m e r i c a n v i e w e r s

t y p i c a l l y a p p r o a c h p h o t o g r a p h s f r o m t w o d i s t i n c t p e rs p e c t i v e s . B y e r s

r e f e r s t o :

a h i s to r i ca l two-headed v iew o f pho tog raphy as 1 ) an a r t and 2 ) a p rec i s e

ma ch ine -made r eco rd o f a s cene o r a sub jec t . I n th e f i r s t v iew , the

p r i m a r y c o n c er n i s t h e v i s io n o f t h e p h o t o g r a p h e r - a r ti s t w h o u s e s t h e

t e c h n o lo g y to p r o d u c e a c r e a t iv e p h o t o g r a p h o f w h i c h t h e p h o t o g r a p h e r

i s the % ource. In the s econd v iew , the p r im ary concern i s the accu racy

w i th wh ich the sub jec t i s r eco rded on fi lm, in wh ich case the sub jec t is

th e ~source. (1964, p. 79).

V i e w e d a s w o r k s o f a r t , p h o t o g r a p h s a r e t h o u g h t t o e m b o d y t h e p e r -

s o n a l c o n c e rn s o f t h e p h o t o g r a p h e r - a r t i s t . T h e s e c o n c e r n s c a n r a n g e

f r o m t h e e x p l o r a t i o n o f f o r m a l a e s t h e t i c i s s u e s to t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e

p h o t o g r a p h e r ' s i n n e r e m o t io n s . V i e w e d a s r e c o r d s, p h o t o g r a p h s a r e

t h o u g h t t o r e p r o d u c e t h e r e a l i t y i n f r o n t o f t h e c a m e r a ' s l e n s , y i e l d i n g

a n u n m e d i a t e d a n d u n b i a s e d v i s u a l re p o r t.

A p p r o a c h e d f r o m e i t h e r o f t h e s e p e r s p e c t iv e s , p h o t o g r a p h ic m e a n i n g

i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d a s b e i n g c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n t h e i m a g e i ts e lf . T h e p h o -

t o g r a p h b e c o m e s a r e c e p ta c l e fr o m w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l v i e w e r s w i t h d r a w

m e a n i n g . H o w e v e r , t h e s e t w o p e r s p e c t i v e s fa i l t o c o n s id e r t h e r o l e o f

t h e s p e c t a t o r in t h e p r o c e s s o f c o n s t r u c t i n g p h o t o g r a p h i c m e a n i n g . T h e

v i e w i n g p r o ce s s i s a d y n a m i c i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e p h o t o g r a p h e r ,

t h e s p e c t a t o r , a n d t h e i m a g e ; m e a n i n g i s a c t i v e l y c o n s t r u c t e d , n o t

p a s s i v e l y r e c e iv e d . B a r t h e s (1 9 64 ) c h a r a c t e r i z e s p h o t o g r a p h s a s p o ly -

s e m ic , c a p a b l e o f g e n e r a t i n g m u l t ip l e m e a n i n g s i n t h e v i e w i n g p ro -

c e s s . B y e r s d e s c r i b e s p h o t o g r a p h y s i m i l a r l y :

the p ho tograp h i s no t a '~message in the u sua l s ense . I t i s, in s tead ,

t h e r a w m a t e r i a l f o r a n i n f in i t e n u m b e r o f m e s s a g e s w h i c h e a c h v i e w e r

c a n c o n s t r u c t f or h i m s e lf . E d w a r d T . H a l l h a s s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e p h o to -

g r a p h c o n v e y s l i tt l e n e w i n f o r m a t i o n b u t , i n s t ea d , t r i g g e r s m e a n i n g t h a t

is a l ready in the v iewer (1966, pp . 31) .

T h e t e n d e n c y t o t r e a t p h o t o g r a p h s a s o b je c t i v e e v i d e n c e i g no r e s t h e

c o n v e n t io n - b o u n d p r o c e ss e s o f b o t h i m a g e m a k i n g a n d i n t e r p re t a t io n .

I n o r d e r t o b e n e f i t so c ia l r e s e a r c h , t h e u s e o f p h o t o g r a p h i c m e t h o d s

m u s t b e g r o u n d e d i n th e i n t e r a c t i v e c o n t e x t in w h i c h p h o t o g r a p h s

a c q u i r e m e a n i n g .

V i e w i n g p h o t o g ra p h i c i m a g e r y is a p a t t e r n e d s o ci a l a c t iv i t y s h a p e d

b y s o c ia l c o n t e x t , c u l t u r a l c o n v e n t i o n s , a n d g r o u p n o r m s . I n o r d e r t o


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Visua l Ethnography: Using Photography in Qu ali tat ive Research 121

p r e s e n t p h o t o g r a p h s t o i n f o r m a n t s f o r p u r p o s e s o f p h o t o - e li c i ta t io n ,

s o m e f o r e k n o w l e d g e o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t g r o u p 's u s e o f p h o t o g r a p h s i s

r e q u i r e d s o t h a t m e t h o d o l o g ic a l s t ra t e g i e s c a n b e p l a n n e d , a n d t h e

r e s u l t in g d a t a a s s e ss e d w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t o f i n f o r m a n t s ' s h a r e d m e a n -

i n gs . S t u d i e s o f A m e r i c a n m i d d l e - c la s s a p p r o a c h e s t o v i e w i n g p h o t o-

g r a p h s a n d f i l m s p r o v i d e d a s t a r t i n g p o i n t fo r t h e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l

s t r a t e g y p r e s e n t e d h e r e .

I n h i s s t u d y o f f a m i l y p h o t o g r a p h y , M u s e l l o (1 98 0) f o u n d t h a t h i s

s a m p l e o f m i d d l e - c l a ss ~ E u r o - A m e r i c a n f a m i l i e s a p p r o a c h e d p h o t o-

g r a p h s a s ~ m e c h a n i c a l re c o r d i n g s o f r e a l e v e n t s , n o t a s s y m b o l i c

a r t i c u l a t io n s . T h e v i e w e r s h e s t u d i e d p a i d l i t t l e c o n s c io u s a t t e n t i o n t o

t h e r o le o r i n t e n t i o n s o f t h e p h o t o g r a p h e r i n t h e p r o c e s s o f a r t i c u l a t i o n .

T h e u s e o f f a m i l y s n a p s h o t p h o t o g r a p h s w i t h i n a ~ 'h om e -m o d e c o n t e x t

p l a c e d a s p ec if ic b e h a v i o r a l f r a m e a r o u n d t h e a c t o f v i e w i n g w h i c h

e x c l u d e d c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e f o r m a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e i m a g e . M u s -

e l l o w r i t e s :

M e a n i n g s a n d i n t e r p r e t a ti o n s a r e m o s t o ft e n b a s e d o n a b e l i e f i n t h e

p h o t o g r a p h 's v a l u e a s a d o c u m e n t o f n a t u r a l e v e n t s a n d o n r e co g n i ti o n o f

i t s i con ic r e fe ren t s . T he pho tograph ic a l lu s ion i s inc reas ing ly expanded ,

h o w e v e r , a s v i e w e r s in t e r a c t w i t h t h e n a t u r a l e v e n t s d e p ic t e d a n d d r a w

refe rences and s ign if i cances f rom a b ro ad r ang e o f even t s , exper iences ,

peop le, and r esponses wh ich th ey r eca l l , de r ive f rom, r e la te , and a t t r ib -

u t e t o th e d e p i c te d c o n t e n t s . . . . T h e u s e o f t h e h o m e m o d e s e e m s h e a v i l y

re l i an t on ve rba l acco m pan im en t fo r the t r ansm is s ion o f pe r sona l s ign if i-

c a n c e s . P h o t o g r a p h s p r e s e n t e d t o o t h e r s a r e t y p i c a l l y e m b e d d e d i n a

v e r b a l c o n t e x t d e l i n e a t i n g w h a t s h o u l d b e a t t e n d e d t o a n d w h a t sig nifi-

c a n c e s a r e lo c a t e d in t h e i m a g e , a n d p r o v i d i n g c o n t e x t u a l d a t a n e c e s s a r y

fo r under s tand ing them (1980 , pp . 39 ) .3

C u s t e n ' s ( 19 8 2) s t u d y o f t h e w a y a g r o u p o f y o u n g A m e r i c a n m i d d l e -

c l as s v i e w e r s t a l k e d a b o u t a f i lm i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r t h e v i e w i n g e x p er i-

e n c e p r o v i d e s a d d i t i o n a l e v i d e n c e o f t h e r o u t i n e u s e o f i m a g e s a s

p r o m p t s f or p e r s o n a l n a r r a t iv e s . R a t h e r t h a n a c t a s i n t e r p r e te r s , a t-

t e n d i n g t o t h e f o r m a l m e s s a g e s e m b e d d e d w i t h i n t h e f o r m a n d s t ru c -

t u r e o f t h e f i l m , C u s t e n f o u n d t h a t v i e w e r s ' t a l k a b o u t f i lm t a k e s t h e

f o r m o f '~ t al k throu h f il m : ' ~ V ie w e rs t e n d t o d i s c u s s h o w t h e f i l m i s

m e a n i n g f u l t o t h e m i n s o m e c o n t e x t p r e s e n t i n t h e ir l iv e s p r io r t o a n d

a p a r t f r o m t h e m o v i e ( 1 98 2 , p p . 2 4 0) .

V i e w e r s r e s p o n d e d t o t h e f i l m t h e y w e r e s h o w n i n t e r m s o f i ts l e v e l o f

r e a l i s m b y i n t e g r a t i n g e l e m e n t s o f t h e f i lm t h e y c o n s i d e re d p e r s o n a l l y

s i g n i f ic a n t i n t o t a l k a b o u t d a y - t o -d a y e x p e r i e n c e s a n d c o n c e r n s.

I n t h e s e s t u d ie s , t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a l s t r a t e g y e m p l o y e d b y v i e w e r s

c o n s t i t u t e s a f o r m o f ~ a t t r i b u t io n ( 'N o r t h & G r o s s , 1 97 4) . V i e w e r s


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122 QUALITATIVE SOCIOLOGY

adopt an attributional strategy when they trea t an image as a natur al

event rather than as a symbolic event, and they fail to consider the

author's intentions guiding the structure and meaning of the image.

Naive viewers who have not learned the cultural conventions that

facilitate the process of interpre tation may mistake photographic im-

ages for the objects and events they represent. Lacking a conscious

awareness of the presence of a message, unt rained viewers substitute

thei r own immediate reactions for the author's intended meanings. 3

These studies suggest that in group viewings, photographs elicit

extended personal narratives which illuminate viewers' lives and ex-

periences. American middle-class viewers routinely respond to photo-

graphs by telling stories that stem from specific pictorial elements

which seem personally significant. Ins tead of responding to an encoded

message, most viewers' responses reflect their own social realities.

Thus, the social interactions surrounding the activity of looking at

photographs provide an arena for studying the meanings viewers at-

tribu te to aspects of the ir everyday lives.

oing Ethnographic Photography

My use of photographs in the ethnography of a rural Iowa farm

community builds upon the contradictory na tur e of photography, a

medium noted for its realism, yet routinely subject to multiple percep-

tions and interpretations. I consider photographs inherently ambig-

uous, the ir specifiable meanings emergent in the viewing process. This

ambiguity is not a disadvantage or limitation; rather, the multiple

meanings negotiated by viewers can be mined for the rich data they

yield. Building upon the evidence th at viewers tend to look ~'through

photographs, I have made use of the ways in which photographs are

routinely used by middle-class family viewers in order to elicit reac-

tions and information concerning community life which might other-

wise never become apparent.

By making ethnographic photographs of community life and present-

ing them for discussion within family viewing contexts, I have tried to

establish a Werbal context delineating what should be attended to and

what significances are located in the image (Musello, 1980, pp. 39). By

eliciting this verbal context, I have a ttempted to gain access to mean-

ings shared by viewers. In what follows I will discuss my use of

photography and photo-elicitation as a method of gather ing data. The

approach I outline addresses the inadequacies of existing visual eth-

nographies discussed by Wagner:


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Visual Ethnography: Using Photography in Qu ali tat ive Rese arch 123

In the f i r s t p lace , the re a re too f ew v i sua l s tud ies o f peop le ac t ing in

n a t u r a l s e t ti n g s . W e s im p l y h a v e n o t s e e n e n o u g h o f w h a t p e o p le do a n d

the phys ica l con tex t s in wh ich i t i s done . In the s econd p lace, we know too

l i t t l e abo u t how peop le them se lves s ee the s e t t ings and the i r ac t iv i ti e s .

E v e n w h e n w e h a v e i m a g e s o f t h e p e o p le in t h e s e t ti n g , w e h a v e l i tt l e

s e n s e o f w h a t t h e y m a k e o f i t a l l o r o f t h e i m a g e s t h e m s e l v e s ( 19 79 ,

pp. 286).

Waucoma Iowa

I n A u g u s t , 1 9 85 , I b e g a n a n e t h n o g r a p h i c s t u d y o f W a u c o m a , a r u r a l

f a r m c o m m u n i t y i n n o r t h e a s t e r n I o w a . I h a d v i s i te d W a u c o m a a n u m -

b e r o f t im e s , a c c o m p a n y i n g m y h u s b a n d o n t ri p s t o se e h is g r a n d -

p a r e n t s w h o w e r e s t il l l i v in g o n th e f a m i l y f a r m . M y h u s b a n d ' s m o t h e r

a n d u n c l e s h a d a ll l e f t W a u c o m a , c h o o s i n g o cc u p a t io n s o t h e r t h a n

f a r m i n g . T r i p s t o t h e f a r m u n d e r s c o r e d m y h u s b a n d ' s p e r c e p t i o n s o f

o n g o i n g c h a n g e ; e a c h t i m e w e v i s i t e d th e f a r m s e e m e d l e ss l i k e t h e

p l a ce h e r e m e m b e r e d . R e n t e r s p l a n t e d t h e f ie ld s , t h e d a i r y o p e r a t io n

c e a s e d , a n d f in a l l y , a f t e r h i s g r a n d f a t h e r ' s d e a t h , h i s g r a n d m o t h e r q u i t

r a i s i n g c h ic k e ns B u i l d i n g s w e r e l e f t t o d e t e r i o r a t e o r w e r e r a z e d .

W e e d s g r e w w h e r e t h e r e w a s o n ce a b a r n y a r d . A f t e r h e a r i n g m a n y

s t o r ie s a b o u t t h e a p p a r e n t d e m i s e o f W a u c o m a , I d e c i d e d t o l a u n c h a

p h o t o g r a p h i c s t u d y e x a m i n i n g t h e n a t u r e o f t h e c h a n g e s t a k i n g p l a ce

i n t h i s s m a l l f a r m c o m m u n i t y . T h e i n it ia l f i e l d w o r k w a s c a r r i e d o u t

f r o m A u g u s t t h r o u g h D e c e m b e r 1 9 85 . D u r i n g t h i s t im e I li v e d i n

W a u c o m a w i t h m y h u s b a n d ' s 9 0 - y ea r -o ld g r a n d m o t h e r .

W a u c o m a is a n a g r i c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i t y w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f 3 0 8

( U .S . C e n s u s B u r e a u , 1 98 0) . T h e a r e a w a s s e t t l e d i n 1 8 5 5 b y Ir i sh ,

G e r m a n , S c o tc h a n d E n g l i s h a n d i n 1 8 8 3 t h e t o w n w a s i n c o r p o ra t e d .

T h e D a v e n p o r t a n d S t . P a u l b r a n c h o f t h e C h ic a g o, M i l w a u k e e a n d S t .

P a u l R a i l w a y a r r i v e d f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e i n M a y 1 88 0. T h e t o w n

p r o s p e r e d - f o u r p a s s e n g e r t r a i n s a n d t w o f r e ig h t t r a in s s t o p p e d i n

t o w n d a i l y . B y 1 9 0 0 i t h a d g r o w n t o i n c l u d e a m i l l , a p o s t o f fi ce , f o u r

c h u r c h e s , t w o b a n k s , t w o h o t e l s , t h r e e l i v e r y s ta b l e s , d r u g s t o re s ,

h a r d w a r e s t o r e s , g r o c e r y s t o r e s , s c h o o l s , a t o w n n e w s p a p e r , a n d a n

o p e r a h o u s e . A b o x f a c t o r y w a s o p e n e d i n 1 9 19 , p r o v i d i n g e m p l o y -

m e n t f or m a n y r e s i d e n ts . T h e f a c t o ry b u r n e d d o w n i n 1 9 23 a n d i t s

o w n e r s , s o n s o f o n e o f t h e t o w n ' s f o u n d i n g f a m i l ie s , d e c i d e d n o t t o

r e b u i l d ( t h e fa m i l y m o v e d a w a y s o m e t i m e a f t e r t h e f ir e) . A c c o r d i n g t o

m a n y r e s id e n t s , t h e s e e v e n t s m a r k e d t h e t u r n i n g p o i n t i n t h e t o w n ' s

p r o s p e r i t y .

O n c e a t h r i v i n g c o m m e r c ia l c e n t e r s e r v i n g s u r r o u n d i n g f a rm s , t h e


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number of mai n s treet businesses has declined since the 1920s. The

town has experienced a gradual reduction in population, from 457

persons in 1920 to the most recent figure, 308. The majority of these

residents are retirees: farmers who have moved to town, merchants,

and elderly widows. Residents often mention greater numbers in dis-

cussions of the town population at the t urn of the century, and Marron

(1976) reports a population of 600 in 1919. The ra ilroad depot closed in

1972 and by 1976 the number of businesses and professional people

counted among the population had diminished (Marron, 1976). Today

the town has a small feed mill, a grocery store, a branch bank, a

tavern , a fertilizer dealer, a grain elevator, a filling station, a welding

shop, a beauty shop, two churches, two funeral homes and two insurance

agencies. An attorney holds office hours one day per week, as does an

optometrist, and a veterinarian resides in town. Waucoma has evolved

from a relatively self-contained, self-sufficient agricultural community

into a less clearly definable unit, economically and socially dependent

upon surrounding larger communities and on more distant urban centers.

The intermingling of traditional rural values with urban culture is

clearly in evidence as Waucoma continues to undergo change.

The study addresses the following set of questions: As rural commu-

nities undergo structural change, how do farm families adapt? How do

successive generations view thei r community? Are traditional values

trans mitt ed intact from generation to generation or is there evidence

of significant cultural change over time? Do views of family farming

change from generation to generation as family members' experiences

are rooted in different historical times? What meanings do kinship,

community and the notion of the home place hold for farm families?

As small towns at rophy what sociocuttural adaptations occur? How do

residents maintain a sense of community as the community's spatial

and cultural boundaries are reshaped?

Farm families were selected from the possible range of informants

because of the historical centra lity of family farms to the organization

of small communities like Waucoma. The social and economic liveli-

hood of the town depends on the farm families living beyond its bound-

aries. Farm families' patronage assures the solvency of town busi-

nesses. Their participation in the community's religious life, civic

organizations and voluntary associations is crucial to the maintenance

of these social institutions.

Photographing the ommunity

How and where to begin photographing requires some strategic plan-

ning, because the act of making photographs may serve as the commu-


7/36

Visual Ethnography: Using Photography in Qualitative Research 125

nity s introduction to the photographer, her activities and her aims.

Data produced during this stage of an ethnography require closer

inspection later on-the status of initial pictures is uncertain, their

value as data is determined during the course of the research. I fol-

lowed Collier s (1967) suggestion and photographed the physical envi-

ronment a t the outset. A descriptive record of archi tectu ral and ecolog-

ical features is likely to be less equivocal than other kinds of

photographic documentation, and serves as a good sta rting point. Upon

my arrival t began photographing the buildings in Waucoma and

mapping the physical surroundings. I made my activities visible so

that residents would become aware of my presence. While photograph-

ing the town, I observed ongoing patterns of daily activity. I included

these observations in my fieldnotes, along with descriptions of my own

photographic activities.

Seeing a stranger in their midst making photographs of th ir town

piqued the curiosity of residents, many of whom approached me to ask

questions about wha t i was doing. Initially they sought to identify me

and understand my presence by pinpointing my kin relationships

within the community. When they asked why I was photographing the

town, I told them that I was studying Waucoma and the changes tha t

had occurred over the years. Their responses took one of two forms:

the y expressed surprise that someone found Waucoma interest ing or

impor tant enough to study; or they told me how worthwhile my effort

seemed, considering the interesting h istory of the town. 4

The camera itself became an important means of entering into the

social life of the community, allowing me to engage in unders tandab le,

task-oriented activity in the course of observation. My picture-taking

provided residents with an obvious reason to s tart up a conversation,

and the longer I made photographs, the more people I met. I was able to

move from photographing the environment to photographing public

events as my contacts with communi ty members multiplied. Residents

came to expect me to appear with my camera at community events.

Over time, I was able to ask and receive permission to photograph

family activities as well. I became known even among families I had

not yet met, and, with cursory introductions, I was invited to photo-

graph them.Waucoma families welcomed me among them, expediting

my fieldwork.5

From August to December, I kept fieldnotes detailing my observa-

tions, photographic activities, and the results of informal interviews. I

also built an extensive photographic archive showing such things as

the physical environment of the town and surrounding countryside,

church, associational, and civic events, fami ly activities, the organiza-

tion of farm labor, farm auctions, and alternatives to farming (e.g. jobs


8/36


in manufactu ring at a p lant 25 miles away). I made work prints in my

~Tield darkroom (temporarily situated in the cellar of my farmhouse

residence) in order to review the photographs as the work progressed.

From January until July 1986, after returning home to St. Paul, I

printed photographs which would be used for elicitation during inter-

views with members of far m families. My fieldnotes guided decisions

about which photographs to print and which to bypass.

I made frequent visits to the community during the winter and

spring, and began conducting formal interviews in August 1986. Sepa-

rate interviews with members of different generations in five farm

families were held. Interviews were conducted in groups whenever

possible. The number of participants ranged from one (in the grand-

parent generation) to eight (in the thi rd generation). I had spent sev-

eral days' time observing and photographing each of the families

during the previous year and pictures of each family and their day-to-

day activities were a part of the documentation presented during

interview sessions. Interviews were taperecorded and t ranscr ibed. Ses-

sions lasted from two and one half to five hours.

Photo Interviews

Interviews centered around discussions of the photographs. I pre-

pared and assembled photographic sets r epresenting locales, activities,

and events which appeared to be significant to community members. I

chose what to include and how to sequence the photo-sets on the basis

of analytical inferences drawn from fieldnotes. The picture groupings

were: 1) the physical environment, a photographic survey of Waucoma,

2) specific locales such as churches, businesses, or the community

center, and the public events or activities which occur at these sites, 3)

farm families, including different kinds of far m work, dif ferent ways of

organizing farm work, family activities, events, and rituals, 4) the

town's Memorial Day Celebration,6 5) auctions, including a f arm auc-

tion, an es tate sale held by an elderly woman preparing to move into a

nursing home, and a sale of the house and household goods of a young

couple forced to leave the community in search of better job oppor-

tunities, and 6) work activities at a factory 25 miles from Waucoma

which provided a significant source of off-farm employment for local

residents.

Interviews were held at the homes of the respondents. I arrived with

a box of pictures and a tape recorder, and I was almost always beck-

oned to the ki tchen table. I told my informants tha t I would be showing

them my pictures of Waucoma, explaining that I had tentatively ar-


9/36


ranged the pictures into groups organized according to wha t seemed to

belong together and what seemed important. I stressed that I was

trying to gain a better understanding of life in the community, and

tha t the interviews were the key to that understanding. "I can't hope to

understand in the short time I've been in Waucoma, the experiences

you've accumulated during your lifetime," I told them. I explained that

I wanted to write about Waucoma, and also to

s o w

people what

Waucoma is like by using photographs. I told my informants that I

wanted to ask a series of questions about the assembled sets of photo-

graphs: do these pictures represent things that are important about

living here? about being a part of a farm family? which pictures are

especially important? which are not? if you were going to show people

what it is like to live here what else would you include? what kinds of

things are missing? I invited suggestions for changes in the photo-sets

I had arranged.

Then I gave them the photographs, group by group, and asked them

to make comments. I did little to guide their responses, particularly

during the first interviews I conducted; if topics were raised that

required clarification, I probed for further explanation. I took this

approach because I was most interested in the range of responses the

pictures might evoke and the intergenerational comparison among

them. These interviews were similar to family viewing situations

described by Musello (1980). Although I had made and ordered the

photographs, they were treated attributionally, in much the same way

that family snapshots might have been approached. (Since pictures of

interviewees, their friends, and their neighbors were among those

presented, this similar ity appeared to be enhanced.) Viewers attended

to the content represented in the pictures, and used them as prompts

for talk about community events, institutions, and social relationships.

Neither the formal aesthetic properties of the pictures nor my inten-

tions in maki ng or ordering them were ever questioned or discussed.

The only comments offered with regard to photographic articulation

had to do with how ~clear" or sharp the pictures were, especially in

comparison with viewers' own pictures. A typical reaction was: ~'These

pictures are

so

clear You must have used a good camera "

After the interviews I wrote fieldnotes describing them. I made note

of the patterns tha t were emerging in the informant responses, and I

compared the kind of responses generated by members of different

generations. After conducting three interviews I was able to play a

more active role during the sessions. I could draw upon data from

previous interviews in order to probe for overlaps and divergences in

response to the pictures. In this way, I began char ting and comparing

the worldviews held by members of different generations. Differing


10/36


attitudes towards the American Legion, for instance, emerged during

discussions of pictures of a Legion meeting. The following is a sample

of the kind of data generated in these interviews.

E x a m p l e : T h e A m e r i c a n L e g i o n

While kinship ties establish the pr imary basis for informal interac-

tion among community members, association membership provides

formal mechanisms for interaction across families. Organizations like

the American Legion are central to the social life of the community.

Most of the town's World War II veterans belong to the Legion Post,

while only one Vietnam ve teran is an active member. As older mem-

bers die, new ones do not take their places. Younger men are either

preoccupied with farms and families, or feel bitter about their mili tary

experiences and shun the Legion. In addition, the interview data

suggests that some townsmen do not share the patrioti sm felt by the

Legionnaires and prefer playing golf to participating in Legion activ-

ities.

Legion members' ritual obligations include assembling at veterans'

funerals throughout the year and marching to the town cemetery on

Memorial Day, clad in their military uniforms (when possible), for a

special ceremony. Members hold a business meeting once a month.

After the formal business of the meeting is accomplished, members

spend several hours together drinking and conversing. Legionnaires

meet at the Belding-Fox-Slagle Legion Post, a large hall in the

middle of town. Prior to its purchase by the Legion, the building was

the town's Opera House. The Legionnaires have renovated the build-

ing twice, making it more suitable for the ir own and the community's

use.

Because the building is the largest gathering place in town, the

Legion generates revenue by renting it to community groups and

individuals: public dances, private receptions, and agribusiness pre~

sentations are among the kinds of activities held in the hall. Groups

like the senior citizens' club, the Boy Scouts, and 4-H hold their meet-

ings at the hall free of charge, a communi ty service provided by the

Legion. Legion members rotate bartending and clean-up duties on a

month-by-month basis; they agree to be ~'on call to oversee rental use

of the hall. The women's arm of the Legion is the American Legion

Auxiliary. Auxil iary members' activities focus on aid to disabled ser-

vicemen, support of the ir husbands' Legion activities, and fundra ising

events, like the annual arts and crafts show, held each fall at the

Legion building.


11/36


Within the set of photographs showing specific locales and activities

there was a group of pictures made at the Legion Hall. The first par t of

these pictures showed a monthly Legion meeting. Included (Figures

1-6) were shots of members reciting the Legion pledge at the beginning

of the meeting; Legion Post leaders conducting the meeting; members

seated, drinking soda pop and beer; members drinking at the bar after

the adjournment; Legionnaires standing at the bar, arguing. I showed

these pictures to a retired farmer and his wife and to their son and

daughter-in-law during two separate interviews. The retired farmer,

Gerald, belongs to the Legion. His son, Tom, now farming the family

farm, is not a member despite the fact that he is eligible as a Vie tnam

veteran. Gerald and his wife Lola, and Tom and his wife, Mary, did not

always refer to specific pictures from this series during the course of

the interview. The series elicited extended talk about the Legion and

its place within the community. Their discussion is represented below.

G e r a l d a g e 5 9 a n d L o l a ag e 5 8 R e t i r e d F a r m e r s

Dona: These are pictures from the Legion Hall.

Gera ld: There s Phil.

Lola: And Roy. (See figure 3.)

Ger ald: Gene s Commander now I think , isn t he?

Lola: I don t know.

Ger ald: I think he is. That s the only night you ever was to a meeting,

huh?

Dona: Yeah.

Gerald: That one night.

D o n a

They were discussing whether or not to renovate the hall.

(Referring to figure 2.)

Gerald: Gee, something was going on here (See figure 6.)

Dona: They were having an argument.

Ger ald: They must have been. Looks like Smith was madder than hell

at me.

Dona: They were talking about farming a nd -

Gerald : Oh yeah. Smith got mad tha t night about something anyway.

About renting more land or some darn thing. I don t know what it was

about no more.


12/36



13/36

Visu al Ethnography: Usin g Photography in Qu alitati ve Rese arch 3


14/36

32 QU LIT TIVE SOCIOLOGY


15/36


Dona: How long have you been a Legion member?

Gerald: I don't know

Lola: Ever since you've been out of the service. When was that?

Ger ald: I don't know. (Gerald takes out his wallet and begins to shuffle

through the cards and pictures collected in it.)

D o n a Do you have a Legion card in your wallet?

Gerald: Here it is. Nope. Here it is right here. No, that's not it either.

It's in there someplace. Fve got more kids' pictures in there than

any thing else. It's got to be in there. Here it is right here. Thir ty five

years. (He shows me his card, with obvious pride.)

Dona: What kinds of things do the Legionnaires do?

Ger ald: Well. Memorial Day, they put on that whole thing. Then they

furnish the hall for the senior citizens. (The Legion makes the hall

available to senior citizens for the weekly hot meal program and for

the monthly senior citizens' club meeting.)

Dona: They don't have to rent it when they use it?

Gerald: Oh, they pay a little bit, but not much.

Lola: Whatever they want, right?

Gerald: Right.

Lola: And they have the Booster Club meetings in there and...

Gerald: Anything, any town meeting. Like if something big goes on

they have all the meetings.

Lola: And voting.

Gerald: Something big goes on, that's all donated. Well, voting gets

paid for from the county. It's just a community deal. But it's going

downhill too. We can't get our quota anymore or nothing. (At the

meet ing I attended twelve men were present. Figure 4 shows a small

number of men amidst many empty chairs.)

Lola: We can't get any new members. (Their son's failure to join likely

underscores this d ilemma for them.)

Gerald: Well the old ones are all dying, you know. The young people

don't want to belong no more because what do they want to join there

for? ~'What do I get out of my money? That's the way they figure it, you

knew. (Only one of twelve Legionnaires was under fifty years-old.)


16/36


17/36

Visual Ethnography: Using Photography in Qu ali tat ive Resea rch 135

s h o u l d c o m e fo r t h a t y o u k n o w . I d o n ' t k n o w , p e o p l e a r e d i f f e r e n t

t o d a y , t o o m u c h o t h e r s t u f f t o d o. Y o u g o t t a g o g o l fi n g to d a y o r I g o t t a

d o t h i s o r I g o t t a d o t h a t . S o t h a t ' s w h a t t h e y d o . ( G e r a l d i s n o t a

m e m b e r o f t h e c o u n t r y c l ub / g ol f i n g n e t w o r k c o m p o s e d o f u p p e r s t a t u s

p r o f e s si o n a l s , m e r c h a n t s , a n d ~ c o s m o p o l it a n f a r m e r s . )

D a n a : S o, d e y o u t h i n k i t' s i m p o r t a n t t o d o t h e s e t h i n g s ?

G e r a l d : S u r e i t i s .

I ) o n a : I n a w a y is i t l i k e y o u ' r e c o n t i n u i n g y o u r m i l i t a r y s e r v ic e ?

G e r a l d : Y e a h , k i n d o f, y e a h . T o n i g h t w a s a m e e t i n g s o I s h o u l d ' v e

w e n t , b u t I d i d n ' t go . T h e r e a i n ' t m u c h g o i n g o n n o w a n y w a y . I t w a s

m e r e f u n g o in g w h e n t h a t b u i l d i n g t h i n g w a s g o i n g o n. T h e n t h e r e

w e r e m o r e a r g u m e n t s . ( T he r e n o v a t i o n o f t h e h a l l g e n e r a t e d l e n g t h y

a r g u m e n t s p r o a n d c o n a s to t h e w i s d o m o f e m p t y i n g L e g i o n c o ff er s

a n d r a i s i n g a d d i t i o n a l f u n d s t o f i n a n c e t h e p r o j e ct . F i g u r e 2 s h o w s

d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e i ss u e .) N o w a i n ' t n o b o d y c o m e s a n y m o r e , a b o u t

m a y b e f i v e o r si x o f ' e m c o m e s , t h a t ' s a l l . B e f o r e t h a t t h e y ' d g e t i n to b i g

a r g u m e n t s - h o w d o y o u w a n t t o d o i t , do y o u w a n t t o d o i t t h i s w a y o r

t h a t w a y .

D a n a : S o t h e r e 's u s u a l l y t h in g s l ik e th a t h a p p e n i n g -

G e r a l d : T h a t d r a w s p e o p l e in , su r e.

D a n a : B u t b e f or e t h e r e n o v a t i o n -

L o l a : T h e y u s e d to t a k e t u r n s b r i n g i n g l u n c h a n d s t u ff , a n d t h e y ' d s i t

t h e r e a n d v i s it , s i t t h e r e , e a t t h e i r l u n c h a n d h a v e t h e i r b e e r a n d s t u f f

a n d v is it~ a n d a l o t m o r e o f t h e m c a m e t h e n , t oo .

D a n a : B u t n o o n e 's d o in g t h a t n o w ?

G e r a l d : N o , I d o n ' t k n o w .

D a n a : B e c a u s e I r e m e m b e r a t th i s m e e t i n g I t h i n k w h e n W a y n e c a m e

i n, i n th i s p i c t u r e , B 6 0 , h e w a s a s k i n g w h e r e t h e l u n c h w a s . (S e e f i g u r e

5.)

G e r a l d : Y e a h , r i g h t , r i g h t .

L o l a : O n e n i g h t I m a d e a w h o l e c r a c k p o t f u ll o f m a i d r i t e s ( b a r b e q u e d

b e e f f or sa n d w i c h e s ) a n d w h a t ' d t h e y h a v e , f o u r p a c k a g e s o f b u n s ? A n d

t h e r e w e r e n ' t v e r y m a n y p e o p le t h e r e , b u t t h e y c l e a n e d t h e m u p . A l o t

o f t h e m w o u l d j u s t c o m e to e a t y o u k n o w , b u t n o t n o w s in c e t h e y q u i t

m e a l s . B u t i t d o n ' t c o s t t h a t m u c h t o h a v e a l i t tl e s a n d w i c h o r s o m e -

t h i n g , y o u k n o w .


18/36


D o n a Was there any talk about quitting it?

Ger ald: All of a sudden one night whoever was supposed to bring it

didn't bring it. Then it quit. So I don't know. If you brought the lunch

the n they'd ask you if you wanted to get paid for whatever it cost you to

bring it, you know, they'd give you the money. But then if you donated

it, it was so much the better. It made more for the Legion.

Lola: Doc used to get meat and crackers and stuff like that and take it

to every meet ing when he was commander. CDoc is the town's resi-

dent veterinar ian and mayor. As a college educated professional, the

veterinarian and his wife occupy high status positions within the

community. A lunch of ~'meat and crackers would be far less common

fare than ~maidrites. )

Gera ld They're always talkin' about what they, if they should put on

another pancake and sausage or some deal to make more money or

something, you know (the Legion sponsors an annual pancake and

sausage supper to raise funds). That' s about all it is, how much money

they got left in the bank.

D o n a Do you enjoy being a member just to get together with people?

Gerald: Yeah, sure, right. You know, you have a little session, what

the heck, this arg ument here, an arg ume nt there. (Refers to figure 6.)

D o n a Like in the picture?

G e r a l d

Yeah, right.

Tom age 35 and Mary age 34 Farming the Family Farm.

D o n a

I have a lot of pictures here of things t hat happened in the

Legion Hall. It seems like so many things happen in the hall, it gets so

much use.

Tom: It's the only place big enough for a gathering, you know, of any

size.

D o n a The first thing is a Legion meeting.

Mary: This is upstairs.

Tom: This is upstairs before they remodeled isn't it? (Referring to

figures 1 through 3.)

Mary: A lot of PBRs.

D o n a What did you say? A lot of what?


19/36


Mary: PBRs (cans of Pabst Blue Ribbon beer).

D o n a : O h

Tom: The Legion probably wishes they had a picture like this, a before

and after picture. Now that could be a gag box too. You never know

what could be in there, the way they're standing there grinning at

Wayne's opening tha t box. You don't know what's going to jump out of

there . (See figure 4. Waucoma residents frequent ly play practical jokes

on one another. They range from gag boxes to relocating cars without

the ir drivers' knowledge. In the interview with Gerald and Lola, this

picture elicited a lengthy discussion of the recently discontinued prac-

tice of bringing ~lunch to Legion meetings. Gerald's and Lola's re-

sponses were rooted in first-hand knowledge of the group's activities,

while Tom and Mary were unable to interpret figure 4 with reference

to such insider knowledge.)

Dona: Well I think it was just more PBRs.

Tom: Could be (laugh). But that's not really a formal meeting is it? I

don't think they even have a gavel or any thing like that.

Dona: Well in the beginning they had a regular formal ceremony

where they say the pledge. And this is, they are conducting business

here. (Because he is not a Legion member, Tom does not know the

protocol of the meetings his father regularly attends. This reinforces

the inference tha t father and son have differing domains of community

knowledge.) I remember the last time I was ta lking to you, you told me

that you're not a Legion member, but you could be, right?

Tom: Right.

D o n a :

Why did you decide not to join?

Tom: The only reason Fd be a Legion member is for mili tary funerals,

because I want a mil ita ry funeral for myself. (Tom and his father both

consider mili tary funerals to be important. Despite the fact tha t Tom

does not want to join the Legion, the cultural value attr ibuted to this

ritual persists across generations.) But I could go up and march with

them for any military funeral without being a member. They'd be glad

to have somebody march. (Gerald made it plain t ha t he th inks too few

Legionnaires come to mili tary funerals, and even though Tom is aware

that he would be welcomed among them, he does not voluntarily

attend military funerals with the older veterans who regularly repro-

sent their post.) But if I join for whatever the dues are, it doesn't

amount to that much, then I get to go up and work. I gotta go up and

when they have a dance you have to take tickets or you have to go and


20/36


b e a b a r t e n d e r o r y o u h a v e t o c l e a n u p t h e n e x t d a y o r t h a t n i g h t o r

s o m e t h i n g l ik e t h a t . A n d t h e m a i n t h i n g I s u p p os e , y o u k n o w , i f t h e y

d o n t s t a r t g e t t i n s o m e y o u n g p e o p l e i n , i t s g o n n a f ol d u p , to o . I n t h e

m e a n t i m e I j u s t n e v e r j o in e d .

D a n a : S o, w h a t i s t h e r e a s o n t h a t y o u w o u l d n t w a n t t o w o r k ?

T o m : W e l l n o t a l l t h e t i m e . I m e a n I c o u ld go u p a n d I c o u ld t e n d b a r o r

h e l p a n y t i m e I w a n t a n d n o b o d y w o u l d ca re . I f y o u w a n t t o v o l u n t e e r t o

w o r k , t h a t s f in e . B u t y o u d b e p u t o n a s c h e d u l e w h e r e y o u h a v e t o

w o r k t h i s n i g h t o r t h a t n i g h t o r w h a t h a v e y o u , a n d i f y o u d o n t ,

s o m e t h i n g e ls e c o m e s u p , y o u h a v e t o f in d a r e p l a c e m e n t . A n d I t h i n k

t h e y g e t a m o n t h o f t im e . W e l l m a y b e i n t h e w i n t e r t i m e y o u d o n t h a v e

h a r d l y a n y t h i n g t o do , b u t i n th e s u m m e r , m a y b e y o u l l h a v e t w o o r

t h r e e w e d d i n g d a n c e s p l u s th i s o r t h a t , a n d y o u h a v e t o g o u p e v e r y

S a t u r d a y n i g h t a n d m a y b e c l e a n u p o n S u n d a y m o r n i n g . ( T o m s r e-

s p o n s e s u g g e s t s t h a t h e d i s l i k e s t h e c o n s t r a i n t s o n h i s in d e p e n d e n c e

t h a t L e g i o n o b l i g a t i o n s w o u l d i m p o s e . )

D a n a

I s i t t h a t y o u d o n t h a v e t h e t im e , o r y o u d r a t h e r h a v e c o n tr o l

o v e r t h e t i m e t h a t y o u h a v e ?

T o m : P r o b a b l y r a t h e r h a v e m y o w n t i m e . ( T o m s n o t io n o f a p p r o p r i a t e

u s e s o f t i m e a n d G e r a l d s c o n t r a s t . T h e i r d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s w i t h i n t h e

l if e c y cl e, b e g i n n i n g f a r m e r w i t h y o u n g c h i l d r e n v e r s u s r e t i r e d f a r m e r

w i t h g r o w n c h i ld r e n , p l a y s a p a r t i n s h a p i n g t h e n a t u r e o f t h e i r

c o m m u n i t y a c ti v it ie s .) I t s l ik e r i g h t h e r e , r i g h t n o w , I k n o w h o w m u c h

w o r k I h a v e l e f t t o d o o u t s i d e t h a t h a s t o b e d o n e t o d a y a n d w h a t c o u ld

b e d o n e t h a t I c n p u t o f f , t o o .

D a n a

W h a t i f t h e y r e a l l y n e e d e d p e o p l e t o j o in , o r t h e y d f o ld ?

T a m : O h t h e n I w o u l d , y e a h . I f t h e y c o m e o u t a n d a s k e d m e I p r o b a b l y

w o u l d . (T o m s r e s p o n s e s u g g e s t s t h a t h e c o n s i d e r s t h e c o n t i n u e d p r e s-

e n c e o f t h e L e g i o n i m p o r t a n t t o th e c o m m u n i t y b u t h e e x h i b i t s c o nf lic t-

i n g v a l u e s i n h is s i m u l t a n e o u s a c c e p t a n c e / r e j e c t i o n o f t h e L e g i on . )

D a n a

A r e t h e r e m a n y p e o p le l ik e y o u w h o c o u l d j o in b u t h a v e n t ?

T a m : W e ll , t h e r e w e r e a l ot . M o s t of t h e k i d s t h a t w e r e m y a g e a r o u n d

h e r e a l l w e n t t o t h e s e r v i ce . (T h e m i l i t a r y o f fe r s y o u n g p e o p l e f r o m t h e

c o m m u n i t y a p r o m i s e o f s t e a d y i n co m e , s o m e k i n d o f t e c h n i c a l t r a in -

i ng , a n d w h a t s e e m s t o b e a c le a r p a t h o u t o f t h e c o m m u n i t y t o t h e

w o r l d b e y o n d .) T h e r e i s n t a n y b o d y m y a g e i n t h a t g r o u p i n t h e r e . A l o t

o f t h e m a r e n t h e r e a n y m o r e , b u t i t u s e d to b e th e y d h a v e m e m b e r s

f r o m a l l ov e r , l ik e R o n n i e i n W e s t U n i o n . Y o u k n o w , t h e w a y i t u s e d to

b e h e w o u l d h a v e b e l o n g e d h e re . B e l o n g e d , b u t m a y b e i n a c t i v e o r w h a t

h a v e y o u .


21/36


Dona: Why would be belong here if he lives in West Union?

Tom: Because this is home.

Mary: This is home and he would know all these people and stuff.

Tom: Same way, I think Barn ey belonged for a while. And he lives in

Cedar Rapids.

Dona: What about people who live close, so it would be real easy for

them to go?

Mary: I don't think there is many.

Tom: Well Johnnie don't belong.

Mary: But he's about the only one I could think of.

Tom: Johnnie's got two purple hearts. He says, they don't put food on

my table. I don't need the Legion. I don't need these, [purple hearts].

He's real sour on the war. So they just kinda let him alone. (Vietnam

veterans' wa r experiences differ from those of other war veter ans and

their contradictory feelings about their milit ary service are manifested

in a lack of involvement in patriotic organizations and rituals.)

Mary: His wife belongs to the Auxiliary, though.

Tom: Oh, yeah.

Dona: So she can belong, even though he's not a member?

Tom: He's maybe an inactive member or something, too.

Mary: Yeah, I'm not sure.

Don a: So then I suppose you could belong to the Auxiliary too if you

wanted to.

Mary: I suppose I could. (Mary made it clear in the way that she

answered that she had little interest in doing so.)

Tom: Uh huh. But I don't think there's any, most of 'em are gone. I

don't think there's any right around here. (Tom's discussion supports

the inference that milit ary service routes young people out of town,

often permanently, among members of Tom's generation.)

Ma ry : I can't think of anybody, other th an him.

D o n a

So he's the only person who could be a member who isn't?

Tom : Well there's got to be more tha n that. Some of the Koudelka boys

and stuff were in the service.

Mary: Yeah, that could be.


22/36


23/36

Visual Ethnography: Using Photography in Qu ali tat ive Resea rch 141

I t a l w a y s s e e m s to o fi n a l, a n d i t s t o o h a r d o n t h e w o m e n . I d o n t l i k e i t .

I v e b e e n a t t o o m a n y m i l i t a r y f u n e r a ls .

D o n a : B u t y o u r e g o in g to d o it a n y w a y ?

T o r n : Y e p .

M a r y : I m g o n n a d i e f ir s t. I a i n t g o i n t h r o u g h t h a t c r a p . ( D e s p i te t h e

i m p o r t a n c e o f m i l i t a r y f u n e r a l s w i t h i n h e r o w n f a m i l y a n d h e r h u s -

b a n d s , M a r y r e j e c t s t h i s r i t u a l , a n d d o e s so w i t h a d i s p l a y o f e m o t i o n

a n d v e h e m e n c e . )

T o m : I s a i d w e w e n t t o s l e ep w i t h t h a t e v e r y n i g h t i n t h e s e r v ic e fo r

f o u r y e a r s . T h e y p l a y e d t h a t e v e r y n i g h t w h e n y o u w e n t t o s le e p . Y o u

g e t u s e d t o i t .

M a r y : I w i l l n e v e r g e t u s e d t o t h a t . ( H e r e , t h e c u l t u r a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s

s o o f te n e x pr es se d , b y y o u n g e r c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s , s e e m p r o n o u n c ed .

M a r y s d i s a v o w a l o f t h i s r i tu a l , w h i c h s e e m s c r u c ia l ly i m p o r t a n t t o h e r

h u s b a n d , d i f fe r s f r o m L o l a s a v i d s u p p o r t f o r G e r a l d s p a t r i o t i c a c ti v -

i t i e s . )

D o n a

A r e t h e r e o t h e r t h i n g s t h a t y o u t h i n k t h e L e g i o n is i m p o r t a n t

f o r ?

T o m : I d o n t . . . W e l l t h i s i s t o o s m a l l o f o n e , I t h i n k . I n s o m e o f t h e

b i g g e r c i t ie s , i f y o u n e e d a p a i r o f c r u t c h e s , o r a w h e e l c h a i r , o r s o m e -

t h i n g f o r t h e k i d s, y o u c a n g o t o t h e L e g i o n a n d g e t i t . I d o n t t h i n k t h e y

h a v e t h a t u p h e r e . C a u s e m o s t o f t h e t i m e B o b M u n c h , o n e o f t h e

a u c t i o n e e r s a r o u n d h e r e , i f h e f i n d s c r u t c h e s o r c a n e s o r a n y t h i n g l i k e

t h a t o n a f a r m s a l e o r a n y k i n d o f s a l e, h e l l h o ld i t u p a n d a s k i f

a n y b o d y n e e d s it . A n d t h e n h e l l p a y a d o l l a r o r w h a t e v e r a n d m a r k i t

t o h i m s e l f a n d s a y , ~ w h er e s t h e c l o s e st L e g i o n m e m b e r ? a n d h a n d i t t o

h im H e b u y s i t h i m s e lf , c a u s e th e r e s n o t r e a l l y t o o m u c h r e s a l e o n

c r u tc h e s . B u t g i v e t h e m t o a L e g i o n s o m e w h e r e .

D o n a : O t h e r t h a n t h a t , i n t e r m s o f o t h e r k i n d s o f c o m m u n i t y f u nc -

t i o n s ?

T o m : W e l l t h e y k e e p t h e h a l l g o i n g f o r a n y o n e t h a t u s e s it .

M a r y : T h e y r e t h e g u y s t h a t h a v e t o w o r k o n d a n c e n i g h ts , y o u k n o w ,

w h e n t h e f i r e m e n h a v e t h e i r d a n c e a n d a ll t h a t s tu f f. I t s t h e L e g i o n

m e m b e r s .

T o m : I f y o u w a n t t o h a v e a f a m i l y g e t to g e t h e r u p t h e r e , t h e y r e t h e

o n e s t h a t h a v e e v e r y t h i n g r e a d y f or y o u . If y o u w a n t , t h e y l l c l e a n u p

o r y o u c a n c l e a n u p , y o u r e c h a r g e d a c c o r d in g l y . S o t h a t , y o u k n o w


24/36


they always have the place available. We used it for a family get

together a couple years ago.

Mary : They have a lot of anniversary type things in there.

Tom: And if you re going to have a big party or something at home,

and you re not sure about the weather, you can have it reserved and

not use it, too. It s not a m at te r of having to pay for it; they re pretty

liberal about it. Well OK, you had it reserved, but you didn t use it, so

you don t pay. Maybe there s a small fee or something if they got to go

and get the heat on and stuff in the wintertime for you. (Like his

father, Tom draws attention to the public service the Legion performs

by making the hall available to community groups and individuals.

Even though Tom has made the decision not to become a member of the

Legion, he acknowledges the important role played by the group.)

Comparing the responses of father and son to this set of photographs

of an American Legion meeting draws out similarities and differences

in the values held by members ,of each generation. Gerald avers the

importance of membership in the Legion as an extension of his mili-

ta ry service and an affirmation of his patriotism. Gerald s Legion

activities give form to his commitment to the community, and he

questions some of his peers lack of steady participation in group

activities. He wonders at their prioritizing golfing and other leisure

pursui ts above their obligations to the Legion and to their neighbors.

He worries about the fu ture of the Legion, given the younger genera-

tion s lack of commitment or interest.

Even though Tom maintains that he is uninterested in joining the

organization, he is nevertheless intent upon having a military funeral,

despite his wife s vehement objections. His responses suggest tha t his

Vietnam experience has played a major role in shaping his political

views, mak ing him question the values represented by the Legion and

its activities. The future of the Legion is likely to be reshaped by

incoming members whose milita ry experience is rooted in the Vietnam

era, if in fact these younger men join at all. Perhaps later in the family

life-cycle they will feel able to devote time to Legion activities. Other-

wise, the post might be consolidated with posts in other neighboring

towns, diminishing the centra l role of the American Legion within the

local community.

The American Legion Post provides Waucoma residents with a vehi-

cle for expressing the ir commitment to the community. It seems likely

that the cultural life of the community will change as the Legion s

membership and viability diminish. Unless there is an influx of young,


25/36


active military veterans, a new mechanism for community integration

will have to evolve in order for cultural continuity to be maintained.

Acknowledging this dilemma, one of my interviewees, a man in his

30s, made this cynical prediction:

I think pretty soon we ll have another one [war] and they ll be all Rambo

and then the Legion will get another shot of good enthusiastic mem-

bers. . . Yeah, some gung ho Legion members. At least something good

wilt come of it.

E x a m p l e : U s i n g t h e A m b i g u i t y o f P h o t o g r a p h s

In this interview method the photo-sets function like a semistruc-

tured interview schedule to create an ordered sequence of data elicita-

tion and repeated use of the photo-sets provides comparability among

the data obtained during each session. The photo interv iew is a forum

for the active construction of meaning. Taking an attributional ap-

proach to the viewing process, informants respond with extended nar-

ratives and supply interpretations of the images, drawing from and

reflecting thei r experiences in the community. The photographs them-

selves provide concrete points of reference as interviews proceed. De-

pictions of specific locales, events, and activities function as prompts

which elicit detailed discussions of the significances of things repre-

sented. Because photographs trigger multiple meanings dependent

upon the experiences of viewers, wha t is considered significant may

take the ethnographer by surprise, leading to unexpected revelations.

My informants responses to two photographs illustrate the useful-

ness of this method in generating data unobtainable through observa-

tion or conventional interviews. In my archi tectural inventory of Wau-

coma there were two photographs, presented to respondents as

illustration numbers A1 and A5. As this numbering suggests, I saw

these images showing the post office and an insurance agency as two

separate, noncontiguous entities. However, community members saw

them as one, linked by the people and events associated with them.

The range of responses elicited by these pictures offered me new in-

sights into community dynamics and the ideas different respondents

had about events and relationships within the community.

The most frequent kind of response to pictures showing the physical

environment of the town, especially among my older informants (over

50 years-old), was a history of different buildings, the businesses they

housed, and thei r proprietors:


26/36



27/36


B a r b : . . . I rememb er when the drugstore and the doctor's office was

there, and then there was a tavern where the bank is wasn't it?

Bill: Well, the drugstore, the re was a drugstore, t he n the post office, or

vice versa. Drugstore was first.

Ba rb : The drugstore, the post office went in where the drugstore was.

After Burnside died.

Bill: Did it?

Barb: L~ huh.

Bill: Ok.

Barb: And then old Dec Freligh's office was right along there.

Bill: That's where the b ank is now; half the bank.

Barb: And then the tavern, right.

Bill: And the lawyers are where the drugstore used to be in the post

office.

These two photographs elicited additional narratives. During the

first inter view I conducted, a hin t of wha t seems to have been a well

known controversy surfaced. Bill: '~Well, Sloan built the building for

his in suran ce agency, and the n how the y got the post office in ther e we

never knew. This issue came up again and again, and was elabora ted

by others in the course of the interviews:

They pay pretty good rent for a post office and so when they moved them

out of the hardware store, wasn't it? and into the bank.., then this

postmaster bought this building and made one end into an insurance

office and made the back end into a post office so he could get the rent

himself. . .

Er nie : Well, it wasn't an advanta ge when t hey moved the post office

over there, I don't think, do you?

Ruth: Well, no, but they had to do it and they had to do it right

th en .. , because the wall on the other building was cracked . . . .

Ern ie: He's [the postmaster] the only one tha t advanced throu gh the

thing.

R u t h And he's really ta ke n adva ntag e of it too, I mean, because he

can run his office and he can r un his post office at the same ti me . . . .

Ernie: They put a double lock on the door so he can't go into his

business you know.


28/36


29/36


Tom: That was kids enter tainm ent in the evening, after everything

closed.

Dona: Can you see that on this photo? (figure 8)

Tom : That s basically rubber there, I think.

I had never noticed the black stripe on the sidewalk, visible in the

lower rig ht h an d corner of the photograph, nor h ad I seen it while

wal kin g on the sidewalk itself. I was a ware of the importa nce of cars in

the community, in term s of the technological and social changes they

had wrought, but the importance of cars as a source of ent ert ain men t

had not become salient to me.

This reference to the t ire tr acks led me to probe for more dat a about

the recrea tional use of cars du rin g subseque nt interviews. A photo-

grap h of the fire stat ion received this response:

Ji m: In front of the fire station, that s Uie territory

D o n a What s a Uie?

Jim: Doughnuts. Power turns, or whatever, on ice or dry pavement.

Pa ul : Sometimes it star ts out to be a U and it ends up being a couple of

doughnuts.

Jim: I think the most i ever got was three times around.

D o n a Someone told me about rubber tracks on the sidewalk outside

the post office; that s the first thing that came to mind when he saw

th at picture. W hen yo u do doughnuts , how do you do it? You don t just

come down and do it and leave.

Br ad : You just do. Tell the m in Waucoma you re there, you got your

car there.

Ji m: Some of the m would just show their car off I think.

Becky: Yeah. In the summertime.

Ed: They do the m ther e a nd when t hey do the m down in the intersec-

tion in front of the bridge or in front of wh at used to be Blong s

hardware, they just burn to a blue smoke in tha t intersection.

J im: Yeah , tha t s d ry pa vem ent . . .

Brad: You have to have a really good car to do that in the summer.

Ed: You can do th at out in the country, but it s a hell of a lot more fun

to do it in fron t of the fire station.

Ji m: It s so much more graceful to do it on sn o w . . .


30/36


Do n a D o y o u s t i l l d o i t ?

A L L : Y e a h .

B e c k y W e s t i ll d o i t o n t h e i c e t h e r e .

J im I l i k e d o in g t h e m , b u t I d o n ' t d o s e v e r a l r e v o l u t i o n s a n y m o r e . I

j u s t k i n d o f b r o a d s l i d e , y o u k n o w , j u s t k i n d o f s l i d e a r o u n d a n d b r o a d i t

a n d t r y t o m a k e i t c o m e o u t o f i t co ol. S o y o u t r y t o b e m o r e c o n t r o l l e d

a s y o u g e t o l de r . W e u s e d t o g o d o w n t h e r e a n d y o u ' d j u s t g o d o w n t h e r e

k i n d o f f a s t a n d t h e n j u s t o o o oo o h hh a n d y o u ' d s p in , a n d y o u ' d s p in .

Y o u ' d b e t o t a l l y o u t o f c o n t r o l.

T h i s s u b t l e c u e w h i c h I h a d m i s s e d , th e d a r k s t r i p e o n t h e s i d e w a l k i n

t h e c o r n e r o f a p h o t o g r a p h , g e n e r a t e d d a t a i l l u m i n a t i n g a n a s p e c t o f

l i fe in W a u c o m a w h i c h h a d b e e n i n v i s ib l e to m e . A l t h o u g h I h a d h e a r d

p e o p l e s p e e d i n g t h r o u g h t o w n l a t e a t n ig h t , s c r e e c h i n g t h e i r t i r e s a s

t h e y w e n t , I h a d n o t f u l l y c o n s id e r e d t h e s i g n if i c a n c e o f c a r s a s r e c re -

a t i o n a l d e v i c e s . I n a d d i t i o n , i t b e c a m e c l e a r t h a t t h e r e i s a c o r re c t w a y

t o d o d o u g h n u t s o r l a y d o w n r u b b e r t r a c k s , a n o t i o n o f a p p r o p r i a t e

s t y le , a n d a s e n s e o f t h e a e s t h e t i c d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e a c t i v i ty .

W i t h o u t t h e p h o t o g r a p h s a s p r o m p t s , th e s e d a t a m i g h t n o t h a v e

s u r f a c e d d u r i n g i n t e r v i e w s . A l m o s t a l l o f t h e y o u n g e r i n f o r m a n t s d is -

c u s s e d c a r s w h e n v i e w i n g t h e s e p h o t o g r a p h s , s u g g e s t i n g t h e i r s a l i e n c e

f or m e m b e r s o f t h i s g e n e r a t io n . N o n e o f t h e i r p a r e n t s o r g r a n d p a r e n t s

m a d e e x p l ic i t r e f e r e n c e t o c a rs a s re c r e a t i o n . I n s t e a d t h e y f o c u s e d o n

t h e p r a g m a t i c e n d s s e r v e d b y t h e i r c a r s o r p i c k u p s : th e s h o p p i n g t r i p s

t o n e a r b y c i t ie s a n d t o w n s w h e r e p r i c e s a re c h e a p e r a n d t h e r a n g e o f

c o n s u m e r g o o d s i s b r o a d e r , o r t h e a b i l i t y t o r u n e r r a n d s q u i c k l y w h e n

m a c h i n e r y b r e a k d o w n s o c c u r. O l d e r r e s i d e n t s o f f e re d t h e i r r e c o ll e c-

t i o n s o f t h e a u t o s h o w r o o m s t h a t o n c e o c c u p i e d s p a c e on m a i n s t r e e t , a s

t h e y r e c a ll e d a m o r e p r o s p e ro u s e r a i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e c o m m u n i t y .

T w o b r o t h e r s , l o o k i n g a t f ig u r e 7 , s p u n y e t a n o t h e r t a l e a b o u t t h e

c o m m u n i t y . T h e i r p a r e n t s w e r e a w a r e o f t h e s e r i e s of e v e n t s t h e y

r e c o u n t e d t o m e , y e t th e s~ ory d i d n o t e m e r g e d u r i n g m y i n t e r v i e w

w i t h t h e m . P e r h a p s i ts d e ta i ls s e e m e d to o e m b a r r a s s i n g t o t h e o l d e r

g e n e r a t i o n .

R o n : A n d t h e p o s t o ff ic e ( la u g h t e r) , w h e n t h e y b u i l t i t t h a t t i m e , o h ,

w h a t ' d h e d o t o R i c h a r d s ? R i c h a r d s w a s r u n n i n g t h e b a r .

B o b O h t h e s e p t i c t a n k .

R o n : O h h e c u t t h e s e p ti c t a n k o f f o n h i m ( la u g h t er ) .

B ob T h a t w a s a j o i n t s e p t ic ta n k .

R o n : S o , u h , ( l a u g h t e r ) w e l l t h e s i g n g o t b r o k e o f f a c o u p l e o f t i m e s .


31/36

Visu al Ethnography: Using Photography in Qu ali tat ive Rese arch 149

H e d b l a m e p e o p l e c o m i n g o u t o f t h e b a r a n d h e w a s r e a l l y r a i s in g c a i n

a b o u t t h a t . T h e n h e w e n t a n d c u t th e s e p t i c t a n k o ff. W e l l t h e y h a d a

igger

s t i n k g o i n g o n a r o u n d ( la u g h t e r) , d o i n g o n e a n o t h e r a n d e v e r y -

b o d y . I t w a s l i k e t h e g r e a t f e u d g o in g b a c k a n d f o rt h , y o u k n o w . I t

w o u n d u p i n c o u ~ s o m e h o w f i na l ly , d i d n t i t?

B o b : I d o n t k n o w . I w a s n t a r o u n d t h e n .

D o n a : W h o w a s i n v o l v e d in a l l o f t h is ?

R o n : W e l l i t w a s t h e g u y t h a t w a s r u n n i n g t h e b a r a t t h e t im e . H e

w o r k s f o r L y n c h L i v e s t o c k n o w . B u t a n y w a y , o n e th i n g l ed to a n o t h e r ,

a n d t h e y g o t i n to s o m e t h i n g a b o u t , I t h i n k h e d r o p p e d h i s d r a m s h op

i n s u r a n c e w i t h h i m i s w h a t h a p p e n e d . Y o u k n o w , i t s in s u r a n c e b a r s

h a v e t o h a v e , c a u s e h e c o u l d g e t i t s o m e p l a c e a l o t c h e a p e r . S o h e c u t

t h e s e p t ic t a n k o f f o n h i m ( la u g h t e r) .

B o b : T h a t s a sm a l l t o w n m e n t a l i t y , y o u k n o w .

l ~ n : S o a n y w a y , y o u k n o w , t h e y g o t i n a b i g s t i n k . I t f in a l ly d i d w i n d

u p , I t h i n k t h e y s e t t l e d i t o u t o f c o u r t o r s o m e t h i n g . A l l th e t h i n g s t h a t

w e n t o n y o u k n o w , d u r i n g t h a t t im e , y o u k n o w , t h e y d w a k e u p e v e r y

m o r n i n g a n d s o m e b o d y w o u l d h a v e , h o w w o u l d y o u s a y , u r i n a t e d o n

t h e f r o n t d o o r s t o n es , a n d i t w o u l d r u n u n d e r n e a t h t h e d o o r a l l t h e

t i m e ( la u g h te r ). I m e a n t h e y k e p t t h a t k i n d o f s t u f f u p a n d t h e r e w a s a

l o t o f l i t t l e t h in g s . L i k e h e h a d s o m e s h r u b s h e p l a n t e d o u t b e h i n d t h e

p o s t o f fi ce , a n d i t t u r n e d o u t i t w a s , i t b e l o n g e d t o t h i s l o t , s o F r e d d y

j u s t t o o k e ra o v e r i n h i s y a r d ( l a u g ht e r) . A n d h e g o t s o m e b o d y t o c o m e

d o w n a n d s u r v e y a n d a ll , a n d h e f o u n d o u t t h a t t h e e a v e s h u n g o v e r

i n t o h i s p a r c e l. T e c h n i c a l l y t h a t b u i l d i n g w a s o v e r t o o f a r , i f y o u r e a l l y

w a n t t o g e t d o w n to t h e n i t ty - g r i t ty a b o u t i t. T h e y f i n a l ly k i n d o f

s e t t l e d i t o u t , i t s a l l q u i e t n o w . I t h i n k t h e y a g r e e d t o le t h i m h o o k u p

t o t h e s e w e r o r s o m e t h i n g , I d o n t k n o w , u n l e s s h e p u t a s e p t ic t a n k o f

h i s o w n i n o r w h a t e v e r f i n a l l y c a m e o f i t . T h e y s e t t l e d i t e v e n t u a l l y .

D o n a : D i d t h e y s e t t l e i t in c o u r t ?

R o n : W e l l i t g o t d o w n to th e p o i n t w h e r e t h e r e w e r e l a w y e r s i n v o l v e d

i n i t a l l .

D o n a : T h a t s e e m s a m a z in g .

I ~ n

W e lt i t w a s p r e t t y h i l a r i o u s w h e n i t w a s g o i n g o n. E v e r y b o d y w a s

o u t, y o u k n o w , h e s a j e r k , w e r e g o i n g t o t a k e c a r e o f h i m . . .

D o n a : I i m a g i n e e v e r y b o d y k n e w a l l a b o u t t h i s?

R a n : O h , o f c o u r se e v e r y b o d y k n o w s e v e r y t h i n g e ls e , a n d s t u f f l ik e

t h a t . I m e a n t h a t w a s t h e h i g h l i g h t o f t h e y e a r f o r m o s t p e o p le (l au g h -


32/36


ter). I mean, it was just, you know, dad would go down and he'd check

up on it and all you know, come home and report dai ly what was going

on, what was the latest round. Such a power struggle (laughter)

Ron's discussion of this incident suggests that many town residents

were aware of the feuding back and forth. Men who were attempt ing to

%ake care" of the insurance agent urinated under the door of the

insurance office to express their disregard for him, an act which seems

relatively unsurprising, considering residents' penchant for practical

jokes. According to Ron, his father was aware of this feud, and Ron's

telling of the story suggests that they all relished his father's trips

back and forth from town because he would bring home the latest

information on these daily events.

Ron was the only person who told me this story. He seemed to fully

enjoy recounting its details, laughing devilishly as he reexperienced it

in the telling; he acted almost as though he was sharing a kind of

naughty secret with me. His willingness to talk about these events

may reflect his relative lack of integration into the community's sense

of solidarity. Ron, 27 years-old, recently return ed home to fa rm with

his father, after three years of non-farm employment in a small city 60

miles away. Ron's experience living in a larger community has given

rise to a more critical view of his home town. He made it clear to me

that he feels detached from rur al customs and behaviors, as a former

~urban dweller." Through his vivid depiction of this local controversy

Ron expressed his own sense of superiority. Perhaps Waucoma resi-

dents who have committed themselves to living and raising their

families in the community feel less comfortable divulging details of

such pranksterish, destructive behavior.

on c l u s i o n s

The data I analyzed suggested that members of each successive

generation have become increasingly integrated into the values of

urban mass culture. The penetration of mass media into rural areas

and the increased mobility of rural residents has collapsed the spatial

distance that once separated urban and rural cultures. The different

views exhibited by Gerald and Tom concerning the importance of

Legion participation exemplifies the gulf separating members of these

generations. For Gerald, active participation in the Legion seems natu-

ral; involvement in local social institu tions (more numerous in years

past) is a part of everyday life for rura l residents whose activities have


33/36


been centered in the immediate community. Tom's military service

took him away from Waucoma as did his subsequent non-farm employ-

ment in a larger town. Younger people like Tom are able to compare

the life they lead in Waucoma with other life experiences and their

mobile lifestyle places the local community into a larger frame of

reference.

Tom, like Ron, conveys an aur a of detachment from the concerns of

local community life. The comparatively low level of social participa-

tion I found among members of thei r generat ion suggests that the level

of social solidarity has decreased among younger community members.

Rural residents who have embraced the dominant urban culture and

its values do so with some regret; the narratives prompted during

interview sessions often contained wistful reminiscences and stories

about events that could only take place in a rural community where

neighbors know one another intimately. Many younger residents ex-

hibited a tension created by the simultaneous pull of conflicting value

systems. The exchange between Mary and Tom with regard to military

funerals exemplifies this tension: this ritual holds significance for Tom

but he is unwilling to make a commi tment to the Legion like his fathe r

has done. Tom's lifestyle, influenced by his experiences beyond the

boundaries of the local community, threa tens the viability of the rural

values he clings to.

The mobility of the younger generat ion is underscored by the impor-

tance its members invest in cars and pickup trucks. Not only do these

vehicles expand the borders of the community, but they also provide

forms of recreation. Young people who spend much of thei r time tray-

elting from place to place in search of leisure activities and consumer

goods do u-ies and doughnuts, mak ing the time spent on the road a

source of amusement. Ra ther than immersing themselves in the obli-

gations of small town life, younger residents of Waucoma took else-

where for forms of entert ainment validated by the dominant culture.

Photography s Contribution to Ethnography

Because photo-elicitation generates extensive verbal commentary,

use of this interview technique yields several benefits. Informants

responded to photographs of their community, neighbors and family

without hesitation. By providing informants with a task similar to a

na tural ly occurring family event (i.e. viewing the family photo-album),

sorae of the strangeness of the interview situation was averted. Inter-

viewees often responded directly to the photographs, paying less heed


34/36


t o m y p r e se n c e a n d t h e p e r c e iv e d d e m a n d s o f t h e t a s k t h a n i n m o r e

t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m a l i n t e r v i e w s e t t i n g s .

I n m a k i n g p h o t o g r a p h s f o r t h i s re s e a r c h , I h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o c on -

s t r u c t '~a r e c o r d a b o u t c u l t u r e ( W o r t h , 1 9 80 ). I t i s n o t t h e p h o t o g r a p h s

t h e m s e l v e s w h i c h i n fo r m , b u t r a t h e r , t h e a n a l y s i s o f t h e m . T h e p h o t o-

g r a p h s s h o w c o n c r e t e d e t a i l s o f e v e r y d a y e v e n t s , a c t i v i t i e s a n d t h e

c o n t e x t s i n w h i c h t h e y o c c u r , a n d p r o v i d e d a t a a b o u t c o m m u n i t y l i f e .

T h e a n a l y s i s o f t h e i m a g e s i s i n f o r m e d b y i n s ig h t s g a i n e d t h r o u g h

e t h n o g r a p h i c f i e l d w o r k a n d i n f o r m a n t s ' r e s p o n s e s to t h e p h o t o - se t s.

O p e r a t i n g f ro m t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e p h o t o g r a p h s I m a d e a r e n o t

i n h e r e n t l y ~ m e a n i n g fu l , I s o u g h t t o s t u d y t h e m e a n i n g s t h e y h e l d f o r

d i f f e re n t v i e w e r s in a c o m m u n i t y . P h o t o - i n t e r v i e w i n g , u s e d i n c o n ju n c -

t i o n w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l e t h n o g r a p h i c m e t h o d s o f d a t a c o ll ec t io n , e n -

h a n c e s o u r a b i l i t y t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e m e a n i n g o f e v e r y d a y l if e f or

c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s .

M y u s e o f p h o t o g r a p h s i n e t h n o g r a p h y i m p l i es a p r e s e n t a t i o n a l

s t r a t e g y w h i c h b r i n g s t h e i r m u l t i p l e m e a n i n g s i n to t h e fo r e g ro u n d . B y

p r e s e n t i n g p h o t o g r a p h s w i t h a w r i t t e n t e x t w h i c h d r a w s a t t e n t i o n t o

i n f o r m a n t s ' v a r i e d r e s p o n s e s a n d t h e r o le o f t h e p h o t o g r a p h e r a s a n

e l ic i to r , v i e w e r s ' p r o c l i v i ty t o t r e a t t h e s e p i c t u r e s e i t h e r a s m i r r o r

i m a g e s o f t h e i r s u b j e c t s o r a s a e s t h e t i c o b j e c ts m i g h t b e r e d ir e c t e d . T h e

y i e l d o f s u c h a n a p p r o a c h w o u l d b e t w o f o ld , g i v i n g t h e r e a d e r / v i e w e r a

w a y to u n d e r s t a n d t

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