23
Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

Page 1: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism

PART ONE

Page 2: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

I. Ethnic Politicization and Nationalism--- Until the Greek national independence was achieved the Orthodox Christians in Cyprus had not identified themselves with Greek national identity.

--- during the Greek Independence War the Ottoman administration arrested and executed the leaders of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus.

--- However this event was not an indication that orthodox Christians were about to revolt against Ottoman administration.

Page 3: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- Historical records show that although various religious groups used to maintain their institutional habits they were also entering into interaction with other groups lived in the islands.

-- for example the Christians used to litigate in the Ser-i courts even for the disagreements between Christians.-- the same interaction was seen in the spoken languages.-- especially in mixed villages the people used to speak the language of the other community.

Page 4: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- Another result of the interaction between the religious communities was seen in the religious practices.

Although both Moslems and Christians maintained their own religious believes they also took part in the religious practices of the other community.

-- historical records confirmed religious conversion both from Christianity to Islam and vice versa.

-- A politicization tendency emerged in both Christian and Moslem communities starting with the early years of British colonial rule. -- In the Christian community the OCC had played an important in this mobilization.-- A Moslem political elite performed the same function in the the political mobilization of Moslem community.

Page 5: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- Politicization in two main communities was against the colonial rule and did not lead to any important tension between the two communities until the late 1940s.

-- Until the 1940 there were common trade unions, farmers organizations, chambers of commerce and similar institutions which used to register members from all communities of Cyprus.

-- In mixed towns the members of the two communities had worked together and shared responsibilities in the local councils .-- there were balanced distribution between the members of the two communities in performing important municipal functions.

-- The Cyprus police unit had a mixed character in which Moslems and Christians occupied various positions at different levels.

Page 6: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

A- Ethnic Politicization

1- Ethnic Politicization among Turkish-Moslems a. 1978-1930 b. 1930- 1940 c. 1940-19502- Ethnic Politicization among Greek-Christians a. 1978-1930 b. 1930- 1940 c. 1940-1950

Page 7: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

1- Ethnic Politicization among Turkish-Moslems a. 1878-1930-- The British attempt towards changing the traditional political order established by the Ottomans in the island was the initial source of political mobilization.

-- the first colonial constitution of Cyprus was made in 1879.- Despite the fact that Christian Cypriots was in majority the first constitution allocated equal number of seats in the Kavanin Meclisi (legislative organ) to Christian and Moslem communities.

Page 8: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- Kavanin Meclisi was a consultative organ with no real power of legislation.-- In 1882 an important amendment was made in the constitution by the British Colonial government.

-- therefore equal representation of the two communities in the legislative organ was replaced by proportional representation.

-- According to the new provision of the constitution there would be 6 British public servants, 3 Moslems and 9 Christian representatives in the Legislative organ.

Page 9: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- As the leader of the Christian community the Arcbishop supported the proportional representation principle and expressed his pleasure.

-- But the community leaders of Moslems criticised proportionality principle since the new regulation put an end to the traditional privileges of the Moslem community.-- Moslem representatives usually supported British Colonial rule.-- This support enabled the Colonial Administration to establish a balance between Christian members and government official members in the legislative organ.

Page 10: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- the major conflict in the early years of British rule was between Christian political leadership and British colonial administration.

-- there were two important issues which had fostered political opposition among Christian political elite against colonial government.

+ The first issue was Political:Enosis (the Orthodox Church started demanding Enosis)

+ The second issue was economic: local taxes (the colonial administration had to pay the Ottoman Emperor an annual rent).

Page 11: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- Moslem leadership was against Enosis and insisted on the idea that Cyprus is a part of British empire and that the alternative to the British rule would be the restoration of Ottoman administration on the island.

-- The Kadi (Moslem Judge) of Cyprus sent a letter to the Colonial Administration on 30 March 1914 in which he claimed that the demand of Christian leadership including mainly ‘Enosis’ created anarchy which threatened peace and order on the island.

-- As a result of their opposition to the idea of Enosis, Moslem leadership organized in 1918 a meeting called National Assembly (Meclis-i Milli) and demanded the restoration of Ottoman rule in the island.

Page 12: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

b. 1930-1940 -- The traditional Moslem leadership used to support British Colonial administration.

-- In 1930, however, an oppositional group managed to win seats in the legislative organ.

-- the oppositional group which called itself ‘populist’ demanded that:

+ the administration of Evkaf had to be transferred to Moslem – Turkish community (the head of Evkaf who was considered the leader of Moslem community used to be appointed by the colonial government)

+ the colonial government had to recognize the existence of a ‘Turkish Community’ instead of Moslem community.

Page 13: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

+ the head of Turkish High School in Nicosia had to be a Turkish not an English.

+ the colonial government had not attempt to control the educational system.

+ Sharia Law had to be replaced by modern laws

+ Cyprus had not been given autonomy (because autonomy could result in enosis)

-- The ‘Populists’ organized a ‘National Congress’ in 1931 and selected the Mufti of Cyprus and demanded that the colonial administration had to accept the decision of National Congress.

Page 14: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

c. 1940-1950-- in the previous periods politicization in the Moslem-Turkish community was mainly among a political elite.

-- in this period politicization expanded towards including not only a politically active elite but also ordinary people.

-- Local affairs played the most important role in the politicization of masses.-- As a result of this mobilization Turkish Cypriots left the common socio-cultural organizations once established beyond ethnic lines

Page 15: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- The local election manifestos announced by Turkish Cypriot candidates 1943 municipal elections were indicate of the dimensions of politicization.

--- The election manifestos included mainly the following:

+ the use of Turkish in the municipal administration+ employment of Turkish Cypriots into the municipal administrations by proportional representation.+development of Turkish Cypriot properties

Page 16: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- The most important event in this period is the establishment of KATAK (Cyprus Turkish Minority Institution).

-- KATAK was established as a political association which managed to open 200 branches throughout the island.

-- It became a massive organization within a short period of time because of three main reasons:i) socio-economic problems of T/Cypriot community,ii) the expectation that the political status of Cyprus might

be change (from colonial rule to autonomy or independence)

iii) The colonial administration saw the political mobilization of Turkish Cypriot community as a potential support for its strategic interests in the island

Page 17: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- Turkish Cypriot community saw KATAK as an organization which could serve to develop socio-economic conditions.

-- In the constitution of KATAK its aims were described in article 3 as follows:

“ to identify and protect the rights of Turkish Cypriot minority and to enhance its scientific, social and

industrial development and to safeguard the interests of the Turkish Cypriots”.

-- These objectives were influential to mobilize Turkish Cypriots who used to see themselves underdeveloped compared to their Greek Cypriot neighbors.

Page 18: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- The second reason for the rapid growth of the KATAK was the belief among the Turkish Cypriot community leaders that the political status of the island was about to change.

-- the demands of Greek Cypriot political leaders and the statements made by the politicians in Britain and Greece.

-- The prime minister of Greece in exile declared in 1941 that after the end of the 2nd World War Cyprus would be a part of Greece.

-- British government also announced that an autonomous administration could be established in Cyprus.

-- Turkish Cypriot leaders were against enosis and also believed that an autonomous administration in Cyprus without establishing minority rights for Turkish Cypriots would be dangerous.

Page 19: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- There was, however, no organization among Turkish Cypriots which could use minority rights on behalf of Turkish Cypriot community.

-- KATAK was established to perform this function.

-- As its name demonstrates KATAK represents a particular political consciousness among the political elite which differs from nationalist ideology.

--- Although it lacked a nationalist ideology KATAK aimed at establishing separate organizations for Turkish Cypriots in various areas of socio-econoic and political life.

Page 20: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

The third reason of the rapid growth of KATAK was the implicit support of the colonial government.

-- after 1944 KATAK encouraged separate trade unions and farmer organizations to be established along ethnic lines.

-- KATAK aimed at establishing a central political organization as the representative of Turkish Cypriot community without threatening the legitimacy of colonial rule in the island. -- KATAK’s demands from the colonial government were presented in a moderate ways:

i) To modernize educational system and by using written texts in educational activities,

ii) To stop recruiting people without high school diplpma as teachers

Page 21: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

iii) To reorganize High School Commission with the right of the community to elect its members

iv) To revise the Law on Inheritance by adopting modern principles

v) Independence of the Sheria Courts from the government

vi) A new Family Law

vii) Separate municipal arrangements for Turkish Cypriot villages.

-- After the establishment of KATAK the T. Cypriot political leaders increased their criticisms against Greek Cypriot public officials who occupied important positions in colonialAdminitration.

Page 22: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

-- Turkish Cypriot organizations and leaders started criticizing Greek Cypriot administrators.

-- they claimed that there were discriminatory acts and action by Greek Cypriots against Turkish Cypriots

-- The colonial administration was also blamed for its silence to such discriminations.-- Turkish Cypriot leaders argued that: i) The Turkish Cypriot members of the municipal councils

could not understand the discussions during the meetings because of the use of Greek and they demanded Turkish language to be used.

ii) Turkish had to be used in municipal records,iii) To have the name of the streets also in Turkish,

Page 23: Ethno-Religious Politicization and Nationalism PART ONE

• During this period (1940-1950) there was a widespread belief among Turkish Cypriot leaders that the two communities can live together in the same state.

• Turkish Cypriot leaders, however, argued that, the idea of Enosis would destroy both the intercommunal relations and the prospects for socio-economic development in Cyprus.