ETFRN and European Commission NewsOrganisations- Institutions- Programmes · Organisations- Institutions- Programmes List of Articles 68 70 72 74 76 79 81 81 83 86 88 90 92 Conflict,

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Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesETFRN and European Commission News

EC NEWS

DGRES INCODEV call for proposals

On 17 December 2004 the EuropeanCommission published its new call forproposals for research with developingcountries (INCO-DEV).

The following specific topics may be ofinterest:A.2 Rational use of natural resourcesA.2.1 managing humid and semi-humidecosystems (open only for Specific SupportActions, SSAs eg workshops etc)A.2.3 Managing arid and semi-aridecosystems (Coordination actions (CA) arestrongly encouraged for this call)(i) Improved agriculture and agroforestrysystems(ii) Sustainable, integrated water resourcemanagement(iii) Research in forest ecosystemrestoration and reclamation techniques

A.3 Food securityA.3.2 Bio-diverse, bio-safe and valueadded cropsA.3.2.2 Development and dissemination ofsustainable improved production andmanagement practicesA.3.2.3 Development of innovative, efficient,environment-friendly post-harvest, storage,processing and marketing methodsA.3.2.4 Policy, regulatory and institutionalissues

The call closure for Specific TargetedResearch Projects (STREP) and CA is 13September 2005, the budget available 60million Euro. The call closure for SSA is 7March and 7 September 2005, the budgetavailable 0.5 million Euro for March, and 1.5million Euro for September. Contracts are

expected to be signed 9 months after callclosure.

The call and supporting documents may bedownloaded from: http://fp6.cordis.lu/fp6/call_details.cfm?CALL_ID=185

Please note that only electronic submissionvia the EPSS is allowed for this call. Forfurther details please refer to the call text.

DGResearch expert consultation on forestresearch for development

On 20 and 21 January 2005, the EuropeanCommission held an expert meeting onforest research for development. Theconsultation was to provide inputs for theEC 7th framework programme for research,which is currently being drafted.

The presentations and draft workshopreports for the meeting are available at:http://www.etfrn.org/etfrn/eucomm/7fp/index.html

The meeting report is in preparation, andwill also become available at the webaddress above. It is anticipated that thereport may serve as a backgrounddocument for a wider consultation.

European Union Development PolicyreviewedThe current European Union Developmentpolicy, focusing mainly on poverty reduction,is under review to address

• An accelerated globalisation processwhich includes not only trade andeconomic matters, but also all the majorissues of concern to citizens, such asenvironment, health, migration, security;

• new political priorities in an enlarged EU,

2 ETFRN News 43-44/05

Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesETFRN and European Commission News

in particular the EU’s neighbourhoodpolicy and the security strategy, and thedraft Constitutional Treaty;

• the emergence of a more robustinternational consensus reflected in: theUN’s Millennium Declaration andDevelopment Objectives; thecommitments made at Monterreyregarding funding for development, atDoha regarding trade and atJohannesburg regarding sustainabledevelopment; and

• the debate on the effectiveness of aid,covering issues such as harmonisationbetween donors and the tailoring of aid topolicies and procedures in the partnercountries.

From mid January – 2 March 2005, theEuropean Commission’s Directorate forDevelopment held a web-basedconsultation to contribute to the debate onand review of the EU development policy.The consultation was based on an issuespaper, which is available in English andFrench. The issues papers may bedownloaded from:http://europa.eu.int/comm/development/body/theme/consultation/index_en.htm

The Commission services will publish thecomments received, a report about theresults of the consultation and how theresponses have been taken into account.This information will be accessible via theconsultation page: Your Voice in Europe:ht tp: / /www.europa.eu. in t /yourvoice/consultations/index_en.htm#open

ETFRN NEWS

I would like to thank the readers who wroteto convey their appreciation of the ETFRN

news. Your moral support is valued, andhas assisted in generating further interestin the continuation of ETFRN. So far, theETFRN CU has funding commitments fortwo further issues of the ETFRN News in2005, one on forests and water, and anotheron a theme to be confirmed.

Partnership with the National ForestProgramme Facility

The ETFRN CU is entering into apartnership agreement with the NationalForest Programme Facility (Facility). Theagreement will cover communication anddissemination activities for the Facility, usingboth the ETFRN and the Facility networks. Itwill include work on the NFP digests, andan issue of the ETFRN News, on a themeto be defined.

An independent legal status for ETFRN

The ETFRN Steering Committee agreed toreview the future strategy and governance,and to set up an independent legal statusfor ETFRN to address the current fundingdifficulties. More news will follow in duecourse.

Job Opportunities

Readers looking for a new job may beinterested in the ETFRN vacancieswebpage. It has many links to jobopportunities pages, and links to specificvacancies are regularly added – to seethese, you will need to scroll to the bottomof the page.

http://www.etfrn.org/etfrn/resource/frames/job.html


Organisations- Institutions- Programmes

1.Global

Forests and armed conflict, David KaimowitzStruggles over resource wealth and conflict, Michael RennerViolent environments: a summary, Nancy Peluso and Michael WattsUnderlying causes of extreme conflict and tropical forests, Wil de Jong, Deanna

Donovan, and Ken Ichi AbeReducing violent conflicts over forests, Mary Melnyk, Jay Singh, Scott Bode, Kim

Sais, and Julie KunenMainstreaming forest and conflict dynamics in development cooperation: a forest

and conflict toolkit, Moira Feil and Olivia VoilsProtecting nature in war: how different stakeholders can help, Esther BlomFueling wars with conflict timber, Mike Lundberg and Alice BlondelBeyond trees: forests, war, and uneasy peace, Kheryn Klubnikin and Douglas Causey

2. Africa

The Mano River conflicts as forest wars, Paul RichardsConflict timber and Liberia’s war, Arthur G. BlundellPiloting communal forests in Liberia in the post-conflict period, Jamison SuterThe causes of violent conflicts in forest regions, Jean-Richard MutomboWhy armed conflict persists in the Kivu Region of the Congo (DRC), Robert Mwinyihali,

Terese Hart, and Henri-Paul ElomaForestry and conservation activities during a war fought over land and resources in

the Democratic Republic of Congo, Terese B. Hart and Robert DucarmeImpacts of conflics on forests and people in D.R. Congo, Richard Tshombe, Terese

Hart and Christien AmboyaConflict in the Great Lakes Region: impact on conservation, Anette LanjouwForestry and conservation activities in hosting refugee Areas (Kenya – Uganda), Luc

CambrézyNigeria: armed conflict and implications for forest management in the Niger Delta,

Samuel A. IgbatayoNatural resource management and local institutions in ‘post-conflict’ Mozambique

and Ethiopia, Richard Black, Elizabeth Harrison, Jessica Schafer, and ElizabethWatson

Deforestation, environmental insecurity, poverty and conflict in the horn of Africa andthe Great Lakes, Mersie Ejigu

Reducing Conflicts through collaborative forest management in the BoranaLowlands, South Ethiopia, Ben Irwin, Gavin Jordan, Zelalem Temesgn

3. Latin America

Colombia: The many faces of the war, María D. ÁlvarezColombia: war and forests, Manuel Rodríguez Becerra

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Conflict, spiritual meaning and environmental effects. Offerings made by theindigenous peoples of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, Guillermo E. RodríguezNavarro

Natural resource management in the context of the peace process in Colombia(1999-2002), Cristina Hoyos

Conservation as counter-insurgency in the Chiapas Rainforest?, Bill WeinbergForest use and conservation implications of the Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas, Mexico,

Mario González-EspinosaWhy is there violence in some forest areas of Mexico?, Salvador Anta FonsecaEl Balcón, Mexico, Building peace and governability around communal forests, Leticia

Merino

4. Asia and the Pacific

Impact of armed conflict in community forestry in Nepal, Mani Ram Banjade andNetra Prasad Timsina

Armed conflicts and community forest user groups in Nepal: can community forestrysurvive and contribute to peace building at local level?, Bharat K. Pokharel andDinesh Paudel

Livelihoods, environment and conflict in forested areas in Dir-Kohistan, Pakistanand Koraput, India, Shaheen Khan, Kundan Kumar and Richard Matthew

Forests and armed conflicts in Jammu and Kashmir in India: problems and prospects,Chetan Kumar

Effects of warfare on natural ecosystems and biodiversity in Vietnam, Dang HuyHuynh and Ho Thanh Hai

Logging in The Solomon Islands- the lost legacy, Jim Sandoms



FORESTS AND ARMED CONFLICT

By David Kaimowitz

War is a topic that is on many people’sminds these days; and rightly so. Not onlydo wars kill and maim large numbers ofpeople, but they force millions more to fleetheir homes and farms and devastate thecountry’s national economies. Africa, inparticular, has been hit hard by armedconflicts in recent years, and that is onemajor reason for worsening poverty there.

Most wars are civil wars, although many ofthem spill over into neighboring countries.They tend to take place in poor countrieswith weak governments. Often they go onfor years. The violence may be on-going orit may break out sporadically and then stopfor a while, only to reappear several yearslater. In many cases it is hard to separateout political, ideological, ethnic, or religiousfactors from simple criminal activity andresource-grabbing.

A large portion of the armed conflicts occurin forested regions. (See box 1) There are anumber of reasons for that. Forestedregions tend to be inaccessible and easyfor armies to hide in. Armies have been ableto fund their activities by extorting moneyfrom petroleum, mining, and loggingcompanies, drug dealers, and farmers inthese areas, or to carry out mining, logging,and drug trafficking operations themselves.Soldiers often survive by hunting and fishingand preying on isolated farmers in remote

forested areas. Many people living in theseareas deeply resent the fact that they havebeen neglected and / or mistreated bynational governments, particularly if theyperceive outsiders as benefiting from thelocal natural resources. The influx ofmigrants of other ethnic groups often stirsconflicts with local people. Armed groups ofvarious types and inclinations frequentlyearn a certain degree of local support oracceptance by filling the vacuum left by avery weak presence of the nationalgovernment.

These features are more prominent insome cases than in others, and each casehas a unique set of circumstances andcombination of factors promoting violence.Mountainous and arid areas share manysimilar characteristics. They are certainlynot unique to forests, but the fact that theyapply to forests is nonetheless cruciallyimportant.

Over the last five years, internationalrecognition of the problem of armed conflict

Box 1: Some Tropical Countries with ArmedConflicts in Forested Regions in the PastTwenty Years

Angola, Bangladesh, Cambodia,Colombia, Democratic Republic of Congo,Cote D’Ivoire, Guatemala, Guinea,Honduras, India, Indonesia, Liberia,Mozambique, Mexico, Myanmar, Nepal,Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, Papua NewGuinea, Peru, Philippines, Republic ofCongo, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone,Solomon Islands, Sudan, Surinam, andUganda.

1. GLOBAL



in forested regions has grown rapidly.Workshops on the topic have been held inColombia, Japan, the Netherlands, and theUnited States, among others. A number ofglobal studies and comparative researchprojects have focused on different aspectsof this phenomenon.

These events and research activities havefocused on different aspects of the problem.

Some have been more concerned with therole of natural resources in contributingto armed conflict. The academicsconcerned with this aspect have largelytended to fall into three main groups: 1) Neo-Malthusians typically argue that depletingnatural resources has made people poorerand more desperate and led them to fightover land, water, grazing rights, and forests.2) Followers of Paul Collier argue thatarmed groups are more likely to focus ongrabbing commercially value resourcessuch as oil, minerals, cash crops, andtimber, and use these resources to financetheir activities. 3) Political ecologists aremore likely to emphasize violence causedeither by the grievance of traditionallymarginalized groups or by wealthy andpowerful actors that seek to suppress them.

Other initiatives have looked more at theimpact of armed conflict on forests andforest dwelling people, as well as onconservation and forestry efforts. Thiswork has unambiguously shown that forestdwellers are among the groups that armedconflicts harm the most and that war hasvery negative impacts on formalconservation and forestry efforts. Fuelwoodcollection, hunting, and logging by refugeesand displaced people also frequently causemajor environmental damage. The netimpact of armed conflict on forest cover and

biodiversity, however, is much more mixedand varied. On the one hand, armies buildroads and clear some areas for militarypurposes, log and hunt to support theiractivities, contribute to the refugee problemsdescribed above and undermineconservation and forestry efforts. Yet on theother hand, armed conflicts often lead tolarge areas being abandoned, forestsgrowing back, and animals returning. In afew cases insurgent groups haveimplemented their own conservationpolicies.

There has also been a lot of interest in bestpractices for conservation and forestmanagement in contexts of conflict orpotential conflict. This has been basedlargely, but not entirely, on the practicalexperiences of conservation and communityforestry initiatives operating in conflict areas,and on efforts to reduce the environmentalimpacts of refugees. Some evidencesuggests that community forestry effortsreduce the incidence of violent conflict,although the record is clearly mixed. Therehave also been some notable successesin maintaining conservation efforts even inareas of extreme conflict.

An increasing number of countries findthemselves in post-conflict situations.These can pose particular risks to forests,as governments remain weak, there areoften many armed people looking for waysto make a living, and economic activityrecovers in the forested areas.

This special issue of ETFRN brings togetherin one place reports about many of theseprevious research efforts and fieldexperiences, written by the researchers andpractitioners who have been most active inthis field. We have tried to get a balance



Abundant natural resources—such as oil,minerals, metals, diamonds and othergemstones, timber, and agriculturalcommodities including drug crops—havefueled a large number of violent conflicts.Resource exploitation played a role in abouta quarter of the roughly 50 wars and armedconflicts of recent years. More than 5 millionpeople were killed in resource-relatedconflicts during the 1990s. Close to 6million fled to neighboring countries, andanywhere from 11–15 million people weredisplaced inside their own countries.1

The money derived from often illicit resourceexploitation in war zones has secured anample supply of arms for various armedfactions and has served to enrich a handfulof people—warlords, corrupt governmentofficials, and unscrupulous corporateleaders. But for the vast majority of thepopulation in affected countries, theseconflicts have brought a torrent of armstrafficking, human rights violations,humanitarian disasters, and environmentaldestruction. Ample endowments of covetedresources have helped push thesecountries to the bottom of most measuresof human development.2

In places like Afghanistan, Angola,Cambodia, Colombia, and Sudan, thepillaging of resources allowed violentconflicts to continue that were initially drivenby grievances or secessionist andideological struggles. Revenues from

between global overview pieces and articlesfocusing on specific countries, as well as abalance between Africa, Asia, and LatinAmerica. We also made a special effort toassemble the key references on this topicand to provide information about what theyinclude and how readers can access them.We sincerely hope that our readers find thisinformation useful and that it contributes tomore effective efforts to reduce armedconflict in forested regions and theenvironmental and social impacts of thoseconflicts that do occur. Hopefully it can alsocontribute to more effective forestry andconservation initiatives in post-conflictsituations.

David KaimowitzCIFORP.O. BOX 6596, JKPWBJakarta [email protected]

Phone: +62 251 622622Fax: +62 251 622100

By Michael Renner

STRUGGLES OVER RESOURCEWEALTH AND CONFLICT*



resource exploitation replaced the supportthat was extended to governments and rebelgroups by superpower patrons but largelyevaporated with the end of the cold war.3

Elsewhere, such as in Sierra Leone or theDemocratic Republic of the Congo,predatory groups initiated violence notnecessarily to gain control of government,but rather as a means of seizing control of aprized resource—typically one of the fewtickets to wealth and power in poorersocieties. They are aided by the massiveproliferation and easy availability of smallarms and light weapons.4

Commercial resource extraction can alsobe a source of conflict where the economicbenefits accrue only to a small domesticelite and multinational companies, whilethe local population shoulders an array ofsocial, health, and environmental burdens.This is particularly the case in countries thatlack democratic governance, are corrupt,and are characterized by extreme dividesamong rich and poor and ethnic tensions.The result has been protests and evenviolent conflict in places like Colombia,Nigeria, Papua New Guinea’s Bougainvilleisland, and Indonesia’s Aceh province.5

Finally, tensions and disputes arise asmajor consumers of natural resourcesjockey for access and control. The historyof oil in particular is one of multi-huedforeign meddling, including support fordictatorships and military interventions, ofwhich the invasion and occupation of Iraqis but the latest chapter. The United States,Russia, and China are backing competingpipeline plans for Caspian resources.Likewise, in their struggle for access toSiberian oil, China and Japan are pushingmutually exclusive export routes. Some

observers have begun to speak of a new“great game”—the term by which the 19th

century British-Russian imperial rivalry wasknown. In Africa, France and tIn North andWest Africa, the United States and Franceare maneuvering for influence bydeepening military ties with undemocraticregimes in Algeria, Gabon, Congo-Brazzaville, and Angola. China it is seekinga greater role for its oil companies,particularly in Sudan, and working toincrease its political clout in Africa and theMiddle East. And the United States is gettingever more deeply involved in Colombia’scivil war, in part to secure the flow of oilagainst rebel attacks on export pipelines. 6

From Pakistan to Central Asia to theCaucasus, and from the easternMediterranean to the Horn of Africa, a densenetwork of U.S. military facilities hasemerged since 2001—with many basesestablished in the name of the “war onterror.” Both the Clinton and Bushadministrations have deepened U.S.involvement in Colombia’s civil war, in partto secure the flow of oil by protecting anexport pipeline against rebel attacks. 7

Overly dependent on natural resources,resource-rich countries often fail to diversifytheir economies, stimulate innovation, orinvest adequately in critical social areas orpublic infrastructure. Resource royaltieshelp political leaders maintain power, evenin the absence of popular legitimacy—byfunding a system of patronage and bybeefing up an internal security apparatusable to suppress challenges to their power.8

A number of conflicts—in Sierra Leone,Liberia, and Angola—have finally come toan end, but others burn on. In theDemocratic Republic of the Congo, foreign



imports—up to half of which are connectedto armed conflict or organised crime.12

Natural resources will continue to fueldeadly conflicts as long as consumersocieties import materials with little regardfor their origin or the conditions under whichthey were produced. Some civil societygroups have sought to increase consumerawareness and to compel companies todo business more ethically throughinvestigative reports and by “naming andshaming” specific corporations. Forinstance, consumer electronics companieswere pressured to scrutinize their suppliesof coltan, a key ingredient of circuit boards,and to ask processing firms to stoppurchasing illegally mined coltan.13

Promoting democratization, justice, andgreater respect for human rights are keytasks, along with efforts to reduce theimpunity with which some governments andrebel groups engage in extreme violence.Another challenge is to facilitate thediversification of the economy away from astrong dependence on primarycommodities to a broader mix of activities. Amore diversified economy, greaterinvestments in human development, andempowering local communities to be strongguardians of the natural resource basewould lessen the likelihood thatcommodities become pawns in a struggleamong ruthless contenders for wealth andpower.

Michael RennerSenior Researcher/ Co-Director, GlobalSecurity Project, Worldwatch Institute1776 Massachusetts Avenue. N.W.Washington, D.C. 20036USA

forces that invaded in 1998 have withdrawn,yet fighting among various domestic armedfactions continues, and elaborate illegalnetworks and proxy forces have been setup that continue to exploit naturalresources.9

The enormous expansion of global tradeand financial networks has made accessto key markets relatively easy for warringgroups. They have had little difficulty inestablishing international smugglingnetworks and sidestepping internationalembargoes, given a degree of complicityamong certain companies and often laxcustoms controls in importing nations.10

Over the past five years or so, awareness ofthe close links between resource extraction,human development, and armed conflicthas grown rapidly. Campaigns by civilsociety groups, investigative reports by UNexpert panels, and greater media interesthave shed light on these connections,making it at least a bitslightly more difficultfor “conflict resources” to be sold on worldmarkets. To discourage illicit deals, revenueflows associated with resource extractionneed to become more transparent, butgovernments, companies, and financialinstitutions often still shirk theirresponsibilities.11

Commodity-tracking regimes are equallyimportant. In the diamond industry, nationalcertification schemes and a standardizedglobal certification scheme—the so-calledKimberley Process —have beenestablished. But the resulting set of rulesstill suffers due to the lack of independentmonitoring and too much reliance onvoluntary measures. Efforts are also underway by the European Union to establish acertification system for its tropical timber



Phone: +1 631 3696896Fax: +1 626 6083189E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.worldwatch.org/about/staff/mrenner/

* A slightly different version of this text waspublished under the same title in WorldwatchInstitute, State of the World 2005 (New York:W.W. Norton, 2005), pp. 96-97.

1 Quarter share of all conflicts is from MichaelRenner, The Anatomy of Resource Wars,Worldwatch Paper 162 (Washington, D.C.:Worldwatch Institute, October 2002), p. 6.Number of deaths estimated from data in MiltonLeitenberg, Deaths in Wars and ConflictsBetween 1945 and 2000 (College Park MD:Center for International and Security Studies,University of Maryland, May 2001). Refugeenumbers derived from UN High Commissionerfor Refugees, at www.unhcr.ch; number ofinternally displaced persons derived from U.S.Committee for Refugees, at www.refugees.org,both viewed 25 August 2002.

2 Renner, op. cit. note 1. In Angola, for instance,some $4.2 billion in state oil revenue disappearedin 1997-2002, a sum roughly equal to the entiresum the government spent on all soxcialprograms during the same period. Human RightsWatch, Some Transparency, No Accountability:The Use of Oil Revenue in Angola and its Impacton Human Rights (New York, January 2004).Human development indicators from U.N.Development Programme, Human DevelopmentReport 2004 (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 2004).

3 Renner, op. cit. note 1, p. 10.4 Ibid. Weapons proliferation from Small Arms

Survey, Small Arms Survey 2004 (New York:Oxford University Press, 2004), and from MichaelRenner, Small Arms, Big Impact: The NextChallenge of Disarmament , Worldwatch Paper137 (Washington, DC: Worldwatch Institute,October 1997).

5 Renner, op. cit. note 1, pp. 35-47.6 Michael T. Klare, Resource Wars: The New

Landscape of Global Conflict (New York:Metropolitan Books, 2001); Michael Renner,“Post-Saddam Iraq: Linchpin of a New Oil Order,”

Foreign Policy in Focus , January 2003.Caspian from Lutz Kleveman, “Oil and the New‘Great Game’,” The Nation, 16 February 2004,pp. 12-13. China-Japan struggle from Ayako Doi,“Asian Enmities. China and Japan Revert toHostility, And Hope for Reconciliation Fades,”Washington Post, 29 August 2004, and fromJames Brooke, “The Asian Battle for Russia ’sOil and Gas,” New York Times , 3 January 2004.www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A40260-2004Aug27.html

6 Julio Godoy, “U.S. and France Begin a GreatGame in Africa,” allAfrica.com, 11 August 2004,a l l a f r i c a . c o m / s t o r i e s / p r i n t a b l e /200408110821.html; Eric Schmitt, “PentagonSeeking New Access Pacts for African Bases,”New York Times, 5 July 2003; Felix Onua,“Nigeria and United States Agree on MilitaryExercises in Oil Delta,” Reuters, 13 August 2004.China from Gerald Butt, “Thirst for Crude PullingChina Into Sudan,” The Daily Star (Beirut,Lebanon), 17 August 2004,w w w . d a i l y s t a r . c o m . l b /printable.asp?art_ID=7398&cat_ID=3 . Colombiafrom Alexandra Guáqueta, “The ColombianConflict: Political and Economic Dimensions,” inKaren Ballentine and Jake Sherman, eds., ThePolitical Economy of Armed Conflict. BeyondGreed and Grievance (Boulder, CO: LynneRienner Publishers, 2003), pp. 73-106.

7 Michael Renner, “Oil and Blood: The Way to TakeOver the World,” World Watch , January/February 2003, p. 21; Lutz Kleveman, “Oil andthe New ‘Great Game’,” The Nation , 16 February2004, pp. 12-13; Seth Mydans, “Georgia and itsTwo Big Brothers,” New York Times, 28November 2003. Colombia from AlexandraGuáqueta, “The Colombian Conflict: Political andEconomic Dimensions,” in Karen Ballentine andJake Sherman, eds., The Political Economy ofArmed Conflict. Beyond Greed and Grievance(Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003),pp. 73-106.

8 Jeffrey D. Sachs and Andrew M. Warner, “NaturalResource Abundance and Economic Growth,”Development Discussion Paper No. 517a(Cambridge, MA: Harvard Institute forInternational Development, 1995); Michael Ross,Extractive Sectors and the Poor (Boston: OxfamAmerica, October 2001), pp. 5, 7–9; William



By Nancy Peluso and Michael Watts

VIOLENT ENVIRONMENTS: ASUMMARY

Reno, “Shadow States and the Political Economyof Civil Wars,” in Mats Berdal and David M.Malone, eds., Greed and Grievance: EconomicAgendas in Civil Wars (Boulder, CO: LynneRienner Publishers, 2000), pp. 45–46, 56–57;Philippe LeBillon, “The Political Ecology of War:Natural Resources and Armed Conflicts,”Political Geography, no. 20 (2001), pp. 561–84.

9 Ongoing fighting from Marc Lacey, “War Is Still aWay of Life for Congo Rebels,” New York Times,21 November 2002, and from Finbarr O’Rreilly,“Rush for Natural Resources Still Fuels War inCongo,” Reuters, 10 August 2004; illegalnetworks from United Nations Security Council,“Final Report of the Panel of Experts on theIllegal Exploitation of Natural Resources andOther Forms of Wealth of the DemocraticRepublic of the Congo” (New York: 16 October2002).

10 Renner, op. cit. note 1.11 Transparency codes and other efforts are

discussed exhaustively in Ian Bannon and PaulCollier, eds., Natural Resources and ViolentConflict: Options and Actions (Washington,D.C.: World Bank, 2003).

12 Bannon and Collier, op. cit. note 11. Ian Smillie,Conflict Diamonds: Unfinished Business(Ottawa, ON, Canada: International DevelopmentResearch Centre, 27 May 2002); U.S.Government Accounting Office, Critical IssuesRemain in Deterring Conflict Diamond Trade(Washington, DC: June 2002), pp. 17–21. RobinPomeroy, “E.U. Bids to Cut Down WorldwideIllegal Timber Trade,” Reuters, 21 May 2003;Jeremy Smith, “E.U. Aims to Stem Illegal RainforestTimber Trade,” Reuters, 14 October 2003.

13 See, for example, the Campaign to EliminateConflict Diamonds in Washington, D.C., atwww.phrusa.org/campaigns/sierra_leone/conflict_diamonds.html, Fatal TransactionsCampaign in Amsterdam at www.niza.nl/fataltransactions/partner.html, Global Witness inLondon at www.globalwitness.org, ChristianAid in London at www.christian-aid.org.uk, andProject Underground in Berkeley, California atwww.moles.org.

Violent Environments both provides acritique of the standard narrative ofrelationships between violence, resources,and environment put forth by writers in thefield of environmental security and suggestsalternative ways of understanding theseconnections. In the introduction to the book,Nancy Peluso and Michael Watts defineviolence as a site-specific phenomenonrooted in local histories and socialrelations, yet connected to larger networksof power relations and processes ofmaterial transformation. The volume’scontributors—an interdisciplinary collectionof anthropologists, geographers,sociologists, and historians—draw on richbodies of literature not normally included inmany policy, political science, oreconomics-driven debates overenvironment and security—namely, politicalecology, agrarian studies, STS-studies, andthe anthropology of violence. In contrast tomore standard approaches, thesecontributions are not intended to merelyidentify the “environmental triggers” of violentconflicts; nor do the writers start from apresumed “resource scarcity.” Rather,Violent Environments accounts for waysthat specific resource environments (suchas agricultural lands, tropical forests, or oilreserves), environmental processes(deforestation, conservation, or resourceabundance), and cultural politics areconstituted by, and in part constitute, thepolitical economy of access to and controlover resources.



violence emerges, the authors in this bookargue that they need to be bothcontextualized and theorized; in otherwords, they can not be viewed as unilateralcauses of violence. Many times, suchfactors work in concert or are produced byviolence.

We strongly disagree with the heavilyMalthusian cast Homer-Dixon (1999) andothers have given to what they call“environmental scarcity” and “violence.” Inour view, and as other authors have argued(see, e.g., Ross, 1999, also Fairhead 2001),it is not simply shortage but also abundancethat can be, and often is, associated withviolence. Moreover, state or internationallysponsored processes of environmentalrehabilitation or amelioration can havenegative effects on competing users andproduce violence as well—in conditions ofboth scarcity and abundance. Scarcity andabundance are historically (andenvironmentally) produced expressions ofthe kinds of social and political relationswe mention above, and as such, should notbe the starting point of an analysis. The casestudies presented in the volumedemonstrate time and again the greatvariation in forms of scarcity, abundance,and appropriation where violence occurs.

The authors in Violent Environments focuson the specific institutions and processesof production, accumulation, and resourceaccess as well as the forms that nature andsocial relations take in aiming to understandthe nature of resource conflict. Thisperspective ties all of our case studiestogether, although there is not a unity ofvision imposed on the authors. Thoughmost of our contributors, and we as editors,start from this approach, we all engage avariety of theoretical insights and grapple

We start with the entitlements by whichdifferent and differentiated individuals,households, and communities possess orgain access to resources within a givenpolitical economy. Our approach placesgreat weight on how these entitlements aredistributed, reproduced, and fought over inthe course of shaping, and being shapedby, patterns of accumulation. We examinethe changing contexts of naturetransformation, who performs the labor, whobears the burdens, and how benefits areclaimed, distributed, and contested.Transformations and instabilities in theconditions and characteristics of nature,environment, or natural resources produceconcomitant “shiftings” of the positions ofresource users, whether the poorestpeasant or the most powerful transnationalcorporations. To begin to understand thecomplexities of violent environments, weargue, it is necessary to understand not onlythe actors—farmers, indigenous peoples,workers, the state, transnational capital—but also to locate them and their relationsto each other in particular historicalmoments or conjunctures. Violence, assuch, is thus best understood throughexamining the social relations withinspecific systems of accumulation and fieldsof power. The forms of violence, whoengages them, and their dynamics areaccordingly expanded, deepened, orcontracted analytically.

We see the strength of this book as itscontributors’ rejections of automatic,simplistic linkages between “ìncreasedenvironmental scarcity,” “decreasedeconomic activity,” and “migration” whichpurportedly weaken states and causeconflicts and violence (Homer-Dixon 1994:31). While these factors may certainly bepresent in situations where environmental



with the strengths and weakness of apolitical ecology model. Political ecologyrepresents a huge body of work, nearly 25years in the making by geographers,anthropologists, and sociologists, workingon resources, environment, culture andpolitics (see, for example Tim Forysth’sreview in Critical Political Ecology, 2003).

Violence as a set of social acts and relationsultimately stands awkwardly in respect toenvironmental concerns. The environmentis increasingly present and yet frequentlyhidden by both the perpetrators andobservers of violence alike. When ViolentEnvironments came out (2001), very littlework had explored explicitly the ways thatenvironmental violence reflected or maskedother forms of social struggle. In general,the ways different forms of violencesystematically figured in environmentalstruggles was seriously under-theorized,despite the fact that global trends towardeconomic and political liberalization havebrought an explosion of new property claimsand protectionist strategies. Oftentimes, theresources and environments providing thefuel for capitalist expansion were kept outof view, as was the violence of theirproduction. Some forms of resourcedevelopment, including conservation,augment existing local tensions derivingfrom religion, ethnicity, gender, and classconflicts. Violent forms of surveillance andcompliance are often used to enforcenaturalized structures of resource control,but these are often obscured or hidden. Asa result, the geographic and historicalshifting of zones of peace and tension(Keane, 1996), and the manner and mediaof their representation, seem basic to anunderstanding of the changingcontemporary landscapes of conservationand environmental management.

The papers in VE are organised in threesections, to suggest and illustrate threedynamic modalities of violent environments:(a) the forms, periodicities, and repertoiresof environmental violence; (b) the intersectionof violent extraction with resource andenvironmental characteristics; and (c) thenormalization of environmental violence. Thefirst set of papers examines the patterns,tactics or rhythms of violence and theirassociations with particular environmentalrelationships, particularly, but not limited to,those involving land. Authors in this sectioninclude Paul Richards, Nancy Peluso andEmily Harwell, James McCarthy, Iain Boal,and Aaron Bobrow-Strain. The second setexamines changing technologies ofextraction and the changing loci of resourcecontrol in relation to the biophysicalcharacteristics of resources or theenvironments within which they are found.The authors in this section include MichaelWatts, James Fairhead, Valerie Kuletz, SusanStonich and Peter Vandergeest, and PaulaGarb and Galina Komarova. The final set ofpapers examines the coercive capacity ofchanging institutions of greengovernmentality and the normalization ofviolence. In this section are papers byRoderick Neumann, Nandini Sundar, AmitaBaviskar, and Ravi Rajan. Betsy Hartmann,in the introductory section, presents asystematic critique of the Project onEnvironment, Population, and Security.

Violent Environments has been deliberatelyconstructed so that there are importantcontinuities, overlaps, intersections andconversations amongst the authors. Inparticular, three themes cut across nearlyall the papers: the direct and indirect rolesof state agencies and actors in creating theconditions for and/or for mobilizing violence;the complex dialectics between resources



UNDERLYING CAUSES OF EXTREMECONFLICT AND TROPICAL FORESTS

By Wil de Jong, Deanna Donovan and KenIchi Abe

and identities (individual and collective) andthe ways such identities are violentlydefended or contested; and the ways thatcommunity can be created from,maintained, and protected by violence.There are no automatic innocents in any ofthese relations and networks, nor is therenecessarily a hope that some abstract stateor force. We simply argue for betterunderstandings of the specific ways in whichhistory, memory, and the practices of people,states, and the forces of capitalism havecome together violently.

Contact:Professor Nancy PelusoDepartment of Enviromental Science, Policyand Management, Division of Society andEnvironment, University of California137 Mulford Hall MC #3114Berkeley, CA 94720USA

E-mail: [email protected]

The book Violent Environments is availablein paperback or hard cover from CornellUniversity Press. (ordering information onpage 127)

References

Fairhead, James. 2001. “International Dimensionsof Conflict over Natural and EnvironmentalResources.” pp. 213-236 in ViolentEnvironments, Nancy Lee Peluso and MichaelWatts, eds. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Forysth, Tim. 2003 Critical Political Ecology.London: Routledge.

Homer-Dixon, 1999. Environment, Scarcity andViolence. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Keane, John. 1996. Reflections on Violence.New York: Verso.

Ross, Michael. 1999. The Political Economy ofthe Resource Curse. World Politics.

A close examination of many of the extremeconflicts in the 20th century shows animportant link with tropical forests. Three-quarters of Asian forests, two thirds of Africanforests and one-third of Latin Americanforests have been affected by violent conflict.The last remaining tropical forests arelocated in areas that over the past twodecades have been subjected to violentconflict.

Direct causal links between extremeconflicts and tropical forests seem obvious.Historically we have seen that forestsprovide refuge for warring factions of allsides. The American War in Vietnam waslargely fought in forested areas. Nicaragua’sContras launched their attacks from thecountry’s forests, and many settled thereonce the conflict ended. Drug lords favourforests because they not only provide landfor illicit crop production and processing,but also shelter from state law enforcementagents. The drug lords and their armieswho control cocaine production in Bolivia,Peru and Colombia operate in remote forestregions. Refugees from wars flee to forestareas because not only can they hide there,they can also find basic resources forsurvival. The refugees from Rwanda fled tothe border region with Congo, and campednear or inside that country’s rich forest.Forests also provide valuable commercialresources with which one or more of theparties can finance militia operations.



Timber sales have been one of theprincipal sources of funding for illegal armsshipments for paramilitary armies of theLiberian government in recent years.

The scholarly debates that try to explain socialand environmental interaction, includingtropical forests and extreme conflicts, can bedivided into three camps:1 The camp that holds that environmental

scarcity is a key driver of future majorconflicts. Some key authors in the ‘scarcity’camp are Kaplan and Homer-Dixon.

2 The camp in the political ecology traditionthat sees complex causes of majorconflicts, including political tensions anddispossession of resources. This ‘power’camp includes key authors such as Salih,Peluso and Watts.

3 The camp that explains major conflicts asa result of the availability of finance, inconditions of poor governance, and a lowperceived value of human life. This‘opportunity’ camp includes key authors,such as Collier and Hoeffler.

In 1994 Robert Kaplan1 pronounced theenvironment will be the security issue of thetwenty-first century. Natural calamities likespreading disease, deforestation, soilerosion, water depletion, air pollution andpossibly rising sea levels in combinationwith exponential population increase, hepredicted, will force large numbers of peopleto migrate, leading to conflicts wheremigrants and residents meet. Homer-Dixon2 made a similar, although slightlydifferent prognosis. He argued that it is notscarcity per se that causes the problem, astechnological change will resolve that issue.Rather a combination of environmentalscarcity, decreased economic activity andresulting migration together will weaken thestate, eventually leading to internal conflicts

and rising violence.

Others take a different route to explain thelink. Salih,3 like many others, argue that userrights and resource control are the keyvariables that link environment,environmental destruction and extremeconflict. Political ecologists commonly arguethat highlighting the environmental in theexplanations overlooks the political-economic roots of conflicts. Their argumentis squarely opposed to the scarcity camp,because, they hold, it is erroneous to suggestthat resource depletion and the povertyengendered lead to conflict. Rather it is theunderlying power imbalance and politicalstructures that result in environmentaldecline. Thus, Peluso and Watts4 argue thatpower lies at the root of conflict and it is nothow much of a resource exists but who hasaccess to its benefits. One recurringphenomenon is governments bringing in theirown people and marginalizing the existingpopulation. Extreme conflicts in most casesare the result of a long history of powerusurpation linked to material control.

Proponents of the third camp5 observe thatmost contemporary conflict is civil or internal.Collier and colleagues conducted statisticalanalysis of a large number of cases to findcorrelations between factors that might becausally linked. Their analysis suggeststhat opportunity for rebellion explains manyconflicts, while indicators of grievance didnot. The availability of finance, they observedas one of the key factors positively correlatedwith opportunity; a second was primarycommodities, such as diamonds or timberthat can provide financial resources. Moneyfrom emigrants enhances opportunity andis another important source of funding fordissident groups. Poor governanceincreases the risk of the conflict actually



occurring. In addition, their analysissuggested that extreme conflicts emerge inareas with low rates of male secondaryeducation enrollment and low per capitaincome, resulting in a low perceived value ofhuman life. A ‘nothing to lose’ attitudedominates, facilitating individuals jumpingat any opportunities for extortion and self-enrichment.

The ten cases discussed in a book editedby the authors of this article6 provide mostevidence for the second or political ecologycamp. In general, chapters on extremeconflicts and tropical forests focus on theimpact of conflict on the forest environmentor on populations who depend upon them.Quite a few conservationists haveexpressed worries about the impact ofextreme conflicts on protected species andoffered solutions. As significant as theimpacts of actual conflict are, post conflictsituations can actually lead to equally if notmore damaging resource plundering. Postconflict situations in which remnant soldiergroups need to find new futures maygenerate new, local conflicts overresources. The latter type of conflictsupports the second argument, the politicalecology explanation of extreme conflicts andtropical forests. Examples are given in thechapters that discuss political plunder inCambodia, largely explained by a politicalreconfiguration in the country, or many ofthe existing conflicts in the tropical, forestedareas of Africa.

Although the traditional role of forests asshelter may never be abandoned, it seemsthat the current role of forest as the sourceof financing is the most threatening. Thelink between forests and power is through‘resources’ (i.e. timber) and markets, thusfiscal arguments raised by the third camp

cannot be ignored. Those who seek powermust have the means to impose their willand for many these means ultimately derivefrom the liquidation of natural assets, toooften forests. This process is increasinglyfacilitated by the advances in technologyworldwide and the ready availability of eagercommercial collaborators.

Authors affiliation:W. de Jong - ProfessorJapan Center for Area Studies, NationalMuseum of EthnologyE-mail: [email protected]

D.DonovanTropical Forest ConsultantE-mail: [email protected]

K.I. Abe - Associate ProfessorJapan Center for Area Studies, NationalMuseum of EthnologyE-mail: [email protected].

1 Kaplan, R.D. 1994. The coming of anarchy:How scarcity, crime and overpopulation anddisease are rapidly destroying the social fabricof our planet. Atlantic Monthly, February, 44-76. 1994.

2 Homer-Dixon, T. 1994. Environmental scarcityand violent conflict: Evidence from cases.International Security 19:5-40.

3 Salih, M. 1997. Politics of poverty managementand environment: Displacement byconservation. Paper.

4 Peluso, Nancy and Michael Watts. 2001. ViolentEnvironments. Cornell University Press, Ithaca.

5 Collier, P., A. Hoeffler, M. Söderbom. 2001.Onthe Duration of Civil War. Policy ResearchWorking Paper 2681. Washington, D.C.: TheWorld Bank

6 Donovan, D., de Jong, W. Abe, K. (eds).Extreme Conflicts and Tropical Forests.(forthcoming)



Conflict financed or sustained through theharvest and sale of timber, or conflictemerging as a result of competition overtimber or other forest resources is a majorchallenge to development, furtherimpoverishing and contributing to instabilityin many countries in Asia, Africa and LatinAmerica. The United States Agency forInternational Development (USAID) hastaken a strong stance on the issue and isactively funding activities to reduce conflictwhile creating opportunities for sustainablelivelihoods. Our comprehensive approachto directly reduce conflict includes rigorousanalysis, strategy development, engagingstaff and implementing activities incountries across the globe.

Analysis and strategiesSince 2001, USAID has been working withthe Foundation for Environmental Securityand Sustainability (FESS) to develop anenvironmental security framework toaddress a broad range of environmentalissues, including deforestation, as theyapply to regional security, stability andconflict. FESS’ Environmental SecurityAssessment Framework (ESAF) is ananalytical tool that assists in evaluating,assessing, prioritising and monitoringregional environmental threats. A fieldassessment in Nepal constituted a pilot testof ESAF. Further information can be foundat www.fess-global.org.

As a first step for well-targeted and effective

REDUCING VIOLENT CONFLICTSOVER FORESTS

By Mary Melnyk, Jay Singh, Scott Bode, KimSais and Julie Kunen

programming related specifically to forestsand conflict, in 2002 USAID commissionedthe analysis Conflict Timber: Dimensionsof the Problem in Asia and Africa (http://w w w . a r d i n c . c o m / h t m / p r o j e c t s /p_timber.htm). Its primary objective was acomprehensive examination of theeconomic, ecological, political, social andsecurity dimensions of conflict timber in Asiaand Africa. It profiles 14 countries with in-depth case studies of Indonesia and theDemocratic Republic of the Congo. Furtherin-depth analyses have been done for thePhilippines and Cambodia. This analysisidentified a strong link between conflicttimber and poor, inequitable systems ofgovernance. Ambiguous property rights toforests further promoted struggles overtimber. Also, loose financial oversightgenerates opportunities for powerfulindividual actors (military, police, politicians)to engage in conflict timber activities.

To raise awareness and engage staff on theissue of forests and conflicts and othernatural resources, a series of reports havebeen developed. These reports, entitledtoolkits, should help staff develop strategiesto reduce or prevent conflict. They arediscussed in the paper by Feil and Voils (thisissue, page 19).

Activities to reduce conflict over forestresourcesUSAID offices around the world are workingon programs to reduce conflict over forestresources. Vital to many activities is theempowerment of local communities tomanage their forest resources and theincorporation of natural resourcesmanagement into programs to strengthendemocracy and the rule of law. With USAIDassistance in the Philippines, localgovernments and communities jointly



assessed forest status and decided onforest allocation while adopting andbudgeting for forest use plans. The forestland use plans govern who has rights tothe forests, law enforcement, forestprotection, and production-related activities.In 2003, for example, 31 local governmentscommitted $270 000 to reduce illegallogging, place open-access areas undermanagement, and mitigate forest-relatedconflicts on at least 670 000 hectares offorestlands.

Grants to local NGOs in Cambodia areworking to resolve forest and land conflictsby disseminating information tocommunities on their legal rights inaccordance with Cambodia’s new Forestryand Land Laws. The NGOs will work withethnic minorities to demarcate theirancestral lands, register these claims withprovincial authorities and prevent the furtherencroachment of forests by immigrants. Inresponse to communities’ requests, theNGOs will also strengthen their capacity toorganise and manage forests, whileproviding them with cell phones to reportillegal logging to authorities. Likewise, inEcuador, USAID support to the WorldWildlife Fund assisted the Awa indigenousgroup to develop a new forest strategy thatformally recognized their ancestral rights tothe forest, thus helping to resolve anongoing land tenure conflict.

There are many conflicts over forest and landuse in the watershed areas of Lampung,Indonesia. Yet, now there are opportunitiesto address these conflicts because manygovernment functions have beendecentralized. Methods to negotiate land andforest disputes are being developed by theWorld Agroforestry Center (ICRAF) andpartners, supported by USAID. Policy

dialogue on tenure and negotiations on landuse have begun to yield significant results.Several agreements have been reachedbetween farmer groups and localgovernment. A consultative group composedof government officials, community membersand non-governmental and researchorganisations has also been organised withICRAF’s assistance at the West Lampungdistrict level and a framework policy forIntegrated Natural Resource Management iscurrently being drafted.

In Senegal, conflict over use of forestresources arose between indigenouspeople and migrant farmers. A conflictassessment involving about 5 000residents, development partners andbusinesses in the area identified pragmaticoptions for addressing the conflict, and anensuing meeting opened dialogue fordrafting an action plan. Subsequently, thecommunity developed another action planto promote sustainable management of the73 000-ha Pata forest, creating forest-monitoring committees. This alsostrengthened democratic processes whilereducing conflicts over these resources.

The Liberia Forest Initiative explicitlyaddresses conflict timber and the need forreform of the forestry sector. It is a UnitedStates government effort to help accomplishLiberia’s transition from war to peace. Toavoid the use of timber to finance conflictand to promote the gainful employment ofex-combatants, the program will establisha new system for competitive andtransparent allocation of forestconcessions, and it will employ ex-combatants for forest conservation.Furthermore, the program will work to gainrights for communities to manage forests.Other elements of the program will develop



USAID emphasizes the need to closely linkdevelopment cooperation to conflictmanagement. In an effort to strengthenconflict management as a crosscuttingtheme, the Office of Conflict Management andMitigation (CMM) was established in 2002.Recognising the complexities of violentconflicts and their multifaceted drivers, CMMcommissioned a series of briefing paperson how conflict relates to various themes,including youth, health and naturalresources. In the framework of this effort, theCenter for International Forestry Research(CIFOR; Bogor, Indonesia), the WoodrowWilson International Center for Scholars(Washington DC), and Adelphi Research(Berlin, Germany) were asked to submit threepapers on the linkages between conflict andwater, minerals and forest.

The aim of these briefing papers is to raiseawareness among mission employees onthe links between different natural resourcesand conflict, and to assist USAID in theirprogram development by integrating conflictprevention and natural resourcemanagement. Throughout the project it wasclear that USAID required accessible andpractical toolkits that would give employeeson the ground a quick understanding of themajor issues related to these naturalresources and conflict as well as practicalguidance on how to recognize and addresssuch conflicts in their own work.

By Moira Feil and Olivia Voils

MAINSTREAMING FOREST ANDCONFLICT DYNAMICS INDEVELOPMENT COOPERATION: AFOREST AND CONFLICT TOOLKIT

regional collaboration for a cross-borderpeace park and a transparent process forthe administration of budgets by Liberia’sForest Development Authority.

The futureUSAID’s approach is part of a growingconcerted effort to address naturalresources, specifically forests, taking intoaccount the environment, corruption,government accountability, and economicgrowth so as to reduce conflicts, empowerlocal populations and improve their health,and create conditions for sustainablegrowth. Working across regions andtechnical areas, USAID hopes to achievemultiple benefits for development byreducing conflicts over forests.

More information on request from:Mary Melnyk ([email protected]), AsiaNear East Bureau, Office of TechnicalSupport

Jay Singh ( [email protected]), Bureau forDemocracy, Conflict and HumanitarianAssistance, Office of Conflict Managementand Mitigation

Scott Bode ([email protected]) and Kim Sias([email protected]) Bureau for EconomicGrowth, Agriculture and Trade (EGAT), Officeof Environmental Science and Policy

Julie Kunen ([email protected])EGAT Bureau, Office of Natural ResourceManagement

Address of Authors care of their office:USAID1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NWWashington, DC 20523USA



USAID specified that the briefing papersshould inform development advisers in aconcise and practical way about forest andconflict issues. The result was a toolkitcomprising four sections: key issues andlessons learned summarizes the mainlinkages between forests and violentconflicts; program options give examplesof innovative projects that address the keyissues and illustrate how they can betackled; the survey instrument lists onepage of questions that should helppractitioners identify forest-related conflictsensitivities in their working environmentand related to their activities; and contactslists prominent organisations and expertsin the field of forests and conflicts. Thesesections are closely linked, with contactsrelating to program options, the examplesderiving from the lessons learned which inturn mirror the key issues.

One challenge in building the toolkit wasthe definition of conflicts. It was finallydecided to include violence as a decisivefactor, ranging from sporadic violent actionsto large-scale civil violence and war. Animmediate important concern is timber asa means to finance violent conflict, as inBurma, Cambodia, the DemocraticRepublic of Congo (DRC), Ivory Coast andLiberia. The issue of logging and relatedlower-scale conflicts has direct relevancefor the work of development agentsoperating in diverse countries all over theworld. This includes the questions of loggingconcessions, land and resource ownership,distribution of logging income and thesocial, cultural and environmental impactsof logging that can lead to distress andfrustration. These lower-scale issues arein return embedded in larger structures anddevelopments. A key crosscutting issue isgovernance, ranging from problems of

corruption to decisions on economic policy.Another key issue pointed out in the toolkitis the impact of violent conflicts on forests,which in return has effects on livelihoodsand sustainable development.

Lessons learned relating to these keyissues were gathered from reports,conferences and interviews withdevelopment agency representatives.These lessons turned out to be general andstructural in nature and closely related todevelopment work. They include the needfor participation and partnerships to avoidconflicts over land and forest ownership andlogging concessions and the related needto strengthen forest governance, which inreturn relates to crosscutting themes suchas transparency and strong governanceinstitutions. Some more specific forest-related lessons are the need to strengthenindigenous land rights and on the otherhand, public procurement and corporatesocial responsibility.

For the section on program options, differentsources were screened and European andNorth American development agents acrossthe globe were interviewed by telephone.The resulting shortlist of examples reflectsthe diverging scale of the key issues raised,from broader governance initiatives (e.g. theFLEG process) to small-scale, localprojects where for example stakeholderdialogues helped overcome conflicts withinforest communities. The listed optionsillustrate the forest and conflict links raisedin the first section and describe a selectionof appropriate responses to (potential)conflict situations.

The survey instrument should help readersdevelop sensitivity to forest and conflict linksand review their own projects and context in



The issue of nature conservation duringconflicts is often neglected, since the humantragedy and the necessary humanitarian aidare given preference over conservingecosystems and species. However,preventing ecological disasters, habitatdegradation and species extinctioneffectively contributes to maintaining thequality of people’s environment, facilitatingthe restoration of livelihoods after and evenduring conflict; therefore, it deserves moreattention from the international community.

Since its establishment in 1975, the WorkingGroup Ecology and Development –a groupof independent Dutch natureconservationists– has aimed to putneglected issues of development andnature conservation on the national andinternational agendas. Because the issueof nature in war was important and largelyneglected, the Working Group organised aninternational seminar on the subject in 2000and published the book “Nature in War,biodiversity conservation during conflicts”(Blom et al. 2000, eds.: Blom, E., Bergmans,W., Dankelman, I., Verweij, P., Voeten, M. &Wit, P. Mededelingen No 37. NetherlandsCommittee for International NatureProtection. Publisher: Backhuys Leiden.-announced in this issue p 125). Since then ithas been fuelling the discussions on thissubject through lectures at universities andinternational meetings. Members of theworking group have also been contributing

PROTECTING NATURE IN WAR:HOW DIFFERENT STAKEHOLDERSCAN HELP

By Esther Blom

that light. The questions relate to theunderlying themes and should help thereader identify issues at different levels(local, structural etc.) from variousperspectives.

The toolkit proved a challenging exercisedue to the very tight space constraints. Whilethe briefing paper cannot reflect the fullcomplexity of forest and conflict links, itspecifically informs a non-specialized butvery active audience on this relationship. Inview of this tool’s structure as a vehicle forspreading important issues, insights andideas, it would be interesting to expand andfrequently update the program optionssection. Later, indicators relating to each ofthe program option approaches could bedefined to enable development practitionersto identify progress in this area, and in asecond feedback loop the toolkit could beenhanced and fine-tuned.

Moira FeilE-mail: [email protected]

Olivia VoilsE-mail: [email protected]

Adelphi Research gGmbHCaspar-Theyss-Strasse 14aD - 14193 BerlinGermany

Phone: +49 30 8900068-30Fax: +49 30 8900068-10Website: http://www.adelphi-research.de



to nature conservation in the field during andafter conflicts through the CIMIC initiative(see below).

During the international seminar, a numberof recommendations were formulated forthe various stakeholders that may beinvolved in conflicts.

International nature conservationorganisations need to establishcooperation with local groups becausethese are well informed on the currentsituation in the area and can often continuetheir work in the region even when a conflicthas developed. Promoting cross-bordercooperation is also important, especially inregional conflicts, since it could promotedialogue and contribute to peace building.It is of little use to start a conservationprogramme in times of conflict; the basisshould already be there before the conflictstarts. It is important to use any possiblemeans (like humanitarian programmes) tostay in contact and to support the natureconservation network in the conflict area.

Local and international NGOs often mustbuild or maintain relations with the variousparties involved in a conflict, and must findtheir own way to fulfil their tasks. Thisrequires evident neutrality towards thevarious parties even while cooperating withthem and, where possible, creating greaterawareness of the need to protect theenvironment and natural resources of thepeople affected by the conflict.

Local NGOs should seek diverse financialsupport. In times of conflict, this may evenbecome crucial since donors are ofteninclined to withdraw their financial supportwhen a conflict breaks out.

Donors should provide a certain degree offunding flexibility; flexible and independentminimum funding should be available, theuse of which may be adapted to the situation.An example of a flexible funding mechanismis provided by the Netherlands Committeefor IUCN (NC-IUCN). Their small grants (ontropical rainforests, wetlands, dry areas andpurchase of nature areas) have supportednumerous nature conservation initiatives oflocal NGOs during intensive or moderateconflicts. Some of these projects werespecifically aimed at mitigating the impactof the conflicts but others were just focusedon keeping the regular conservation workgoing, despite the chaotic and sometimeslife-threatening situations.

Examples of small projects continuing inconflict situations

Two wetland projects in the lowlands andone project in the Himalayas in Nepalmanaged to continue work, albeit withrestrictions, in the Government–Maoistsconflict. In DR Congo a project by‘Promotion des Initiatives Locales’ helpeda group of refugees that had establishedthemselves in an ecologically vulnerablearea relocate to a new area and assistedthem in developing sustainable agriculture.In Colombia, the Fundación Biodiversidaddel Trópico protected the last remnants ofthe Middle Magdalena lowland forest in theCentral Cordillera from expandingagriculture, infrastructure and mining, theirwork under threat from paramilitary groupsin the area. In Burma, the Pan KachinDevelopment Society –supported by theNetherlands Committee for IUCN– startedup awareness campaigns on environmentand human rights, despite the high densityof military in the state.



Governments or international entitiesconsidering intervention in an area of actualor potential conflict should include in thearguments the damage by armed conflictsto ecosystem functioning, biodiversity andnatural resources of the local people. In thisregard, the environmental sensitivity of thehosting areas should also be taken intoconsideration in managing and directingrefugee flows.

Intervention forces should have guidelinesfor military and peacekeeping activities thatinclude measures to prevent or limit, wherepossible, environmentally harmful activities.Awareness and sensitivity should becreated among the staff on environmentalissues in general and biodiversity issuesspecifically. Intervention forces should try toassess the actual damage that conflictshave imposed on the environment so thatthis information can be used whenrehabilitating the area. Priority should begiven to enabling those organisations thatincorporate conservation of nature andnatural resources in their activities.

An interesting development in this contextis NATO’s CIMIC initiative. CIMIC stands forCivil-Military Cooperation and involves sixpartner countries. Its main aim is torehabilitate civil society in conflict areas.CIMIC has been active in the Balkan, Iraqand Afghanistan. It provides functionalspecialists –professionals with expertisethat can be applied in the conflict areas. Thefive clusters of expertise are governance,humanitarian aspects, infrastructure,economy and trade (including agriculture).Environment and nature are not specificfocal subjects but their importance isrecognised. The Working Group Ecologyand Development has a link with this taskforce through the recent participation of one

of its members as nature and environmentspecialist.

Consumers, governments and politiciansshould be clearly aware of the origin of theproducts offered from conflict areas suchas timber, gold, diamonds or coltan and theviolent circumstances under which theproduction takes place. Consumers shoulddemand that the products they buy are cleanin the sense that no bloodshed orenvironmental destruction should beinvolved in their production. Labelling ofproducts, like the FSC label for sustainablyproduced timber, may be applied to otherproducts as well. In some branches, as inthe diamond industry, first steps have beentaken to prevent trade in these products fromconflict areas.

There is an urgent need for furtherinformation sharing and data collection inorder to determine the actual impact ofconflicts on the environment. Internationalfora, involving the whole spectrum ofstakeholders, could further strengthen andpromote the mutual actions. Preventing andmitigating negative impacts of conflicts onnature should appear higher on theinternational and national agendas.

With thanks to Pita Verweij and Piet Wit

The author may be contacted through :Werkgroep Ecologie en OntwikkelingNederlands Comité voor IUCNPlantage Middenlaan 2K1018 DD AmsterdamThe Netherlands




Disputes over the control of naturalresources, such as oil, diamonds andtimber are at the heart of many conflicts,with income derived from natural resourcesproviding the funding for many more.Revenue from timber sales in particular hasperpetuated some of the world’s mostbrutal conflicts, providing the financial andlogistical support with which governmentsand rebel groups have fuelled their warmachines. The individuals involved inresource trading and the routes they useare often the same as those traffickingweapons and mercenaries. Moreover, thevery nature of conflict precludes properplanning for the exploitation of naturalresources and this almost invariably resultsin unsustainable practices and destructionof a resource that could have formed thebasis of future sustainable development.Unless the nexus between naturalresources and conflict is addressed,conflicts fuelled by resources such as timberwill continue and active peace will remainelusive.

What is Conflict Timber?Global Witness defines ‘conflict timber’ asthat which ‘has been traded in a way thatdrives violent armed conflict and threatensnational or regional security’. The phrasewas coined by Global Witness in 1999, andpopularised through a UN report in 2001on the Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC), where timber was one of manynatural resources that have been fuelling

the world’s deadliest conflict since WWII,with at least 3.5 million war-related deaths.

Conflict timber is distinct from illegally-sourced timber, which has been logged incontravention of national or internationallaws. However, in both instances importantrevenue is removed from the government’sbudgetary oversight, and often goesunnoticed by the international community. Itis this lack of transparency and activeoversight by domestic and internationalactors that allows the relationship of timber,weapons, mercenaries and cross-bordertrafficking of all three to continue.

A Global ProblemWhile it does not yet generate public concernlike the trade in ‘blood diamonds’, the tradein conflict timber has fuelled violence incountries across the globe, includingLiberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire,Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),Burma, and Cambodia, and has facilitatedendemic corruption and human rightsabuses in many more.

In Liberia, the logging industry providedextra-budgetary income and logistics thatfacilitated weapons imports and support forforeign rebel groups, including the notoriousRUF in Sierra Leone and the MPIGO andMJP in western Cote d’Ivoire. While theLiberian logging industry generatedhundreds of millions of dollars annually, verylittle to none of that ended up being passedon as benefits to average Liberians as tensof millions of dollars worth of timber revenuewent unaccounted for within the government.In the DRC, Zimbabwe’s militaryinvolvement in the war there wascompensated by a secret deal to award to aZanu-PF company the world’s largest timberconcession, while timber revenue was used

FUELLING WARS WITH CONFLICTTIMBER

By Mike Lundberg and Alice Blondel



to fuel fighters in the northeast of the countryand exports were of such a significantamount that the market cost of timber inneighbouring Uganda dropped by half.

In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge derivedUS$10-20 million per month from illegalexports to Thailand, facilitated by the highestlevels of the Thai government, the Thaimilitary and Cambodia’s two primeministers at the time. While in Burma, whichhas been steeped in conflict for decades,timber revenue totalling over US$280million per year (in 2001) helps sustain thebrutal military government, while rebelgroups have also financed their war effortsthrough timber sales.

Dealing with conflict timberThere are various ways the internationalcommunity can work to help ensure thatconflict timber no longer provides fundingand logistics to warring parties. One optionis the imposition of UN Security Council(UNSC) sanctions: in May 2003, the UNSCimposed sanctions on the Liberian loggingindustry, for the first time explicitlyrecognising timber as a conflict resourcethat can threaten international peace andsecurity. The sanctions have helped bringabout the end to active conflict and haveplaced a number of logging industry actorson travel ban and asset-freeze lists.However, the sanctions are not a panacea,as armed groups continue to profit fromdomestic timber sales and there arenumerous reforms to enact before thesanctions can be lifted, and the timberdeclared conflict-free.

In Cambodia, while the UN did not directlyorder timber sanctions, it endorsed andinstructed peacekeepers and neighbouringstates to uphold a government decision to

ban timber exports (S/1992/792). However,the ban went largely un-enforced, and thusto stop the trade Global Witness begandocumenting illegal timber exports toThailand. Within days of Global Witnesspresenting its evidence in mid 1995, theThai government closed its border withCambodia, significantly reducing theKhmer Rouge’s ability to fuel its conflict.Attention then turned to monitoring theborders, which the US government playedan important role in, and lobbying othercountries to encourage changes inCambodia’s forest-use policies. This hasultimately led to a number of reforms andthe hiring of an independent monitor, but asin Liberia there are still ongoing problemsof illegal logging and corruption related tothe timber industry that remain to beaddressed.

There is also a critical role to be played byimporting companies, their financiers andcustomers. Just as consumers activelyquestion the origins of some products—forgenetic modification, child labour and fairtrade—the same consideration should begiven to whether timber products havefuelled human rights abuses and civil war.Due diligence by purchasers, their brokersand timber trade associations, inconsultation with knowledgeable localactors, should highlight any links to conflictand determine whether or not trading inthose products violates OECD guidelinesor other national and international businesspractices. Similarly, local and internationalcivil society should also do more researchinto the effects of the timber trade in conflict-prone areas, and use that evidence to lobbyprocessors, retailers and consumers tosecure more sustainable sources of wood.The various certification schemes availablecould, through an added awareness of the



geopolitical and social impact of the industryin a particular country or region, incorporateconcerns over conflict timber. In the absenceof a UNSC resolution, timber-importingcountries could also impose smartsanctions on a unilateral or multilateralbasis, as Article XXI(c) of the GeneralAgreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)provides for exemptions relating to securityconcerns.

Increasing UN capacity regarding conflicttimberAs the UN is often called upon to sort out aconflict, it is critical that it expand its capacityto effectively deal with conflict resources. Inaddition to timber sanctions, Liberia markedfirst time that a UN peacekeeping missionwas specifically mandated to help agovernment assume full control over itsnatural resources. Such consideration ofnatural resources should be mainstreamedinto all UN activities. The UN should alsoadopt a policy to secure only legal andsustainable sources of timber forreconstruction, lest those purchases fuelmore corruption or conflict.

The UN should build upon its broadinstitutional knowledge of conflict resourcesand the way in which the trade in naturalresources, arms and mercenaries areinterlinked. Creating a permanent or semi-permanent body to manage suchinformation and conduct its own researchwould be an efficient move, ensuring theretention of Expert Panel evidence, updatingof information on resource and weaponstrafficking networks, and deepening theUNSC’s understanding of the economicand logistical levers it can use to addressinstability and conflict. This would affordthe UN greater capacity to engage inpreventative planning by the Secretariat and

UN missions, and develop more effectiveresponses by the UNSC should crisesarise.

ConclusionThe problem of conflict timber is global inscope, and an appreciation of its scale andability to perpetuate conflict essential. Whilethere are many ways to tackle the problemof conflict timber, progress will be basednot upon the immediate policy successesor government decree but on the efficacy ofongoing reforms, with sustainable andtransparent management of timberresources. Such success will ultimatelydepend on the actions and understandingof the UN, donor community, nationalgovernments and civil society that—fundamental to ensuring active peace andlong-term security—they must sever thelinks between natural resources andconflict.

Contact:Mike LundbergE-mail: [email protected]

Alice BlondelE-mail: [email protected]

Global WitnessPO Box 6042London N19 5WPUnited Kingdom

Phone: +44 207 2726731



In 1899 the first Hague Peace Conferenceconvened 100 delegates from 26 countries,including three of the first recipients of theNobel Peace Prize. All had high hopes forpeace in the coming century. The countriesrepresented 75 percent of the world’speople and resources, largely aconsequence of colonial rule that acquiredby force natural resources, goods, andhuman labour. From our viewpoint today thePeace Conference was strangely silent onthe linkages among inequity, civil instability,and violent conflict. There was no mentionat all of the status and use of naturalresources –such as forests– in peace or inwar. King Leopold of Belgium, allowed soleownership of the Congo by the world, wasan icon for the terrible paradox. Between1880 and 1920, his ruthless and violentexploitation of its forest resources directlycaused the deaths of approximately 10million people, half of the total population.The area still suffers from conflict andviolence over forests and governance.

We know today that forests are central tothe life of the planet, covering 40 percent ofthe earth’s terrestrial surface andharbouring 80 percent of its biodiversity. Theyare crucial to the generation and quality offreshwater flow and are key to atmosphericmaintenance. Most of the low-incomepopulations classified by the World Bankhaving subsistence economies are ruraland highly dependent upon localeconomies and resources. For example,

biodiversity in the Andes and Amazonia isboth a crucial local process and a globalpublic good –encompassing food security,health care, and local as well as globalenvironmental quality.

Viewing biodiversity as a global or primarilyeconomic resource only may ignore theimportant local uses and meanings criticalfor peace and stability among indigenousand traditional peoples. Unless thesevalues are taken into account, economicdecisions can have unanticipated adverseimpacts on ecosystems, with a variety ofcascading effects on subsistenceagriculture, irrigation and other water uses,pollination, crop improvement andprotection, and possibly more.

Throughout the world natural forests are themost extensive and accessible terrestrialresources. They are the environmental bankof capital and credit supporting individualsubsistence and community resilience, aswell as a growing global demand for woodfibre. However, elite groups seek toconcentrate wealth from forests byextraction and exploitation, wasting theessential capital of the earth’s life support,damaging the global fabric of biodiversityand exhausting the environmental assetsof the local resource-dependent poor.Rampant deforestation from unrestrictedexploitation impacts regions far largerbeyond the forest boundary, unraveling thequality and structure of biodiversity,ecosystem services, public health, andenvironmental stability.

Recent studies have shown thatdeforestation acts as a significant predictorof social disintegration, civil instability andarmed conflict. In over 120 countries,deforestation has been found to be inversely

BEYOND TREES: FORESTS, WAR,AND UNEASY PEACE

By Kheryn Klubnikin and Douglas Causey



related to the strength of the rule of law, withgeneral lawlessness and dysfunctionalgovernance acting as key factors.“Disinvestments” in forest ecosystemsappear to reflect a breakdown ingovernance. Elites, such as a controllingrebel group, members of a ruling junta, orother economic interests profit in the chaosof loss. Primary commodities such asforests are lootable resources inviting rapideconomic over-exploitation, the essentialfuel of civil wars –the dominant form ofconflict since 1946. Their origins areperplexing and not well researched. Manylack a distinct beginning or end. They lastalmost twice as long as interstate wars,consume the societies in which they occur,and take billions in world aid and finance torebuild. Women and children are theprimary casualties, and many children areforced into fighting.

Despite these trends, the concepts ofinternational security that emerged from theend of World War II through the presentcontinue to focus on sovereign leadershipand hegemony, regional alliances andnuclear weapons. Current internationalsecurity theory does not seem to addressthe fundamental challenges presented byforest losses, environmental degradationand civil wars to the global population.Protection of the environment, resourcemanagement and individual human welfareform a new and growing security challengethat relates closely to ecological practiceand global policy. Ultimately it reflects acalculus about who has access to, andcontrol of, the essential support functionsof the natural world.

Gifford Pinchot, the first Chief of the USForest Service, said in a famous addressgiven in 1940: “Conservation is clearly a

world necessity…international cooperationin conserving, utilizing, and distributingnatural resources…might well remove oneof the most dangerous of all obstacles to ajust and permanent world peace…”. In 1908he had worked with Theodore Roosevelt onan international meeting for whichinvitations had been sent to countries, butwhich was stopped by a turnabout in thePresidential election. Until his death in 1947Pinchot fought for a world environmentconference and its implication for peace. In1949 the UN held such a meeting, but it fellfar short of Pinchot’s dream.

We believe that the nexus of conflict and theenvironment is already shaping thetrajectory of societies and our commonplanetary future. Science, particularly theecological sciences, urgently need to workwith the peace and conflict community andwith the rest of society. There is a need toidentify the prospects for the environmentas an important element across severalscales that can help shape confidencebuilding, reconciliation, and peace.

A list of references is available on requestfrom [email protected]

We thank P. Aspiri for his comments.

Kheryn KlubnikinEcologist, USDA Forest Service Researchand Development, Washington, DC

Douglas CauseySenior Biologist, Museum of ComparativeZoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA



The Upper Guinean forest belt of West Africa–from eastern Sierra Leone to westernGhana– is prized for its biodiversity;especially the Liberian forests. The areaaround the Nimba Mountains –whereLiberia, Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire meet– isamong 25 most important biological “hotspots” of global conservation significance.It is also home to four of Africa’s current orrecent civil wars.

Civil war began in Liberia on 24th December1989 with an incursion into Nimba Countyby fighters seeking to overthrow Samuel K.Doe’s government. The major faction wasled by a dissident Americo-Liberian,Charles Taylor. Groups with connections tothe war in Liberia became involved inconflicts in neighbouring countries (SierraLeone, Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire). TheRevolutionary United Front (RUF), launchingits rebellion from forests on the Liberianborder, fought successive governments inSierra Leone from 1991 to 2002.Insurrections against President Conteh ofGuinea flared in 2000, especially in foresteddistricts adjacent to Liberia, assisted by theRUF. War resumed in Liberia, 1999-2003,when groups backed by Guinea, SierraLeone and Cote d’Ivoire tried to unseatCharles Taylor, president since elections in1997. Fighting erupted in Cote d’Ivoire in2002, when an army revolt divided the

country into a government-controlled forestbelt in the south and a rebel-controlledsavanna north. President Gbagbo’sgovernment also faced a secondinsurgency, launched by the MouvementPopulaire Ivoirien du Grand Ouest (MPIGO),in forested terrain around Danane, the townfrom which Charles Taylor’s faction firstlaunched its invasion of Liberia. After 15years, the wheel of forest war had come fullcircle.

Unemployed young people, with littleeducation and poor job prospects, joinmilitias to escape a life of grinding poverty.Once skilled in war, the fighters move amongthe factions with little regard for nationalboundaries. The four Upper Guinean forestconflicts are sometimes referred to by thename of the river that threads its way throughthe thick forests along the border betweenLiberia and Sierra Leone. Increasingly, it isrealised these Mano River conflicts requireregional solutions. Since the forest is acommon element it is worth asking whetherthe forest itself contributed to war, and if so,how forest management might assistconflict resolution.

The Liberian war was substantially fundedby logging operations. Ambassador WilliamTwaddell, testifying to the Africa sub-committee of the US House ofRepresentatives in 1996, estimated theTaylor rebels gained $75 million annuallyfrom diamond, timber and rubber exports.Liberia accounts for about 40 percent of theremaining Upper Guinean forest. Timberexports (mainly to France) from portscontrolled by Taylor was valued at $53 millionper year during the period 1990-94, fundingpurchase of cheap Eastern European armsand ammunition. The Liberian Constitutionof 1986 requires natural resources to be

THE MANO RIVER CONFLICTS ASFOREST WARS

By Paul Richards

2. AFRICA



managed “in such a manner as shall ensuremaximum feasible participation of Liberiancitizens under conditions of equality”. AfterCharles Taylor became president of Liberiahe took over the granting of concessions bydecree. From 1999 timber was the regime’smain source of support, accounting for halfof export earnings and 20 percent of GDP.The main concessionaire –the OrientalTimber Company– exported timber worth $36million in 2000 and $43 million in 2001. TotalLiberian timber exports in 2001 wereestimated at $80 million.

Taylor’s support for the RUF in Sierra Leonegained him international notoriety. TheSecurity Council authorised a sanctionsregime, including a ban on internationaltrade in “all round logs and timber productsoriginating in Liberia” (SC Resolution 1521of 2003) to deprive combatants of theirrevenue. A weakened Mr Taylor, under militarypressure from two directions, agreed to aNigerian offer of asylum and vacated thepresidency in August 2003, being replacedby an interim government of national unity,pending elections in 2006. Meanwhile, a15000 -strong United Nations peacekeepingforce has deployed throughout the country,and demobilization of armed factions hasbegun. UN peacekeeping forces, backed byBritish troops, had earlier brought an end tothe long-running conflict in Sierra Leone, andsuccessfully disarmed c. 70000 combatants.French troops were deployed between thefactions in Cote d’Ivoire, and the Guineanrebels appear to have been defeatedmilitarily. There is now a chance to end allfour conflicts, but lessons need to be learned.

The Upper Guinean forest has proved anideal environment for low-intensity guerrillawarfare, in which the agents were oftenirregulars recruited from among

marginalized rural young people skilful inbush survival. The tactics were largely basedon ambush and raiding, drawing extensivelyon local knowledge of forest by-ways. Ill-equipped government troops in Liberia andSierra Leone had little capacity for a kind ofjungle warfare the American army founddaunting in Vietnam. Air attacks –by Nigerianpeacekeeping forces– probably inflictedmore casualties on civilians than on rebels,well hidden in caves and other securerecesses in the forest. The RUF in SierraLeone became especially adept at this kindof jungle warfare, until flushed into the openby the night vision equipment and helicoptergunships of South African mercenaries.

A factor in war spreading from Liberia toSierra Leone, Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire hasbeen that significant portions of theinternational borders these countries sharewith Liberia are thickly forested. Cross-border forest populations are often linkedby kinship and marriage, and much localcommerce and social interaction takesplaces via unregulated cross-border foresttracks and footpaths. The rebels mingle withthe locals, promising to help right ancientwrongs –e.g. land or chieftaincy lost throughthe arbitrary imposition of colonial bordersor the expropriation of allegedly “empty” landas government logging or conservationreserves. British post-war aid to SierraLeone has emphasised retraining anational army equipped to defend itsborders. But there is only so much that canbe achieved with better maps, night visiongoggles and counter-insurgency know-how.A radical answer would be to cut down theforests. Some roadside gallery forests onthe Liberian border, protected by local chiefsfor the benefit of travellers from pre-colonialtimes, were cleared by the Sierra Leonearmy in the early 1990s to create free-fire



zones to fight the RUF. But massivedeforestation for military strategic purposesseems as impractical as it is unthinkable.What are the alternatives?

A sound approach would be to tackle theproblems driving young people into theforests to fight. Post-war studies with ex-combatants in Sierra Leone and Liberiaidentified lack of access to education andpoor job prospects as two major factorsdisposing young people to fight.Demobilization in Sierra Leone includedmajor emphasis on skill training. The battleis now to provide jobs. This is not just aneconomic problem but also an issue ofpolitical reform and human rights.Throughout the region many young peopleare excluded by poverty and accident of birthfrom education, access to land and evencitizenship (as among Muslim migrants intothe forests of southern Cote d’Ivoire). Localland and labour laws lead to young peopleremaining within traditional communities tobe exploited by codes of deference reflectingsocial values inherited from an era ofdomestic slavery. An AK47, allied to bushsurvival skills, buys a temporary escape, butmany fighters soon become war-weary,recognising that militia life is unsustainable.The career of Nixon Gaye –a Liberian childsoldier recruited in Nimba County byCharles Taylor’s militia– exemplifies theproblem. A fighter at 14, by the age of 17 hewas leading the Special Forces assistingthe RUF in eastern Sierra Leone, until sentback to Liberia by an RUF leadershipappalled at his atrocities. Gaye then went toground in a rubber plantation in MargibiCounty, where he and his wild teenagecompanions camped under the trees,reputedly subsisting on grubs andwhatever they could hijack from reliefsupplies diverted through the plantation they

had been hired to protect. Too unstable tobe incorporated in Charles Taylor’s regularforces, Gaye’s group was chartered for high-risk missions behind lines controlled byNigerian peacekeepers. This appears tohave included a terrible massacre at Harbelapparently undertaken to discredit Liberiangovernment forces. Gaye was eventuallywounded and taken to Gbarnga, Taylor’sbase, where he was killed, aged 20. He hadbecome a liability when the Liberianfactions were edging towards a peace deal.Some ex-combatants remain attracted toimitate Gaye’s short-lived infamy, but mostsee little point in burning out so quickly.

What is not in doubt is the capacity of theseyoung fighters to endure in remote bushconditions many others would findintolerable. Is there a more positive way tomake use of the capacity of young WestAfrican fighters to survive in the forest?Forestry itself holds few prospects. SierraLeone, Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire are largelylogged out. Liberia has enough timber, butthe sector only employs 7000 people.Concessionaires bring in skilled operatives.There may be better prospects in tree-cropplanting. Would ex-combatants qualify?Many fighters in the Mano River conflictsjoined militias to help protect their familiesand communities. They are often welcomedhome. Where they enjoy land rights plantingrubber or oil palm is an option. The trainingcomponent of demobilization in SierraLeone did not give enough emphasis to thedesign and implementation of tree croppackages. This needs to be remedied inLiberia. Fighters less certain of theirreception are often interested in work thatsignals their renewed commitment tosociety. In urban areas, some ex-combatantgroups have moved into socially necessarybut unattractive work such as rubbish



CONFLICT TIMBER AND LIBERIA’SWAR

By Arthur G. Blundell

collection. In rural areas, land resourcemanagement provides similar scope todemonstrate social worth. In fact, severalRUF groups, retaining their band structurefrom the bush war, have moved intocooperative agricultural development. Onesuch group has rehabilitated swamplanddestroyed by alluvial diamond mining.Perhaps ex-combatants could undertake arange of other land resource recovery,maintenance and protection tasks,including forest protection? The challengeis to rethink environmental protection interms of work that will help stigmatised ex-combatants prove their social worth. In bothsymbolic and practical terms this would bea proper antidote to the poison of forest warin West Africa.

Paul RichardsTechnology & Agrarian Development GroupSocial Sciences Department, WageningenUniversity and Research Centre6706 KN WageningenThe Netherlands

References and further reading on requestfrom [email protected]

In 2002, forestry accounted for an estimated22 percent of Liberia’s GDP and half of itsexports. Forests are important to the 85percent of Liberians who are unemployedand many of who rely on shifting cultivation.However, forests have also been a sourceof instability. Over the past two decades,timber has funded conflict and the securityforces of logging companies have engagedin widespread human rights abuses,including massacres. To eliminate this‘conflict timber’, the United Nations SecurityCouncil (UN) banned the export of forestproducts from Liberia in 2003. The sanctionsremain and the UN has demanded reformof the forest sector to prevent revenue fromfunding the resumption of violence. Thispaper summarizes the history of the conflict,the role of timber, and the use of targetedsanctions.

In 1820, rather than receiving their liberty inthe USA, 86 ex-slaves were sent to WestAfrica to found a new country: Liberia. Theirdescendants, less than 3 percent of present-day Liberians, ruled until 1980, when asemi-literate sergeant seized power.Samuel Doe’s kleptocracy lasted a decadeuntil the cold war ended and with it, Liberia’sstrategic importance. With failing supportfrom the USA, Liberia descended into abrutal civil war, lead by the Libyan-trainedinsurgent Charles Taylor. Exploiting ethnicanimosity, Taylor soon captured most of thecountry, which gave him control overLiberia’s lucrative natural resources.



In 1997, under a UN-backed peace accord,Taylor agreed to general elections.Liberians understood, however, that if hedid not win, he would not relinquish power.Under the campaign slogan ‘You killed myma, you killed my pa, but I’ll vote for you’,Taylor won in a landslide. But theinternational community offered littlesupport, especially when Taylor backed theRUF rebels in neighbouring Sierra Leone.Liberia’s civil war spread when Guineabacked another faction, the LURD.

Given ongoing conflict and the limitedinternational engagement, the Liberianeconomy collapsed. As one of the fewfunctioning sectors, timber was critical.Forestry attracted investment, notably about$60 million by the Indonesian OrientalTimber Company (OTC). By 2002, timberwas worth more than $80 million a year and$19 million in taxes, although thegovernment could account for less than 15percent. Between 1999 and 2001, OTC paidat least $1.5 million to known arms dealersin lieu of taxes. In other cases, Taylorallegedly traded timber directly for arms.The notorious Ukrainian mafia boss,Leonid Minin, was awarded a loggingconcession, the Exotic Tropical TimberEnterprise.

Perhaps most devastating for Liberians, thetimber companies employed privatesecurity forces –mostly militias associatedwith Taylor— to protect logging interests butalso to gain access to new forests throughthe intimidation of local people. Forexample, in 1999, Taylor ’s brother, theManaging Director of the ForestryDevelopment Authority (FDA), required theMaryland Wood Processing Industries topay the local commander, Sumo, $4000 permonth for security. Sumo and his soldiers

are accused of inter alia, entering Côted’Ivoire to loot and to recruit new fighters,and attacking civilians who denied accessto his militia. Eyewitnesses claim that Sumodirected the massacre of civilians atYoughbor in May 2003; in 2004, the UNuncovered more than 300 bodies at the site.

In an effort to end the conflict, in 2001 theUN banned the travel of the majorcombatants and their supporters, the importof arms and the export of diamonds fromLiberia. The UN tried to be selective, usingtargeted sanctions with the largest impacton the conflict while minimizinghumanitarian impact1.

Despite the sanctions, regional securitydeteriorated considerably. The UN becamefrustrated with the lack of progress andcame under intense NGO lobbying, byGlobal Witness in particular2. In May 2003,the UN banned timber exports. In fact, thecivil war had become so widespread thatmost timber companies had alreadywithdrawn from the forest, fearing looting orworse.

By August 2003, the rebel groups were nearMonrovia, and under mounting internationalpressure, including an indictment by the UNSpecial Court for crimes against humanity,Taylor went into exile in Nigeria. The world’slargest peacekeeping operation, UNMIL,deployed 15 000 troops. Under a peaceaccord, a national transitional government(NTGL) was installed, divided among thewarring factions. The NTGL gave control overthe FDA to one of the rebel groups, MODEL.

Despite Taylor’s departure, the UN remainsconcerned that forestry could lead to conflictonce again. That threat is empirical, nothypothetical: the World Bank found that fully



half of countries recovering from war returnto violence within a decade because of themisappropriation of funds from naturalresources –exactly what has happened inLiberia. To avoid this, the UN insisted onthree criteria before timber sanctions canbe lifted: 1) security is establishedthroughout Liberia; 2) money does not fundconflict; and 3) the NTGL and FDA mustmanage the forest to ensure legitimate use.UN monitors found that all three remainunmet3. The UN reviewed the sanctions 21December 2004 and extended them foranother year.

Although the FDA and NTGL have been slowto reform, the timber sanctions have beenremarkably effective. At first the lack of loggingwas due to the war, but since UNMIL hasbeen in Liberia, most of the loggingcompanies have respected the sanctions.

The sanctions were targeted to stop conflict,but they have had other impacts. Somebelieve they hinder relief; under Taylor, UNhumanitarian workers received deaththreats because of the sanctions. Sanctionsalso affect employment: about 8000seasonal jobs, which paid $100/month.However, most of the skilled labourers wereexpatriates (e.g., OTC brought more than600 workers from Asia). Sanctions alsoreduce maintenance of logging roads thatprovided access to local people, but also tothe military (e.g., Taylor paid OTC to buildroads outside their logging areas). Sometimber companies also operated clinics andrenovated schools. However, data from theLiberia Forestry Reassessment4 indicatethat communities in logging concessionswere, on average, no better served thanthose outside.

Despite the sanctions and the importance

of forests to Liberians, internationalresponse has been slow. At the February2004 UN conference, donors pledged $500million to rebuild Liberia but forestry wasnot even on the initial agenda. The WorldBank assessment team before theconference did not have a forestry expert.Since then, however, the US governmenthas dedicated more than $4 million toreform, and the World Bank, EC, FAO andIMF are collaborating. Rather than promotelogging, environmental NGOs, such asConservation International and Fauna andFlora International, have plans to increase‘peace’ parks in Liberia.

History shows that countries recoveringfrom war are as likely as not to return toconflict when revenue from naturalresources is misappropriated. Oncesanctions are lifted, buyers of Liberia’swood should insist that wood is trackedthrough the chain of custody from stump toexport to ensure that only legitimate timberenters trade. Otherwise, international buyersmay be fuelling the next war. Until thenecessary reforms are implemented,Liberia, the massive investment in itsrecovery, and the world’s largestpeacekeeping operation remain at graverisk.

Contact:Arthur G. Blundell, Ph.D. Timber SpecialistUN Security Council Panel of Experts onLiberia122 Haida Trail,Nanaimo, BC, V9S 3G1Canada


1 smartsanctions.ch/interlaken1.htm



After the recent period of conflict in Liberia,aspects of which are discussed in otherpapers in this issue (Richards, page 29,Blundell, page 32 and Melnyk et al, page 17),with President Taylor’s departure to Nigeriaand the arrival of largely Nigerianpeacekeepers in August 2003, the largestUN peacekeeping mission in history startedin October 2003. Soon thereafter a NationalTransitional Government took power, theConstitution was suspended for two yearsand positions in Government were dividedamong LURD, MODEL, Taylor’s supportersand ‘Liberian civil society’.

Many development and diplomatic agenciessent in representatives and conductedassessments on the country’sreconstruction needs. All of theseacknowledged the role of the forest sectorin fueling national and regional instability,as well as the sector’s potential in providingjobs and funding reconstruction, directly andindirectly (for example infrastructuralimprovements funded by timber companiesimproving the national transportationnetwork and port operations).

While the commercial aspects of Liberia’sforest sector were frequently highlighted, thecommunity- and conservation-relatedaspects received much less attention.However, reform of the Forestry DevelopmentAuthority (FDA) was regularly cited as key tomeeting the UN Security Council (UNSC)criteria for lifting timber sanctions, eventhough officially these are limited to theGovernment regaining control of the timber-producing regions and ensuring that allrevenues from the sector are properlymanaged and used as intended by Liberianlaw and regulations, and for the benefit of theLiberian public. In response, the FDAprepared a Road Map to Lifting UNSCSanction[s] on Log and Timber Trade inLiberia: Basic Reforms in the ForestryIndustry, which outlined that in addition toreviewing past and all existing concessionsand reforming financial management, thecountry must balance the FDA ManagingDirector’s “three Cs” of forest management:Commercial, Community and Conservationobjectives. This has formed the basis forFauna and Flora International’s (FFI’s)interventions in Liberia since 2004.

Two of the three Cs have legal and empiricalprecedents in Liberia, but management offorests by Communities has not yet beenpursued by Government. Looking to thefuture, FFI and the FDA will pilot establishingcommunal forests (CFs), specifically in theforests and with the villages surroundingSapo National Park.

The Act for the Creation of a Protected ForestArea Network (October 2003) defines acommunal forest as an “Area set asidetemporarily by regulation or legally [deededto communities] for sustainable use offorest products by local communities on anon-commercial basis. No prospecting,

PILOTING COMMUNAL FORESTS INLIBERIA IN THE POST-CONFLICTPERIOD

By Jamison Suter

2 g l oba lw i t ness .o rg / r epo r t s / show.php /en.00026.html

3 Ods-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N04/354/44/IMG/N0435444.pdf?Openelement

4 An EU-funded project operated by Fauna andFlora International and ConservationInternational in conjunction with the FDA.



mining, settlement, farming or commercialtimber extraction [is permitted]. Other uses[are] regulated by [the] designated localcommunity with assistance from therelevant government authority.”

From this definition, the principal objectiveof a CF appears to be for communities touse forest products sustainably and on anon-commercial basis in order to improverural living standards and income, whiledecreasing vulnerability to crises. However,communal forests contribute to additionalobjectives. Establishing CFs around thePark should secure a forested buffer zonein perpetuity, and will be integral tomaintaining forest connectivity betweenSapo Park and other proposed protectedareas in south-east Liberia.

Current development models pursued byGovernment and many INGOs in Liberiaview forests as symbolic of a lack ofdevelopment. By piloting CFs and closelyevaluating the results, this initiative willdevelop and promote nationally analternative development model that valuesforest resources in rural communities’economies as a critical component of ruralsubsistence, income-generation and risk-reduction strategies.

Finally, CFs are intended to improvegovernance in Liberia. They should render aportion of Liberia’s forests off-limits to theMonrovia-based elite that traditionally hashardly considered rural villages’ interests orrights in forest management. This shoulddecrease the incentive to both this elite andrebel groups to seek control of these areasfor private ends. Removing thus one of the‘prizes’ of political office or rebel activity wouldimprove long-term civil stability, improve ruralLiberians’ welfare and decrease the

discontent that can feed civil conflict.

Future challengesAs the communal forests pilot project beginsin Liberia, many major challenges can bepredicted, four of which are highlighted below.1 By creating communal forests, Liberia

would take forests out of commercialtimber production. CFs would represent arevolutionary presence if widely replicated,seriously challenging almost 160 years ofMonrovia-centered governance. Thus itsacceptance by the current elite will likely bea struggle, especially after the incentive oflifting sanctions is removed.

2 Successful communal forests will dependupon, among other things, vastly improvedgovernance and a reliable court system.Can CFs be established withoutcomprehensively addressing theoverarching problems of weak governanceand deeply rooted poverty?

3 Successful establishment of CFs requiresthat the basic institutional unit – the‘community’ – be a clearly defined,functional entity or grouping. However,traditional authority structures areweakened after nearly 15 years of civilinstability. Can they be relied on, especiallyin a context of such fluid demographics?

4 Four different agendas are to be pursuedthrough the communal forest mechanism:(i) securing rural Liberians’ rights to forestresources and improving their livelihoodsand livelihood security, (ii) conservingbiological diversity, (iii) elaborating a newdevelopment model fully valuing forestresources, and (iv) reforming andstrengthening governance nationally. Whileall four objectives may currently be met viaCFs, in time these agendas will inevitablydiverge. When this happens, differentstakeholders will pull in different directionsfor CFs to favour their agenda. For example,



once communities are confident of theirformal ownership of a CF, they could exertpressure for the forest to be used mostlyfor income-generation (cash cropproduction, timber sales, NTFP andbushmeat export) in a manner that mightcompromise its biodiversity conservationfunction or would require a liberal re-interpretation of the phrase “on a non-commercial basis” from a CF’s legaldefinition. Also, CFs could become highlypoliticised if they end up playing a largerole in changing the governance andbalance-of-power landscape in Liberia.

References and further reading on requestfrom [email protected]

Jamison SuterSenior Projects AdvisorFauna & Flora InternationalGreat Eastern House, Tenison RoadCambridge CB1 2TTUnited Kingdom

Fax: +44 1223 461481

THE CAUSES OF VIOLENTCONFLICTS IN FOREST REGIONS

ByJean-Richard Mutombo

For several decades, armed conflicts havemenaced stability and natural resources ina number of African countries. Each Africancountry has been torn apart by differentarmed conflicts. In this context it is difficultto establish a uniform model that explainsthe causes and consequences of what isreferred to as ‘the new wars’. We will speakof the conflicts in the Democratic Republic

of Congo, a country where the forestconstitutes the ‘second lung of the world’,after the Amazon. The causes of this conflictinclude:

1 The unequal allocation of lands (in theneighbouring countries)

Land problems are severe in Congo’s smallneighboring countries, most notably inRwanda and Burundi. Due to this, these twostates wage a merciless war against theRepublic of Congo. They do so under thepretexts of protecting the Rwandan speakersand hunting down those responsible for thegenocide. These neighbours cross theCongolese border in order to take control ofpastures and arable lands. Armed conflictsarise between native populations and theintruders in the eastern regions of thecountry; areas which are celebrated for theirdiversity.

2 Other, well known causesThese deal with the illegal extraction of rawmaterials (COLTAN and diamonds);instability, acuteness of poverty and itsconsequences: housing and food supplycrises, and the weakening of local power.

The impacts of armed conflicts and post-conflict situations on the forest-dwellersGeneral consequences of armed conflict arethe following: disruption of democracy,economic activities, agricultural productionand trade; increased dependence on naturalresources; a plethora of circulating weapons,massive population movements, raisedtaxes, drop in financing…..

The negative impacts of the conflicts on theenvironment are:

• Invasion of protected areas and thedestruction of habitats,



• Illegal exploitation of resources isexacerbated,

• Interest in conservation among authoritiesdeclines, as new priorities are set,

• Conservation officials are threatened,

• Pollution of certain areas corresponds tothe influx in population and

• There is an erosion of biodiversity.

The consequences of conflicts and post-conflict situations on conservation are:

• Interruption of field activities,

• Reduction in capacities,

• Stagnation in policy making and executionand

• Reduction in support from donors

Forestry and conservation activitiesduring conflict and post-conflict situationsIt is frequently held that conservationactivities do not represent a priority duringperiods of conflict. However, when one takesinto account that the livelihoods of the peopleare directly dependent on natural resources,the environment must be considered.

It is then necessary to:

• Try to maintain a presence throughout theconflict (monitoring),

• Provide access to information concerningbiodiversity to all governmental agenciesand NGOs working in the region,

• Try to pursue funding for conservationprojects,

• Encourage training of high-levelprofessional staff, since frequently theyare affected by the conflicts,

• Maintain good means of communication,

• Try to keep a neutral position,

• Make an effort to work with other sectors(for example, the humanitarian sector) and

• After the conflict, be ready to resumeworking as soon as possible.

Ways to reduce violent conflicts in forestregionsEach case of violent conflict is unique.However, one must bear in mind that in orderto prevent conflicts and maintain peace, itis necessary to consider the followingissues:

• Communicate with, inform, and involve allparties at all levels,

• Study and take into greater account thetraditional systems for resolving conflicts,and integrate them into conservationpractices,

• Integrate conservation activities withthose of other sectors,

• Adopt, and assure the compliance of, theholistic approaches that take into accountthe needs of the population,

• Encourage negotiation and conflictresolution, and

• Increase political involvement inconservation.

During the post-conflict period, it isnecessary to put in place environmentallysound governance strategies. It is, however,difficult to raise awareness among thepublic and policy-makers to place theenvironment on the list of priorities.

The second obstacle to overcome involvesthe relatively marginalized position that theenvironment occupies in state affairs.Environmental Ministries hold very littlepower.



During the last three decades, the history ofsub-Saharan Africa has been filled witharmed conflicts. Among the most notableare the wars that tore apart Angola,Mozambique, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Chad,Rwanda, Ethiopia, Uganda, DemocraticRepublic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, and mostrecently Ivory Coast. By around 1999, twentyAfrican countries were being subjected toopen fighting, either sporadic or continuous.Few of these conflicts actually set onecountry against another as happened in thecase of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Most of thesewars were internal even though, for anumber, they eventually drew inneighbouring states. That is the case of theRwandan civil war that caused two millionrefugees to flee across borders and for theconflicts in DRCongo to which seven othercountries contributed troops and arms.

Political reasons, such as ideology, powerdisputes, leadership vacuum; or socio-economic reasons, e.g. religion, ethnicity,access to natural resources, include all themost fundamental reasons driving the sub-Saharan unrest. Since 1996, DRC has beenat war. If the first battles, making up the so-called “war of liberation”, were part of anexpedition to chase out the autocraticregime of Mobutu SeSe Seko, this is noexplanation for the subsequent bloodybattles that started in August 1998. Theopposition is far too bitter and recalcitrant.

By Robert Mwinyihali, Terese Hart andHenri-Paul Eloma

WHY ARMED CONFLICT PERSISTSIN THE KIVU REGION OF THECONGO (DRC)

Finally, it is useful to emphasize the problemof reconciling western and Africanperceptions on natural resourcemanagement. Conservation, even on a verysubjective basis, is essential to manywesterners. Economic development ismore important to most African policymakers. A balance between these twoobjectives, unfortunately, is not readilyfound. However if this balance and thebalance between territorial integrity,involvement of the authorities andpartnership with the population are notattained, natural resources will beexhausted. In turn, this rich heritage will notbenefit the local population, nor will it providethe fruits of development or betterenvironmental management.

The war in the Democratic Republic ofCongo has resulted in the institution of astructure for controlling protected areas. Itis called the Network of Protected Areas ofCentral Africa. It guards against militaryactions within parks and other protectedareas. As many Congolese as foreignersare involved. World heritage areas andareas of local interest are being saved fromthe numerous consequences of the warthat are listed above.

This network will continue to reflect on waysof creating other protected areas, in orderto reach the objective of 15% of the nationalterritory of the Democratic Republic ofCongo.

Author:Jean-Richard MutomboRD Congo

Phone: +243 81 4518475E-mail: [email protected]



The Agreements of Sun City and of Pretoriasigned in 2002 and 2003 by all the majorbelligerents officially brought an end to thewar. A transition government was put inplace for a period of two years operating onthe basis of a mutually approved document,the Global and Inclusive Agreement.

Despite political processes that seem tobe steering the country towardsreconciliation and unification, onegeographic area remains a stubbornsource point for armed conflict andpersistent political resistance. Both politicaland socio-economic roots continue to feedthe hostilities in the far-eastern provincesof North and South Kivu that border Rwanda.

The political tinder that seems to have beenthe most caustic concerns national identitywhich was denied an important part of thepopulation of Rwandan origin living in theKivu provinces. Historically, in 1972, a lawwas adopted that gave Congolesenationality, collectively, to all refugees ortransplanted Rwandans. Ten years later, in1982, this law was rescinded and replacedby another that only recognized citizenshipthat was acquired on an individual basis bynaturalization. Thereby, hundreds ofthousands of peasants saw theirCongolese nationality withdrawn along withall the associated civil rights includedaccess to land, administrative functions andpolitical posts. In the long term, the questionof nationality was a major lever jacking upthe tensions of the region (P. Mathieu & A.Mafikiri).

The law concerning nationality has been atthe center of debates in the transitionParliament. A proposed draft revision wassubmitted by the Presidential Cabinet andafter extensive debates has just been

adopted by Parliament (September 2004).It recognizes Congolese nationality for allRwandan refugees and other ethnic groupswho were living in Congo as of June 30,1960. The Congolese nationality is,however, exclusive meaning that no one canbe both Congolese and Rwandan.

Socio-economic fuel for the on-going armedconflict is always somehow connected tothe flammable issues of natural resources.The north eastern Congo, including morethan half a million square km flanking theborder of approximately 1000 km withUganda, Rwanda and Burundi, is rich infertile land excellent for both farming andpasturing, is rich in little exploited forest land,and is rich in economically importantminerals including gold, diamonds,cassiterite (tinstone), Colombo-tantalite(coltan), wolframite and others. By contrast,the neighbour, Rwanda, is overpopulated,mainly denuded of forest, has decimatedmost of its animal resources, has largeareas of infertile soils, and limited mineralresources. In consequence two importantRwandan protected areas became totallyor partially declassified (Akagera andGishwati) after the Popular Army of Rwanda(PAR) took power in Kigali in 1994.

Important to the resource wars in easternDRC are continuing effects from the mid-70s when a severe economic crisis crippledthe country. The crisis continued throughthe 80s with a unidirectional fall in exportproducts, rampant inflation, progressivedecay of all infrastructures, and the dramaticimpoverishment of the population.Liberalization of mineral export was ameasure taken by a “cornered” governmentin 1983 to relieve unemployment and boostthe national economy. Unfortunately thedecision opened wide the opportunities for



generalized black-market dealings acrossthe borders to Burundi, Rwanda, Ugandaand Tanzania and contributed to thebankruptcy of national mining companies.Burundi and Rwanda, for instance, becameimportant exporters of diamonds and goldalthough their own mineral stocks are veryminor. Coffee, papain, quinine, and timberfound growing black-market routes toneighbouring countries. The mafiosetrading networks became firmly engrainedand reached well beyond Congo’simmediate borders.

With the war, natural resources wereexploited more intensively. It was no longerundercover, as the rebellion gainedlegitimacy through the Lusaka Accords(1999). This legitimized trade directly to theeast without taxes to Kinshasa. During thefirst years of the war, Uganda and Rwandatraded through the DRC rebel movementsthat they effectively controlled.

Rwanda in certain respects extended itsnational territory into the Kivus with theirforests and mineral resources. The warallowed for open transfer of Rwandanpopulations into the DRC provincialterritories of Masisi and Rutshuru.Continuing instability permitted Rwandaeasy access to the DRC forests with theirmineral wealth – as these were claimed tobe particularly dangerous and source ofthreat to Rwanda’s legitimate frontiers.

The continued lack of clarity regarding thepolitico-military situation in the Kivuscontinues to destabilize two of DRCs richestnational parks that have the misfortune oflying along the Rwandan border. Theforests of Virunga National Park and KahuziBiega National Park are home not only togorillas and elephants but also to gun-

wielding rebels and whole villages of minersexporting their ore to Rwanda. The forests,through their riches in timber, minerals, andivory easily provide the financial means tocontinue the war and the wealth to specificindividuals to motivate its prolongation. Thereal inability to build peace, however, comesfrom a large Rwando-Congolese population.As long as they fear that “peace” might pushthem from “little” to “nothing” it will be hard toassure a real peace.

For more information, further reading andreferences please contact:

Robert MwinyihaliProgramme Manager, WCS-DRCProgrammeE-mail: [email protected]

Terese HartE-mail: [email protected]

Henri-Paul ElomaCoordinator of Protected AreasInformation System (SYGIAP-ICCN)E-mail: [email protected]

Postal Address:Terese HartWCS/DRC country directorInternational division- WCS185th St and Southern BlvdBronx, NY 10460USA

Reference

Paul Mathieu and A. Mafikiri Tshongo. 1998.Guerres paysannes au Nord-Kivu ( RDC), 1937-1994, Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines, 150-152,Paris



By Terese B. Hart and Robert Ducarme

FORESTRY AND CONSERVATIONACTIVITIES DURING A WARFOUGHT OVER LAND ANDRESOURCES IN THE DEMOCRATICREPUBLIC OF CONGO

During the recent civil wars in theDemocratic Republic of Congo (1996-1997and 1998-2003) there was a parallel walkout of private companies from forestry, andinternational organisations fromconservation. Furthermore, the semblanceof state authority in national level institutionswhich existed in the eastern tier of thecountry before 1998, dissolved as militiassplintered, terrorized towns andappropriated forest domains. Now, duringa period that a beleaguered populationhopes is post-conflict, reconstruction isslow, dependent on demilitarization andwithdrawal of “personalised” foreignambitions.

Throughout this entire period, there hasbeen a continuous drain of minerals, logsand ivory from the forests of easternDRCongo into neighbouring countries. Thevolume of this exodus of wealth is reachingtsunami proportions without any trickle backto an institution capable of improving thesituation of local people or the futureprospects of their children. Protected Areasare being stripped and legitimate industryshackled.

Northeastern DRCongo with three entirelyforested protected areas (Okapi, Maiko andKahuziBiega) was disconnected from thecapital and the western 2/3 of the country

during civil war. This is the area of highestbiodiversity in DRCongo and includes theAlbertine Rift with its versant towards thecentral Congo basin. In this whole areathere is but a single Forestry enterprise,ENRA, with an operational concession thathad legal status prior to the war and hascontinued to function throughout the war.

Pre-War conservationDuring the decade preceding the war, theGovernment of DRCongo (then-Zaire) hadgreatly diminished its investment in itsparks and reserves. These reliedincreasingly on international conservationfunding; however, about the time the coldwar ended and following violent studentrepression in southern DRCongo, multi-lateral and bi-lateral funding for conservationall but disappeared. International supportfor a failed regime dwindled: The EuropeanUnion had made large investments both inVirunga National Park and in SalongaNational Park. It withdrew from both. TheWorld Bank was in the final stages ofconfirming Global Environment Facilityfunds (GEF) for conservation work in Maikoand Okapi parks. It too terminated projectdevelopment. Although UNDP stepped inand drafted an alternative GEF document in1996 at the very beginning of the conflict,this multi-million dollar initiative neverbecame operational throughout thefollowing seven war-pocked years.

The largest international conservationNGOs began to draw back as well, reducingtheir presence to a “wait and see” modeonly in the most “visible” of the protectedareas.

Pre-war forestryIn the latter half of the 1980s various forestrycompanies proposed concessions along



a major road being built by German andChinese companies linking Kisangani toBukavu. Construction on the road itself wasabandoned when foreign aid withdrew, andthe concessions were abandoned beforethey went beyond the early stages ofnegotiations.

On the other hand, around the major inlandcity of Kisangani, the most upstream porton the navigable section of the Congo Rriver,many active forestry enterprises were fullyactive up to the outbreak of war. This wasthe source of the profitable Afrormosia, aswell as a major area of exploitation of Africanmahogany and particularly limbali.

War and ConservationAs the first waves of war ran over easternDRCongo a few international conservationNGOs continued to support the protectedareas but their expatriate representativesleft the country. Usually the NGOs workedin a single protected area and had trainedan important professional Congolesecadre. The first steps, therefore, consistedof re-establishing communication andsalaries for national employees. TheseNGOs were able to respond because theirsources of funds, although far more modestthan those of the multi-lateral organisationscame from less politically sensitive sources(private donors-USA who had tax breaks forcharitable gifts, international zoos…) Theonly bilateral donor that continued to beinvolved was the German organisation,GTZ.

In all cases the determination to stick with apark through war was dependent on thedecision and determination of certaincommitted individuals who then convincedtheir organisations.

A coalition of these NGOs, together with thenational conservation institute, ICCN,approached UNESCO and the UNFoundation (UNF) for emergency support. Awar-time grant for World Heritage Sites indanger was launched. Operational early in2000, and disbursing funds through the stillactive NGOs, this was the most visibleexternal donor. In actuality, however, severalother non-private sources of funding werecritical, also operating through NGOs. Theseincluded the U.S.Fish and Wildlife Service(USFWS) and U.S. Central African RegionalProgram for the Environment (CARPE) aswell as continuing support from the Germangovernment (GTZ).

It was this combination of backing thatenabled ICCN with its NGO partners to makeany stand at all against militia-facilitatedpoaching and mining.

War and forest enterpriseOn several occasions Kisangani became thearena for prolonged and particularly brutalfighting. Pillaging was general and allenterprises, including forestry operations,were victimized. All foreign- owned and -runforestry enterprises shut their doors and letoff their employees. Nor was there anymarket outlet from Kisangani after 1998 andthe division of the country. The Congo Riverwas closed to all traffic towards the Atlanticport and the only overland option to the east(Indian Ocean port) was a single road in suchdisrepair that, within DRCongo, throughoutmost of the war the main commerce wascarried out by bicycle caravan. This is stillthe case, post-conflict.

The single legal concession that continuedto operate, ENRA is located near the busyborder town of Beni, where it also has afactory for conversion to parquet flooring,



crafted doors and carved furniture. The pre-war outlet to markets outside of Africa wasthe Kenyan port of Mombasa, but ENRA alsoserved domestic markets. Even during thewar there was an important local market asthe riches of the Albertine Rift created a smallbut wealthy elite among Congolese andparticularly foreign neighbours.

The price of non-worked wood, however, fellprecipitously in the east; liboyo planks of 2"at the Ugandan border were sold at 175$m3 whereas in the west of the country saleprice was more than 300$ m3. Thishappened through a flooding of the market.First, local authorities (collectivités), nolonger receiving any revenue from the state,distributed forest-cutting rights liberallyproviding themselves with profit and theirlocal population jobs cutting and carrying.These collectivité revenues were treated aspersonal, rarely funding such desperatelyneeded public services as schools,hospitals or roads. Second, trucks loadedand accompanied by military exported woodwithout paying any taxes at all. They therebyprofited at a much lower sale-rate. The resultis a general unplanned depleting ofaccessible forest to produce only low-qualityplanks and unsawn logs.

Despite the anarchy of private forestry ineastern DRCongo, the biggest uncontrolledloss of forest is the result of populationexplosion and uncontrolled immigration offarmers. In a block of 22,000 ha of the ENRAconcession, 13,000 ha were destroyed byillegal agricultural clearcuts leaving only9000 ha for exploitation. This remainingarea was itself invaded by farmers after afirst forestry cut, making any attempt atsustainable forestry impossible. Aerialsurveys over the region have led to theestimation of agricultural penetration into

the forest of about 1 km a year along a frontof several tens of km.

Post-warConservation and forestry have the samefundamental needs, unambiguous nationallaws concerning land tenure and resourcerights and a state strong enough to enforcethem. The Democratic Republic of Congois working towards a revision of the pertinentlaws; but the transition to a state able toenforce them will be long.

Until the state itself has not only theinstitutional structures in place but the abilityto make them functional, there must bestrong political will nationally andresponsible international partnerships. Forconservation, in the immediate andmedium-term, a form of internationalsponsorship of the parks is essential. Forforestry, guarantees to investors will haveto be based on confidence in a functionalpartnership between the state and theinternational community.

For further information please contact:

Terese HartWCS/DRC country directorE-mail: [email protected]

Robert DucarmeManaging director ENRAE-mail: [email protected]

Postal address:Terese HartWCS/DRC country directorInternational division- WCS185th St and Southern BlvdBronx, NY 10460USA



During the eight years of civil wars inDRCongo the the Okapi Faunal Reserve(RFO) in the Ituri Forest suffered not onlybattles and pillaging but also elephantpoaching and illegal mining activities. Thegreatest challenges to the long-termsurvival and integrity of the Reserve areimmigration and exploitation. Ideally, localpopulations would help protect the Reserve.During the war, however, the authority of theReserve was put in question and progresstowards a system to control the influx ofhumans and their use of the Reserve waslimited.

This paper describes the impact of thesechallenges on the forest and the localpopulation and the response strategydeveloped by ICCN (CongoleseConservation Institute, the parastatal incharge of Parks and Reserves) and itspartners, working with the local people.

Between 1992, when the Reserve wascreated, and 1996, when war began, themajor threats to its integrity were goldmining, illegal hunting (especially in thenorth) and the illegal killing of elephants.The ICCN was slowly building up a capacityto deal with encroachments: about 50guards, only a third of whom had guns, weresupposed to protect a Reserve almost halfthe size of Belgium. With the first wave ofwar all the guards were disarmed and left

IMPACTS OF CONFLICTS ONFORESTS AND PEOPLE IN D.R.CONGO

By Richard Tshombe, Terese Hart andChristien Amboya

still less equipped to handle thesubsequent challenges.

Coltan mining. Over two to three months in2000, between 2 000 and 3 000 peoplecame into the forest from up to 700 km awayto mine a new mineral: coltan (columbite-tantalite, high value to industry). Because ofits high grade, the coltan from the Reservewas bought at $80/kg within the Reserveand sold at $100–150/kg in Beni andButembo, or $150–200/kg in Goma andBukavu. With the wartime lack ofemployment, teachers, students, pastors,public servants, soldiers all converged onthe Reserve.

By 2001, coltan exploration or miningaffected two-thirds of the Reserve. As almostall young people moved from villages tomining camps, gardens were abandoned,creating food shortages in the Reserve. Thefood available in villages was sold to miningcamps. Prices roughly doubled. Some localpeople, particularly chiefs with land tenureauthority and thus some authority over thecoltan mining camps, gained importantshort-term benefits and power, as openinga coltan mine involved buying“authorisation” from territorial authoritiesand subsequent payment of a certain tariffto the “owners” of the claim by all miners.Even less well-placed local people wereable to get temporary jobs digging andsifting gravel, portering or guarding the mine.However, about 90 percent of the profits fromcoltan were invested outside the Reserve,since most entrepreneurs in the Reservewere immigrants.

Although the impact of coltan mining on theenvironment has not been studied, it isprobably minor and temporary because ofthe artisanal scale of mining. Although the



flow of small streams is interrupted, theirbanks are dug up, some trees are cut andbark funnels are used to wash the mineral,these perturbations are primarily temporaryas long as the mines themselves remainshort-lived. The immigration of farmersassociated with the mines may have muchmore long-term effects than the minesthemselves.

Elephant poaching during the war wasusually connected to networks reaching toplevels of the rebel hierarchies. The networksincluded soldiers (Congolese andforeigners) or police, traders, professionalpoachers and a mixed group includingpublic servants, students, and staff of atleast one development NGO. Between Apriland October 2000, at least 60 elephantswere killed in the Reserve –almost certainlymany more– for both meat and tusks.Elephant meat was openly sold in Mambasamarket at 0.6–1.4/kg; ivory, bought at $3–5/kg in Mambasa, was sold for $20/kg $ inBunia and Beni.

The RFO reacted in a coordinated manner.Through internal CoCoSi (localcoordination committee) meetings theinternational Wildlife Conservation Society(WCS) and Gilman InternationalConservation (GIC), operating in the RFO,became a strong collaborative force with theICCN. Mid-2000 the RFO presented thesituation to the authorities in Bunia, andreceived military collaboration for an anti-poaching operation (Tango) as well as thenecessary funds.

Tango (T for Tembo, elephant in Swahili) ,ajoint military and park guard operation,supported by the international conservationNGOs and ICCN, was launched to eliminateelephant poaching and restore ICCN

authority throughout the Reserve (late 2000,ICCN controlled only 10 percent of theReserve). The troops involved comprised12 Ugandan UPDF soldiers and 22Congolese from the Congolese People’sArmy (APC) that controlled the region as wellas guards from the RFO. The operation,planned for three months, continued fromOctober 2000 through February 2001.Twelve poachers and four ivory buyers werearrested, more than 117 kg ivory wasconfiscated, twelve automatic and foursmaller rifles were seized and the coltanmines were closed. However, all thepoachers were later released.

The most lasting impact of the Tangooperation is the collaborative managementthat ICCN developed through its CoCoSi.Poaching and coltan mining forced it tobecome an effective tool for a unified strategywithin the Reserve. The CoCoSi was thecentral organising unit – writing proposals,managing the operation, contacting localand Ugandan authorities, and coordinatingthe provision of intelligence including mapsand intelligence summaries.

Today, more than three years after the endof the Tango operation, the poacherscaptured in 2000–2001 and later releasedhave been starting a new battle in RFO withthe help of soldiers still deployed in theregion. The killing of elephants hasresumed, with more than 11 000 kg of ivoryexported from the Reserve in 2003 alone.Of this more than 7 000 kg was sold at itsfirst market within the Reserve itself. Thetransport routes are through Beni in theSoutheast of the Reserve and throughKasenyi and Mahagi in the Northeast.Uganda is the main transit center(Mapilanga 2003).



The demand for ivory has created aprosperous market for guns. Guns like AK47 are available in Mambasa for $70–90;an AK 47 bullet for $0.25–0.30. The post-conflict “no war, no peace” situation couldbe worse than the conflict period becauseof uncertainty among local authorities,hunters, soldiers and politicians. The forestand wildlife suffer as the soldiers that werepart of various rebel factions remain in thearea.

While poaching of elephants and otherwildlife might not have an obvious impacton local people, they are both its victimsand essential to its success as guides,scouts and even gun-wielding poachers.But poaching depletes the Ituri forest, onwhich a large concentration of hunting andgathering Mbuti (Pygmy populations)depends. Data from various sources(carcass observations, documented kills,bush meat data, ivory reports) suggest thatin 2002–2003 at least 230-460 elephantswere killed, 10 percent of the pre-warpopulation (Hart 2003; Hart and Hall 1997).An incomplete tally showed that the samegun-based poaching network wasresponsible for the sale of 4075 kg ofprimate meat between May and November2003 in the market of Mambasa alone(Mapilanga 2003).

Both coltan mining and elephant poachingare driven by outsiders at the expense ofthe local population. The marginal benefitsgained by some local people are short-term. Until non-forest immigrants movedaround the forest village of Oicha in the1930s, the triangle between Beni, Komandaand Mambasa, south-east of the OkapiReserve was luxuriant forest. Now onlysmall forest fragments remain within thetriangle and forest people are a small

minority in the population. Immigrants aremoving steadily into the forest and even theReserve will not be protected unless strongmeasures can be taken. During the conflict,the CoCoSi was instrumental in setting upthe Tango operation. Now its utility as amanagement structure must be testedagainst the long-term challenge ofimmigration control.

References and further reading on requestfrom :Richard TshombeWCS site manager - RFOE-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

Christien AmboyaOfficier des gardes - RFOE-mail: [email protected]

Terese HartWCS country director for DRCE-mail: [email protected]

Postage mail address:Terese HartWCS/DRC country directorInternational division185th St and Southern BlvdBronx, NY 10460USA

References

Mapilanga, J-J. 2003. Suivi du marché de l’ivoireet de la viande d’eléphants en périphérie de laRéserve de Faune à Okapis. Unpublishedreport, ICCN.

Hart, J. 2003. Conflict ivory: elephant poachingand ivory traffic in the Ituri Forest during theCongolese civil war, 1996-2003. A collaborativedocument: ICCN, WCS, MIKE &GIC.

Hart, J.A. & Hall, S.J. 1996. Status of EasternZaire’s forest parks and reserves.Conservation Biology 10 (2): 316–327.



The Albertine Rift, or western branch of theGreat Rift Valley traversing Africa, comprisesin its centre the Great Lakes Region. Theregion has been characterized by violentconflict since 1990 which has resulted inan excess mortality of 4.5 million people inless than 10 years. Millions of displacedpeople are still homeless and landless,and the fragile peace process in the regionis still characterized by attacks on civiliansand a war economy. The Central AlbertineRift includes eastern Democratic Republicof Congo, Rwanda and Uganda. Theprogramme area in consideration is theborder region between the DRC,southwestern Uganda and northwesternRwanda, including the Virunga massif(Mgahinga Gorilla National Park, SouthernSector of the Virunga National Park andVolcanoes National Park) and the BwindiImpenetrable Forest. The Virunga Massif isa high altitude forest ecosystem thatstraddles the borders of the three countries.Both the Virunga and Bwindi forest blocksplay a critical watershed function in thisprimarily agricultural region and as forestrefuges they play a significant role instabilizing the fertile soils and providingreservoirs for natural resources. The CentralAlbertine Rift is a region of exceptionallyhigh biodiversity and high levels ofendemism, including the only naturalhabitat of the endangered mountain gorilla.

The conflict in the region has historical

precedents which led to civil wars inRwanda and in the DRC in 1990. Theconflicts spilled over the borders andneighbouring countries provided refuge formilitia groups and refugees as well asmilitary support for different groups withinthe conflict. Many of the interests werefuelled by the vast reservoirs of mineralwealth and other natural resources in theDRC. The war in Rwanda ended in 1994,but the civil conflict in the DRC is stillunresolved. Although a transitionalgovernment is now in place and a peaceprocess has been outlined, violence stillerupts regularly in the east of the country,foreign armed groups are presentthroughout the region and there is extensiveabuse of the civilian population.

The fourteen years of violence in the regionhas led to widespread proliferation of arms,used by military as well as civilians onpeople as well as wildlife populations. Theconflict has exacerbated ethnic and culturaldivisions in the region, has greatlyexacerbated poverty and pushed manypeople to the forests in search for food,shelter and other resources. As mentionedpreviously, the human death toll of the warhas exceeded 4.5 million people since1990. Women and girls have been rapedand children have been forced to participateas combatants in the war. Park guards,mandated by the state to protect the wildlifeand halt human incursions in parks havebeen killed: in the Virunga National Parkalone more than 100 park staff have beenkilled in the war since 1994. In addition, theprevalence of arms and armed men in andaround protected areas lying alonginternational borders has resulted inextensive destruction of the fauna. Eighteengorillas were killed between 1996 and 2003in the Virunga and Bwindi forest blocks. The

CONFLICT IN THE GREAT LAKESREGION: IMPACT ONCONSERVATION

By Annette Lanjouw



population of Hippopotamus in the VirungaNational Park dropped from 29,000 in 1996to 1309 in 2003. The Gishwati ForestReserve in Rwanda was totally cleared oftrees by Internally Displaced Peoplefollowing the genocide of 1994, with loss ofall fauna. In the eastern sector of the KahuziBiega National Park in the DRC, thepopulation of elephants dropped form 800in 1996 to 7 in 2003, and Eastern lowlandgorilla from 250 to 78. In addition, in March1999, 8 tourists and the Ugandan parkwarden were killed by extremist militias inthe Bwindi Impenetrable Forest. Theconsequence of this act on tourism in theregion, and revenue generated in thesecountries, has been enormous.

In summary, it is clear that the conflict hasdestroyed enormous natural areas,devastated fragile wildlife populations andcreated conditions of economic decline andinsecurity that have greatly exacerbatedpoverty and the suffering of the civilianpopulations in the region.

To operate during times of conflict, it iscritical to emphasise three levels of action:Monitoring the impact of human activities(including the crisis) on the wildlife/forests,supporting activities that can mitigate thenegative impacts of the crisis and assistinggroups affected by the crisis. Theorganisations have focussed their effortson monitoring conservation impacts andsupporting people who are eitherresponsible for protecting and managingwildlife or who can have an impact onwildlife. The latter groups include park staffand local people who live near protectedareas and whose livelihood activitiesdepend on the forests and the parks. Asignificant emphasis has been placed onlaw enforcement and protection, even if this

is in conflict with the short-term interests ofthe impoverished local people. Protectedareas in this region, however, haveenormous capacity to generate revenuethrough tourism that can assist in post-warreconstruction of the country, as well asdirectly benefiting individuals at the locallevel. Mountain Gorilla tourism in the regiongenerates in excess of 20 million US$ perannum for Rwanda and Uganda (figuresfrom 2001) and a portion of this revenue isshared directly with local people living nearthe parks. The mountain forests also servean important watershed function, on whichthe fresh water supply, rainfall and fisheriesindustries in the region depend. Without theforests, the livelihoods of the people wouldbe negatively affected in the medium to longterm.

People living near protected areas oftenperceive the park as carrying with it anopportunity cost (not having access to landand resources) and harbouring wildlife thatcan come out of the forest to destroy crops.For subsistence farmers, the destructioncaused by a buffalo or elephant in just a fewhours can be devastating. Conservationorganisations have worked with localpeople to develop barriers preventing theaccess of buffalo and elephant to fields, orto herd gorillas and other wildlife back intothe forest. Organisations have also workedto develop conservation-based enterpriseactivities that depend on the wildlife andforest, but which do not damage the forest,to diversify livelihood activities. Thiscontributes to reducing poverty as well asbuilding a collaborative relationship betweenlocal people and the parks. Examplesinclude bee-keeping, tourism-relatedenterprise, planting of bamboo and otherforest plants outside the park, etc.



FORESTRY AND CONSERVATIONACTIVITIES IN HOSTING REFUGEEAREAS (KENYA – UGANDA)

By Luc Cambrézy

One of the main areas of success has beenregional collaboration to effectively managean ecosystem that straddles internationalborders. Given that the three countriessharing the ecosystem have had straineddiplomatic relations with each other duringthis period of conflict, the focus of the regionalcollaboration has been at the technical, fieldlevel. The park staff from the three countries(four parks) have developed a strategy forworking together, sharing information,communicating regularly and implementingjoint activities, to ensure the effectivemanagement of the transboundary forests.

With peace returning to the region, it willbecome possible to formalize thiscollaboration and involve the governmentsat the highest level. The park authorities,however, have formally agreed to worktogether to ensure the threatened forestswill be managed collaboratively. In January2004, the representatives of Uganda,Rwanda and the DRC signed aMemorandum of Understanding committingthem to a strategy of regional collaborationfor conservation. This is an importantlandmark contributing both to conservationand the building of peace in this region.

Annette LanjouwInternational Gorilla ConservationProgrammeP.O.Box 48177NairobiKenya

E-mail: [email protected] [email protected]: www.mountaingorillas.org

The International Gorilla ConservationProgramme (IGCP) is a coalition of African

Wildlife Foundation, Fauna and FloraInternational, WWF.

Places and territories are perceiveddifferently at times of peace or during conflictand extreme violence. When securitybecomes a major issue it is evident thatsome places are more exposed to risk thanothers. For everyone involved -protagonistsor civilians, oppressors or victims- placeslike mountains or forests can becomerefuge areas in times of war. They areespecially sought after for protection. Thisarticle examines the place and theambiguous role of forest areas in two distinctrefugee hosting situations, in Kenya andUganda.

1 The example of KenyaSomalian refugees have been gathering inDadaab in eastern Kenya since 1991 and1992. Extensive camps have been set up inthis semi-arid region of quite dense bushand bushy savannah. For several years, therefugees were left to their own devices fortheir supply of wood, fuel, and construction(poles, herbs, etc.). It should be pointed outthat this practice -akin to gathering- has hadlittle overall effect on the maintenance ofplant cover as long as stocks of dead woodwere plentiful. Unfortunately, the proximityof this bush, so vital for the refugees, createsproblems. These tracts of vegetation alsoserve as refuges for armed groups, more



or less a product of the Somalian civil war,who gravitate around these camps. Thesegangs, attracted by the diverseopportunities for thieving and pillaging, areresponsible for the proliferation of attacksand frequent rape of women from thecamps. The ever-greater distances thesewomen have to go to collect wood havemade bush areas increasingly dangerousand inaccessible for them.

The United Nations High Commission onRefugees (UNHCR), seeking to remedy thissituation and fulfil its duty to protectrefugees, set up a wood collection anddistribution programme in 1998. Theobjective is to minimise the time womenand girls have to spend in the bush aroundtheir camp. The programme funds localtraders and transporters for regular deliveryof fuelwood at the refugee camps. This islaudable from a humanitarian point of view.Yet it is highly precarious, both in financial(funding is at risk of suspension at anymoment) and environmental terms. In thisregion, with its pastoral economy, there is adual risk. On the one hand it is to be fearedthat insidious privatisation of woodresources will lead to ever increasing pricesmaking the wood too expensive for thepoorest and more vulnerable. On the otherhand -and this has already been observed-the simple gathering of dead wood is hardlycompatible with traders’ and transporters’quest for ever higher and more immediateprofit. In fact, it is more profitable to clearcuta small patch of living forest than to collectdead wood over an extended area.

This situation prompts fears over the wooddistribution programme; however justifiedit may be in terms of refugee protection. Theprogramme proves to be dangerous interms of plant cover protection and renewal.

In this region of extensive livestock rearing,the vegetation is the sole important resource.Together with the necessary freedom ofaccess to water points, it is essential thatthis plant cover remains a protected andshared resource.

2 The example of UgandaIn the North-West of Uganda, refugees fromneighbouring Sudan are gathered in thedistricts of Arua, Moyo and Adjumani, an areaof woody savannah and open forest. Unlikein Kenya, they are hosted in rural settlementsrather than in camps. The refugees are givenland use rights, which encourage them tocultivate the terrain. This policy aims toreduce dependence on food distribution and,to that end, to reduce dependency on theWorld Food Programme.

These sites are usually located in theperiphery of local populations, whereclearing of woodlots is considered as anessential first step towards cultivation. Here,deforestation occurs as a consequence of apolitical and economic decision.Humanitarian aid is used as a driving forcefor local development. Opening up forestsites for refugees and development of basicinfrastructure (roads, schools, clinics, wells)are effectively instruments of agriculturalcolonisation.

In this example, the forest is perceivedprimarily as a space to be conquered not somuch for timber resources as for thepotential expansion of agriculture itrepresents. The importance of this objectiveto conquer, develop and control a territory isaugmented by the fact that the forests areinvariably used as the base for murderousattacks that are launched by the LordRevolutionary Army guerrilla forces.Mountainous areas are always difficult to



NIGERIA: ARMED CONFLICT ANDITS IMPLICATIONS FOR FORESTMANAGEMENT IN THE NIGER DELTA

By Samuel A. Igbatayo

deal with. But a forest judged to be a threatto security is relatively easy to destroy. Thisis why, from the point of view of theauthorities in the region, pushing back theforest represents –at least temporarily–progress towards peace and development.

ConclusionIn times of conflict, forest areas have theparticular characteristic of representing aspace whose measured value depends onat least two different perceptions: 1) theforest as a place that produces a prizedresource, wood; 2) the forest as a particularspace whose structure and organisation(mainly tree density) provides better coverthan others for hiding places. However, aforest which provides a good hiding placefor some represents a threat to others.

In the two examples given above, theinsecurity of the wooded areas does not leadto the same effects. In the Kenyan case,insecurity of the bush hinders access towood resources or makes it problematic.In the Ugandan example, the danger of theforest encourages its programmeddestruction. Herein lies the lesson toremember: insecurity does not provideprotection against forest destruction, it canaccelerate or postpone forest destructionin specific ways.

Luc CambrézyGeographer , Director of ResearchInstitut de Recherche pour leDéveloppement (IRD)32 Avenue Henri Varagnat93143 Bondy CEDEXFrance


The Niger Delta is one of the world’s largestwetlands, covering an area of 20,000km2 inSouthern Nigeria with an annual rainfall inthe range 3,000mm to 4,500mm. The NigerDelta lies at the heart of the tropical rainforest, with enormous biological diversity,featuring unique plants and animals.Ecologically, the Niger Delta comprises fourzones: coastal barrier islands, mangroves,fresh water swamp forests, and lowland rainforests. (Darah, 2001).

Political EconomyThe Niger Delta, in recent times, has becomea strategic region in Nigeria’s social, politicaland economic framework. Due to theregion’s huge endowment in hydrocarbons,the Niger Delta now commandw a dominantposition in Nigeria’s political economy,raising the stakes for the region’s indigenouspeoples, as well as Governments at theLocal, State and Federal levels. The NigerDelta has contributed the bulk of revenue thataccrues to the Federal Government over thepast three decades, through the hugereserves of crude oil and gas discovered inthe region. (Van Buren, 2001).

However, the development profile of theNiger Delta presents a paradox: despite theabundant natural resources prevalent in theregion, the area is undermined by endemicpoverty and its people are ranked amongthe poorest in the world. The emergence ofpoverty in the midst of plenty in the Niger



Delta, particularly in the last decade, hasunsettled the region, presenting policymakers with challenges that threaten tooverwhelm social equity, political stabilityand sustainable development. Thisdevelopment holds dire consequences forthe region’s forest, which have provided thepoor with the livelihood opportunities.

The emergence of armed conflictSince the 1990’s, the Niger Delta hasdegenerated into a dangerous theatre ofviolent conflict, sustained by ethnic militias,tribal warlords and misguided youths.Socio-Political and ethnic strife in the NigerDelta, including violence, kidnapping,sabotage and seizure of oil facilities havebecome a recurring decimal in the unfoldingtragedy of the region. Ethnic groups in theNiger Delta, including the Urhobo, Itsekiriand Ijaw have battled one another over localgovernance and the control of naturalresources, resulting in the maiming andkilling of innocent people, including womenand children. Often, entire villages wereattacked and razed down, with heavy lossof lives and property (DOE, 2002). Nigeria’sprolonged military rule (abolished in 1999)has been blamed for the escalation ofviolent conflict in the Niger Delta. Themilitary’s iron-fisted approach to thechallenges of the Niger Delta has fuelledthe region’s instability, particularly in themid-1990s, when the leaders of the Ogoniethnic group were executed for protestingthe marginalization and oppression of theethnic group.

Causes of ConflictThe redistribution of Nigeria’s wealth liesat the heart of the violent conflict in the NigerDelta. Since most of the revenue accruingto government in recent times is driven bythe oil-led economy, many people in the

troubled region hold a strong view that theregion has been marginalized in theredistribution of the nation’s wealth.Consequently, political and ethnic leadersof the Niger Delta have been clamouring fornatural resource control and devolution ofpower away from the Federal Governmentin favour of States and Local Governmentsto spur development at the local level, whichhas been marginalized in the currentscheme of things (Igbatayo, 2001).

Communities in the Niger Delta have alsobeen in conflict with oil producingcompanies in the region over allegations ofwidespread oil spillage and gas laring,which have undermined livelihoods andexacerbated their impoverished conditions.This negative trend has angeredcommunities in the Niger Delta, provokingarmed conflict, seizure of oil companies’personnel, as well as their facilities.

Impact on Forest ResourcesArmed conflict in the Niger Delta hascombined with unsustainable humanactivities to devastate forest resources, withgrave implications for the region’s fragileenvironment. The instability posed by armedconflict, particularly in rural areas, hascreated fertile grounds for some elementsto fell wood and set fire to forests for selfisheconomic gains. Consequently, there hasbeen a rapid decline in the nature and scopeof forest cover in the Niger Delta. Also, thequality of the forest resources has beenundermined, posing a threat to the region’sbiological diversity. Already, many plants andanimal species have been lost in the region,with serious consequences to theenvironment and the food chain.

RecommendationsThe following recommendations are



NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENTAND LOCAL INSTITUTIONS IN“POST-CONFLICT” MOZAMBIQUEAND ETHIOPIA

By Richard Black, Elizabeth Harrison,Jessica Schafer and Elizabeth Watson

proffered to control armed conflict in theNiger Delta and also regenerate theregion’s dwindling forest resources.

• Political Dialogue: The FederalGovernment should engage the peopleof the region in a sustained and honestdialogue, and create mutual trust andconfidence, which would allow it toaddress the grievances of the people inthe troubled region.

• Community Development: Oil producingcompanies operating in the Niger Deltashould accelerate communitydevelopment by alleviating poverty andpromoting social equity. They should alsoadopt best practices approach to oilexploration and production, minimizing oilspillage and abolishing gas flaring.

• Reforestation: Government should initiatere-forestation programmes aimed atrestoring the region’s forest cover alreadylost to unsustainable human activities.

Samuel A. IgbatayoLecturerDepartment of Economics andDevelopment StudiesIgbinedion University, OkadaP.M.B. 006Benin CityNigeria


References

Darah, G. (2001): The Socio-Economic andPolitical Challenges of theNiger Delta.Proceedings of a seminar on the challenges ofthe Niger Delta. 5th July, 2002. Centre forAdvanced Social Science. Port Harcourt.

Department of Energy (DOE), United Kingdom(2002): Nigeria country Analysis Brief.

http:www.eia.doc.gov/emen/nigeria.html.Igbatayo S. (2001): Poverty Reduction and

Sustainable Resource Management in theNiger Delta. Proceedings of an InternationalConference on the Blueprint and DevelopmentStrategies for the Niger Delta. 26 – 28 February,2001. World Environment Movement for Africa(WEMFA). Yenagoa.

Van Buren, L. (2001): Africa South of the Sahara:Regional surveys of The World. 30th Edition.Europa Publications. London.

The Marena1 project researched the impactof conflict(s) on local resource managementpractices and national level policies inMozambique and Ethiopia. Research tookplace in 1999 and 2000, in numerous casestudy areas, and was carried out byresearchers from Mozambique, Ethiopia,and the UK. Fieldwork methods includedhousehold surveys and in-depth interviews,collection of grey literature, participantobservation in communities, and exchangeof findings with other researchers.

Findings touched on a wide range ofissues: the notion of post-conflict;stakeholder relationships; how governmentpolicy is influenced by the post-conflictcontext; examples of land tenure policiesfor natural resource management; stateand community forests; participatory plans



for natural resource management; genderin the policy process; memory and the policyprocess; institutions and legitimacy at thelocal level; the concept of ‘indigenous’natural resource management institutions;the contested nature of the ‘traditional’,intra-community differences; the effects ofmigration and return on knowledge andexperience; contested land tenure andreturn; and the role of demobilized soldiers.The following is a summary of findings inrelation to state and community forests inthe post-conflict contexts of Mozambiqueand Ethiopia.

The extent of forests in Ethiopia andMozambique differs widely. In Mozambique,substantial areas of forest remain, and insome areas actually increased during 30years of almost continuous fighting, as bushreclaimed abandoned land formerlycultivated for agriculture. In contrast, inEthiopia, although the past extent of forestcover is debatable, the 1990 EthiopianForestry Action Plan (EFAP) estimated forestcover now to be only 2.7%. Extensive forestfires – common in both countries –resultedin further losses in Ethiopia in early 2000.Deforestation in Ethiopia has also beenassociated with political transitions from theImperial to Derg regimes and from the latterto the regime of the Ethiopian People’sRevolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

In Ethiopia, under the Derg (1974-1991), noreal sense of community ownership wasfostered in government-sponsored‘community forests’. In the context of large-scale villagization programmes,compulsive collective farming and publicworks, the ‘communities’ involved in treeplanting projects felt little sense ofresponsibility for, or likelihood of benefitingfrom, these resources. Indeed very often

there was outright opposition from thesecommunities, since forestry projects cameinto conflict with the use of hillsides forgrazing, and compensation was notprovided for lost land. Given this lack ofconsent, it is not surprising that ‘communityforests’ were frequently subject to looting.

During the last months of the Derg and inthe early transitional period, the levels offorest use and destruction increased. Thestate institutions that had controlled forestaccess and use withdrew or becameobsolete. Many different groups includingDerg soldiers, returnees from resettlement,EPRDF soldiers and poor peasants, tookadvantage of the resulting institutionalvacuum either to cut down trees or to usethe resource, in order to be recognised asthe legitimate ‘customary’ users by the newregime. Competition between thesedifferent groups may have accelerateddeforestation. Increasing urban demand forwood for fuel, construction and furniture wasanother contributing factor.

The Ethiopian Ministry of Agricultureconsiders these remaining state forests astheir natural heritage and as a valuablesource of bio-diversity. Some experimentsin participatory community forestmanagement have been attempted andNGOs, such as SIDA, SOS Sahel and GTZ,have sought particularly to promote these,most working in partnership with thegovernment. In practice, the success ofthese attempts has been limited. Conceptssuch as ‘participation’ and ‘community’ havebeen defined in many different ways,causing confusion among practitioners onthe ground and precluding the developmentof clear policy objectives. Tenure issues,and any innovations in the delineation ofrights to forests, are fraught, sensitive and



political. Finally, the participatory communityforest projects are time-consuming, and areoften seen as failing to deliver in a countrywhere the problems caused by repeateddroughts, and in some cases, new politicalinsecurities are seen by many as toopressing for these approaches.

In Mozambique, community forestrymanagement is the official policy of thegovernment, and several experimentalprogrammes are underway to implementthis policy, with considerable help fromexternal donors. There is concern in theconservation camp, however, that forestsare now disappearing at such anunsustainable rate that more urgent actionis needed. Changing unsustainableagricultural practices and introducingsustainable forest management is aprocess that will require long terminvestment, and yet conservationists fearthat it will be too late by that stage to recoverthe lost forests and biodiversity containedwithin them. Therefore, officials areimplementing a combination ofinterventionist practices with participatorymanagement, which leaves local people insome confusion as to the real intentions ofgovernment.

Furthermore, some government actions arecontradictory, leaving local peoplesuspicious of the motives of governmentfor forest conservation, given the past historyof external exploitation of local forestresources under the guise of conservation.In a similar manner, local people seehunters from outside the community takingaway their animals, while they are urgednot to hunt and told they will be fined if theydo. This situation has created a seriousfailure of trust and cooperation betweenlocal people and government conservation

agents.

A central finding in both contexts is that thenotion of ‘post conflict’ is problematic. Apost-conflict period tends to be one ofintensification of processes already takingplace, including internal populationmovement, and institutional breakdown andrebuilding. Thus, the gap between conflictand ‘post-conflict’ can be blurred. The endof war is also often accompanied by theoutbreak or continuation of other conflicts.Formal authority may still be contested.Divisions hitherto suppressed mayresurface, and communities may becomemore divided and interest groups morepolarised. In Ethiopia, formal (armed)conflict broke out with neighbouring Eritrea.Meanwhile, local-level conflicts haveremained in both countries well beyond thecessation of formal hostilities. Rather thanbeing conflicts over natural resources, theseare often political conflicts in which controlof access to natural resources representsa marker of political gains or losses.

Post-conflict situations may also be onesof greater change, opportunities, and stateand market interventionism for better or forworse. This occurs as a result of the stabilitycreated, the concern to make up for losttime, and to redress the balance of previousdetrimental policies and the negative effectsof conflict.

All briefings and working papers from thisproject can be downloaded free of chargeat: http://www.geog.sussex.ac.uk/research/development/marena/

Authors’ addresses:

Richard BlackDepartment of Geography



DEFORESTATION, ENVIRONMENTALINSECURITY, POVERTY ANDCONFLICT IN THE HORN OF AFRICAAND GREAT LAKES

By Mersie Ejigu

University of SussexFalmer, Brighton, BN1 9SJ,UK

E-mail: [email protected]: +44 1273 877090

Elizabeth HarrisonDepartment of AnthropologyUniversity of SussexFalmer, Brighton, BN1 9SJUK


Jessica Schafer1025 Nicholson St.,Victoria, B.C., V8X 3L3Canada


Elizabeth WatsonDepartment of GeographyUniversity of Cambridge, Downing Place,Cambridge, CB2 3EN,UK,

Phone: +44 1223 333399

1 The full title of the Marena project was“Reconstruction of natural resourcemanagement institutions in post-conflictcountries” . The project was funded by the UKDepartment for International Development(DFID).

There is an emerging consensus thatenvironmental security is a useful conceptfor understanding armed conflict in Africa andelsewhere. A society becomes insecure inan environmental sense when severedeforestation and biodiversity loss threatennational, community and individual welfareand survival.

Whilst the correlation between environmentalinsecurity and armed conflict has becomewidely accepted, scholars caution that thelink between environment and conflict isnever direct. A wide range of factors includinggovernance, socio-economic variables,culture, level of technology and property rightsinfluence how the environment affectsconflict.

To contribute to the understanding of theselinks and their implications for policydevelopment and peace building, thePartnership for African EnvironmentalSustainability (PAES) launched a study ofBurundi, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Ugandafunded by the European Union.

Study approachThis four-country study pursued amultidisciplinary and multilevel approach tounderstanding the role of environmentalinsecurity in causing and amplifying armedconflict. Household surveys and communityfocused group discussions were organisedto capture communities’ perceptions.



Burundi, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Ugandashare important processes common to all.Degradation of natural resources, particularlyrenewable resources, is widespread asevident from loss of forest, soil and waterresources. These resources are increasinglyscarce because of diminished supplies,increased population-induced demands, andinequality in distribution. The economicreturns to these resources are low and fallingas evident from diminishing productivity,declining livelihood and impoverishment.Population mobility in response to scarcityand impoverishment is common. Policy,institutional and technological deficienciesare also prevalent.

Findings of the studyIn all the four countries, the study establishedthat:i There is strong evidence of environmental

insecurity that manifested itself in the formof: small and declining farm size; greaterincidence of land fragmentation;increased cultivation intensity; growinglandlessness; grazing land is in shortsupply, emerging tenure arrangementswith rising informal land transactions.

ii There is also strong evidence from thecase countries that environment andpoverty are closely linked. First, the majorityof the population is dependent on naturalresources for their livelihoods, particularlyon agriculture. Second, the naturalresource base is shrinking (i.e.,forestcover, grazing land, arable agriculturalland, and water resources). Third,incidence of poverty tends to be greater inecologically fragile marginal agriculturalareas with few routes to escape poverty.

iii Households have developed multiplecoping strategies, which they typically fullyexhaust before they decide to migrate.These include: sell small livestock; sell

large animals; casual wage; reducingfood consumption; relief dependency;and migration. In all cases, migration isa coping strategy of the last resort.

iv There are several types of environment-induced conflicts:a Cultivator-Cultivator Conflicts. These

are associated with pressure onfarmland and commonly ownedresources (grazing land, communityforests and water points). Reportedcases of disputes over agricultural landwere over inter-generational transfer,division of common pool resources,settlement of non-indigenouspopulation, and claims to original landby returnee migrants constitute theprimary were reported

b Herder-Cultivator Conflicts. Conflictsbetween pastoralists and cultivatorsover access to pasture and waterresources are common in the “cattlecorridor” of Uganda, which extendsfrom southwest to Karamoja innortheast including Mabrara, Rakaiand Katakwi districts. The historicaland contemporary conflicts betweenagriculturalist Hutus and pastoralTutsis in Rwanda and Burundi areclassic examples of cultivator-herderconflict, too. Tutsi is not exactly thename of an ethnic group.

c Herder-Herder Conflicts. There arenumerous cases of conflicts betweendifferent pastoralist societies who livenext to each other. The most significantconflicts in Ethiopia occur in the AwashRiver basin, which cuts across differentethnic groups. Each and every herdercommunity experiences conflicts overaccess to resources, especially tograzing land and water.

d State-Cultivator/Herder Conflicts.Conflicts between state and farmers



including both cultivators and herdersare pervasive in the study countries. InUganda, conflicts arise fromencroachment of government controlledprotected areas. For example, there wasa mass eviction of Bakiga who hadsettled in Mpokya/Kibale Forest areas in1993, in Mt. Elgon National Park in 2000,and in other protected areas, includingMgahinga, Mt. Rwenziri, and QueenElizabeth National Parks. TheKaramojong are against the gazetting ofmost of their fertile land and, in response,they encroach on pasture and water inTeso and Lango. In Ethiopia, state-cultivator and state herder conflictsexisted since the 1960’s. Prior to the1975 Land Reform, such conflicts weretriggered by Government’s decision toindividualize the commons. In the postLand Reform years, state-cultivatorconflicts became more prevalent reformthat prohibited land transfer other thanthrough the state functionaries. Land isstate owned and qualified farmers haveaccess through local state functionaries.Hence conflicts arise between thesefunctionaries and farmers over access,use and transfer of government ownedland.

ConclusionThe study confirms the widely held view thatenvironmental insecurity plays a significantrole in causing, triggering and aggravatingarmed conflicts. The likelihood of conflictincreases where environmental insecurityinduces migration, in particular forheterogeneous communities (e.g., ethnic,culture, etc.). Where migrants dominateeconomic and political spheres, recipientcommunities become aggravated and thepropensity to conflict mounts. Conflicts arealmost certain to arise where a weak state

fails to deliver law and order, providetransparent and accountableadministration, implement unbiased andfair policy, or effective mechanisms toaddress and resolve grievances anddisputes. On the other hand, nurturing ofsocial ties, sound natural resource use andeconomic integration neutralize forces thattend towards armed conflict.

The study further concluded that conflictprevention and resolution could result inlasting peace if anchored in combatingenvironmental degradation, forest recovery,sound tenure policy and sustainable landmanagement practices.

Mersie EjiguPresident and Chief Executive OfficerPartnership for African EnvironmentalSustainability (PAES)Plot 3157 Tankhill Road MuyengaP. O. Box 10273, KampalaUganda

E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.paes.org

Reference

Mersie Ejigu, Environmental security and conflict:the quest for sustainable peace anddevelopment in Africa. A summary of the mainreport of the PAES four-country study: findings,conclusions and recommendations. June 2004

Partnership for African EnvironmentalSustainability (PAES) is a non-governmentalorganisation established by a group ofexperienced and concerned Africans to promoteenvironmentally and socially sustainabledevelopment in Africa based on best practices.Headquartered in Kampala, Uganda, PAES hasoffices in Washington, DC and Lusaka, Zambia.



REDUCING CONFLICTS THROUGHCOLLABORATIVE FORESTMANAGEMENT IN THE BORANALOWLANDS, SOUTH ETHIOPIA

By Ben Irwin, Gavin Jordan and ZelalemTemesgn

Setting the SceneThe Borana lowlands are located in theSouthern part of Ethiopia and in NorthernKenya. They are largely managed as acommon property resource by pastoralgroups: the Boran, Guji, Burji, Arsii andGabra Oromo clans, and by the Garri andMerihan Somali clans. These pastoralgroups have diverse ethnic backgroundsbut are predominantly Oromo. Lack of clearland tenure rights and arrangements causeconflicts about perceived ownership andrights of use over the Borana forests1. Landuse conflicts and competition stem fromconflicts of interest between different landusers (Niamir-Fuller, 2000).

Conflicts in Borana: Competing livelihoods,land tenure, land use and landmanagementThe lowlands are predominantly semi-aridgrazing areas, with isolated montane forestfragments on elevated areas. These fragileforests are subject to an increased use thatleads to conflicting claims over the use ofthe resource. This often results in violent,armed conflict. Borana’s forests play animportant role in a number of livelihoodoptions. Conflict and competition over forestresources exists on different levels, locallybetween Oromo and Somali clans and andethnic lines and, non-locally, with outsiders.Guiding competition over forestmanagement boundaries and use of the

resource is key to development of forestmanagement systems that work. Rural,urban, settled and mobile groups havedifferent needs in terms of timber, dryseason grazing and fuel wood. In addition,there are conflicts between forest usergroups and the Government, representedby the Forest Department. The ForestDepartment still has a largely policing role,and views most forest utilisation activitiesas illegal.

Forest areas in the Borana lowlandsrepresent a cause of conflict and yet theyalso provide a mechanism to reduce conflictand build long-lasting stability in the regionby reaching agreed management practicesand secured user rights between thevarious stakeholders.

Learning approaches to setting up new2

forest resource management systemsThe corner stone of the project’s approachhas been to develop appropriate workingrelationships with communities. The ideawas to restore traditional institutions andmanagement systems and help these toregain the capacity to function within today’scontext (Tache and Irwin, 2003). This hasparticular relevance to conflicts over naturalresources and to newly emerging forestmanagement systems.

A learning-based approach has beenadopted to open up a dialogue over newresource management systems. Thisapproach has three distinct stages;investigation, negotiation andimplementation (Dubois and Lowore,2000). The approach initiates a participatoryprocess that is self-informing(investigation), provides space for keyactors to discuss and decide on thestructures and direction of management



(negotiation), and recognises that reallearning takes place once new decisionsare put in to practice (implementation).

Investigation: Addressing conflict -Relationship MappingBoran pastoralists perceive violent conflictover natural resources as one of the mostimportant livelihood issues (Weiser, 1998and SOS Sahel, 2000). To address theissue, existing conficts were analysed first.This helps to develop an understanding ofthe conflict, its causes, impacts and inter-relationships, and helps determine whereintervention is appropriate.

Conflict analysis was the starting point ofthe forest user stakeholder analysis. Thepurpose was to break down the complexityof existing conflicts and to initiate a dialoguefrom which to develop a strategic plan ofaction. The work involved group exercisesand discussions with all stakeholders inorder to understand and map theirrespective ideas and perceptions. Workwas initially done with small groups andthen with larger groups, by bringing theinitial smal groups together as opportunitiesarose, and through the identification ofcommon interests and common ground.

The key tool used in this process wasrelationship mapping, adapted withResponding To Conflict (RTC, 2000) as partof a conflict training exercise. Participantswere asked first to list all the different localgroups using forest resources. All groupswere marked on a large circle on theground, and the participants placedthemselves within the circle. Participantswere encouraged to discuss and depict3

their relationships with all the other localgroups. Once the exercise had beencompleted, the information was reviewed

and detailed explanations soughtconcerning relationships between differentlocal groups.

In this way the project built up a clearunderstanding of relationship issues, bothpositive and negative, between the forestusers. Dialogue over sustainable resourceuse, the potential for shared managementand the need for conflict resolution, wereembraced by community groups andinstitutions as opportunities to re-assumetheir management roles andresponsibilities.

Negotiating new forest managementsystems and reducing conflictThese roles and responsibilites are beingformalised through legally recognisedcommunity forest management plans. Thisis an important mechanism for clarifyinguser rights, responsibilities and forprotecting the rights of previouslymarginalised groups, helping to securelivelihoods (see Longley and Maxwell,2003). Development of the managementplan includes a participatory forest resourceassessment, where Government staff andforest users jointly assess the resource,define management prescriptions andestablish monitoring criteria (Jordan, 2003).This helps build trust and understandingand reduces conflict between Governmentofficials and users.

Bringing all local groups together into onemanagement body, and into negotiationsover resource management, has enabledthe resolution of a number of key conflictsbetween different clans and different ethnicgroups. The on-going dialogue has createdthe medium to resolve differences. Forexample, in and around Arero foresttensions between forest settled Borana and



Guji groups and nomadic Garri camelpastoralists that often resulted in violentconflict, have now been resolved. Since thenew forest management system is in place,agreement has been reached over the needto negotiate access to the forest, rather thanto follow the previous assumed openaccess.

Inter-Madda4 and Madda forestmanagement groups includerepresentatives from different clans andethnic groups. These are set up as groundlevel forest management bodies. They dealwith local problems and conflicts, e.g., theystop illegal harvesters from within thecommunity. More serious problems orpotential conflicts, e.g., new farmlandclearances, are passed on to the Districtlevel PFM working group, for higher levelnegotiation and support. PFM workinggroups are set-up with the aim of conflictresolution and embody representatives oflocal communties and Governmentofficials.

Potential disputes and conflicts of interestbetween different groups involved in the newmanagement will continue to arise. Inshifting from an open access system to amanaged access system, a number offorest users must work under restrictions,with inherent problems. However, armedand violent conflict appears to have beenlargely eliminated as negotiation processestake place.

Note: This paper presents activitiesconducted in Ethiopia as part of the SoSSahel Borana Collaborative ForestManagement Project & the subsequentFARM Africa/SoS Sahel Participatory ForestManagement Programme. Key fundershave been EU, Comic Relief and DfiD.

Authors’ affiliations:

Ben IrwinFARM Africa/SOS Sahel Participatory ForestManagement Programme

Gavin JordanCentre for International Development andTraining, University of WolverhamptonE-mail: [email protected]

Zelalem TemesgnFARM Africa/SOS Sahel Participatory ForestManagement Programme

References

Dubois and Lowore 2000, The journey towardscollaborative forest management in Africa:Lessons learnt and some navigational aids.An overview. IIED Forestry and Landuse Series.No.15

Jordan, G 2003, The development of aparticipatory forest monitoring system forcommunity managed forests. Unpublishedtechnical report for the FARM Africa/SOS SahelParticipatory Forest Management Programme,Addis Ababa. Available from PFMP.

Longley C and Maxwell D 2003, Livelihoods,chronic conflict and humanitarian response:a review of current approaches. NaturalResource Perspectives 89, ODI London

Niamir-Fuller 2000, Managing Mobility in AfricanRangelands. In Property Rights, Risk, andLivestock Development in Africa,Ed. McCarthy,Swallow, Kirk and Hazell. ILRI / IFPRI

Responding To Conflict (RTC 2000), Working withConflict: Skills and Strategies for Action. ZEDPublications

SOS Sahel Borana Drought ResponseProgramme, 2000. Change Agents Review :Improving Actions in Relief and Development,Common Goals, Common Understanding,Common Approaches. Workshop Proceedings.SOS Sahel International (UK), Negelle, Ethiopia.

Tache B and Irwin B (2003) Traditionalinstitutions, multiple stakeholders and modern



COLOMBIA: THE MANY FACES OFTHE WAR

By María D. Álvarez

perspectives in common property:Accompanying change within Borana pastoralsystems. Securing the Commons number 4, IIED,London

Weiser 1998, PRA field exercise and trainingreport. Borana Lowlands Pastoral DevelopmentProject, GTZ.

1 This situation is relevant for the entire BoranaLowlands.

2 The word new should be interpreted as anintegration of tradition and modern managementsystems.

3 In order to depict relationships the participantsused different lines (straight, double, brokenetc) to indicate their relationship (strong, weak,conflict, etc.) with a specific group.

4 Madda is a Borana traditional territorial unit ofarea. It is roughly equivalent to the Governmentpeasant association (PA) land division.

Many hypotheses have been put forward toexplain the protracted, unresolved violentconflict that has engulfed Colombia’s forestsfor more than two decades. Two are criticalto understanding the conflict: 1) theinexistence or decline of justice adjudicationand state legitimacy, particularly acute in ruraland forested areas, and 2) a stunningabundance of natural resources. This doesnot detract from the many studies that havesought to document the effects of state-sponsored development policies, multilateraltrade agreements, or the political economy of

illegal crops and subsequent militarizationof parts of the legal system. Rather, all theseelements arise and operate in asocioeconomic environment shaped by thevolatile combination of the first two conditions.The foci of violence were, until recently,restricted to sparsely populated regions thatare rich in energy sources, fresh water,biodiversity, timber, and minerals. Whatthese regions lacked, and continue to lack,can be broadly defined as social capital;political clout, infrastructure, and localsystems capable of mediating andresolving disputes. There is no dearth oflocal organisations throughout rural andforested Colombia, but even the mostdetermined and organied communitycannot overcome the systematicmarginalization and lawlessness of thefrontier.

The direct social and environmental effectsof armed conflict throughout rural andforested areas of Colombia range fromabandoning forest exploitation, associatedwith armed stalemates, to the massdisplacement of frontier campesinos(smallholders) and replacement of theiragroforestry systems by cattle ranching.Most of the evidence for the former isanecdotal, while the decline of smallholdersand subsequent consolidation of estatesgrowing pasture (and other perennials)purchased with laundered currency is welldocumented by social scientists. The latterprocess is key to understanding the forceddisplacement of several million campesinos,the decline of agricultural productivity, foodinsecurity and, ultimately, urbanunemployment. Deforestation associatedwith illegal crops, a frequent correlate ofarmed conflict, is estimated to encompassmore than half the total annual forest clearing.This unsustainable fragmentation is most

3. LATIN AMERICA



damaging to the Andean habitats thatsupport many endemic species, provideecosystem services to several major cities,and have already lost most forest cover inthe last 200 years.

It is more difficult to assess the indirecteffects of the conflict: the changes in therelationship between costs and benefits thatarise from the uncertainty of economicoutcomes where violence is chronic. Giventhe natural wealth of Colombian forests, themost long-lasting effects of conflict are themarginalization and eventual displacementof the local communities. Without these, theinterests of commercial exploitation are notbrought to the national attention, and gocompletely unfettered. Large-scale miningof oil and minerals in vast regions of theChocó, Magdalena Medio, and Putumayotakes place in the midst of acute armedconflict, with minimal environmentaloversight. The corporations that profit fromthese resources are often party to the conflictthrough paramilitaries and other privatecontractors.

With the exception of industries that canafford private armies, such as oil exploitationand the processing of illicit crops, mostmarkets suffer in the midst of conflict. Thisrestricts the range of economic activitiesavailable to communities struggling tosurvive. Conservation and managementtake a back seat when survival is at stake.Armed conflict hampers the kind ofintervention (logging bans, educationprograms, etc.) necessary to reducedeforestation and prevent the loss ofendangered species. A few critical areas areoff-limits to both government and privateconservation efforts. At the same time, thepublic and private protected-area systemhas been growing despite the war. Whether

or not this has had an effect on conservationon the ground is debatable.

The last decade has seen the creation andgrowth of semi-governmental institutionsdesigned to study, catalogue and designplans for the sustainable use of biodiversity.These institutions have succeeded inmaking biodiversity, among other naturalresources, visible in the context of peacenegotiations (timber, oil, and illegal cropsfigure prominently in their own right). Theyhave also established community networksfor conservation and disseminating the datathey have collected. The decentralization ofplans for natural resource use throughcorporaciones autónomas, regional planningand resource management authorities, isanother relatively recent process. Becausethe conservation programmes affiliated tothese new institutions are often linked to thepolitical involvement of an informed andorganised citizenry and technical knowledgeof the local resource base, areas wherearmed conflict prevails are neglected, orreceive plans that were developed withoutlocal consultation. Decentralization hasresulted in greater political participation, butthe environmental benefits of this policy (ifany) are not fully documented. Conservationprofessionals have become the target ofviolence in recent years; several biologistsare currently hostage, activists, birdwatchers,park-keepers, and even hikers have beenkidnapped and/or murdered. Theseincidents have made Colombian forests theleast desirable of tourist destinations.Domestic tourism, never too focused onforests, has grown in relatively safe ruralareas where income from agro-tourism haspartly replaced falling coffee revenues. Theopportunity costs of insecurity for bothinternational and domestic ecotourism areunknown.



Recent studies on decision-making amongColombian campesinos in areas whereillicit crops are prevalent (all in the forestedfrontiers) suggest that the switch to legalcrops is more closely related to theimprovement of the institutional environmentthan to price signals. The credible threat ofjustice adjudication coupled with governmentservices is more effective than declines inlocal illicit crop prices, or increases inalternative crop prices. Cross-country studieson illicit crops noted that violent conflict is astrong predictor of increase in illicit cropproduction between 1986-2001. Internationaltrade in agricultural commodities, oftenblamed for replacing legal smallholder cropsin Colombia, shows no clear pattern ofcorrelation with illicit crop production acrossthe 10 largest producers. The results of thesestudies are complementary and point topossible solutions to the conflict.

The favoured policy to eradicate illicit cropsin Colombia, aerial spraying of the herbicideRound Up, had no effect on overallproduction of illicit crops over the periodstudied, does not involve local actors, anddoes not improve the institutionalenvironment of smallholders. Thedevelopment of infrastructure aimed tointegrate local economies may be moreeffective, provided it is accompanied bysimilar investment in government servicesranging from schools to justice adjudication.At present, infrastructure development inconflict areas seems focused on openingroads to facilitate development (e.g.,Putumayo), with little regard for localcommunity needs, or environmentalprotection. The current government, headedby president Alvaro Uribe, is generallyperceived to be credible in its threats to bringillicit growers, traffickers, and insurgents tojustice. This has helped reduce illicit crop

production after decades of ineffectual airfumigation. The long-term results of thiscurrent trend will depend on the capacity ofthe government to deliver on both threats andpromises. Peace negotiations with guerrillascame to a halt almost three years ago, but anamnesty (thought to favour paramilitaries)has recently been proposed. These effortsto persuade low-rank armed actors requirecredible measures of justice for all sides tostop the cycle of retribution that dates backmore than 50 years.

María D. Álvarezc/o Miguel PinedoColumbia University, MC 55571200 Amsterdam AvenueSchermerhorn Extension, 10th FloorNew York, NY 10027USA


COLOMBIA: WAR AND FORESTS

By Manuel Rodríguez Becerra

To what extent have environmental factorscaused the war in Colombia or have theyfavoured or hindered that war? Whatconsequences does the ongoing conflicthave for the environment? How have illegalcrops, a business closely linked to armedinsurgency, affected our environment? Canconservation and sustainable use of theenvironment become assets to attain socialstability and peace? These are but some ofthe questions raised in “War, Society andthe Environment” (Guerra, Sociedad y



Medio Ambiente)1, published by theNational Environmental Forum (ForoNacional Ambiental) This book looks atcritical issues that are tackled by a group often experts in social and environmentalfields: German Andrade, AlfonsoAvellaneda, Carlos Castaño Uribe, HernánDario Correa, Dario Fajardo, GuillaumeFontaine, Cesar Ortiz, Alfredo Rangel,Manuel Rodriguez and Ricardo Vargas.

The different book chapters show howenvironmental issues are deep-rooted inthe Colombian armed conflict and how landhas not been the only resource underdispute. The armed conflict involvesenvironmental resources in general: water,timber and non timber forest products. Moststudies have concentrated on forestecosystems, where insurgent guerrillassettled since they were created more thanforty years ago. In the opening chapter ofthe book, Alfredo Rangel analyzes howguerrilla groups have used theseecosystems as part of their military strategy.Today, guerrillas use forests in variousColombian regions to assemble theirfronts; it is a safe haven from which to planand unleash rapid attacks against townsand military and police garrisons or inwhich to plant illegal crops. Moreover, thehard to access Amazon jungle region servedas the nest in which Fuerzas ArmadasRevolucionarias de Colombia FARC, thelargest guerrilla group in the country wasincubated and nourished, and from which itbegan expanding towards the rest of thecountry during the 80s.

The book stresses how many studiesundertaken by numerous experts on theongoing armed conflict in Colombiaconcentrate on social and political issues,while failing to acknowledge human

ecology factors that explain how the conflictis rooted and fueled. There is overwhelmingevidence on this matter: how and wheremajor human displacements occur.According to Dario Fajardo’s survey,displacement is closely linked to how landis hoarded and how control of territoriesstrategically important for their richness inrenewable and non-renewable resourcesis being sought; to forecasting eventualbenefits resulting from installing mayordevelopment projects; or to the military andpolitical importance of certain territories visa vis the armed conflict. Informationcurrently available indicates that 78.4% ofdisplaced people come from areas of thecountry in which the Gini coefficient for landownership is above 0.73%. Nonetheless,the book stresses that the environmentalfactors at the core of the conflict, which havebeen historically active in fueling violence,are not themselves the cause.Environmental factors may fuel violence, butfueling always springs from interactionbetween environmental and othereconomic, political and social factors.

The war has several consequences for theenvironment, including those related toillegal crops. German Andrade argues thatit is very likely that certain fauna populationsare over exploited today as a source ofprotein for the large human settlements injungle areas, which include illegal armedgroups and State armed forces. Loss offauna also leads to degradation of manyforest ecosystems in the country, due mainlyto a reduction or the disappearance ofessential seed dispersers that are vital forcertain flora to survive. The effects of thisphenomenon are as serious asdeforestation caused by illegal crops which,notwithstanding the variation in estimates,some observers believe affects more than



1,000,000 hectares.

German Andrade, Ricardo Vargas andCesar Ortiz point out that the most seriousenvironmental effect of illegal crops resultsmainly from eradication policies and howthese policies drive illegal crop productionfrom one place to the next. Vargas’conclusions include the fact that eradicationpolicies undertaken under the last twogovernments, have changed a situation inwhich illegal crops were grown in a few ofthe country’s departments to spreadingthese crops into departments where theywere not previously grown or where theyplayed but a minor role. Illegal crops areundergoing a metastasis that isfragmenting or destroying some of the lastAndean remaining natural forests.Eradication policies also deepen socialexclusion and environmentalmarginalization of a large number of smallfarmers.

More relevant issues are discussed in otherchapters. Carlos Castaño indicates how theconflict has led to new road construction,which in turned has fired disorderlycolonization and destroyed preciousforests. The Government has alsoundertaken the task of building new roadsto increase State presence and to improveways in which the armed forces can accessjungle areas used as strategic safe havensby illegal armed groups. Guerrillas havealso built new roads that cut across naturalreserves, creating pathways to bringweapons into the country and to transportdrugs towards the Pacific coast in order toship them towards the United States andEurope. Chapters by Alfonso Avellanedaand Guilliame Fontaine discuss therelationship between oil, the environmentand armed conflict in Colombia.

Finally, two of the chapters explain howenvironmental policies implementedsduring 1994-2002 were enforced in arelatively successful manner amidst theconflict: Manuel Rodriguez focuses on “PlanVerde”, a community reforestation plancovering 150,000 hectares in areas undersevere armed conflict; and Hernán DaríoCorrea focuses on the policy “parks andpeople together” (parques con la gente)which has included and involved severalcommunities in managing and conservingprotected areas. Both of these case studiesillustrate how the environment hasenormous potential towards buildingpeace. It is a light at the end of a sober andcomplex tunnel built by the relationshipbetween the armed conflict, society and theenvironment.

Note: ordering information for the bookGuerra, Sociedad y Medio Ambiente maybe found on page 126)

Dr Manuel Rodríguez BecerraCra. 10 no. 86-89BogotáColombia

Fax: + 571 6103136E- mail: [email protected]

1 Cárdenas, Martha and Rodríguez, Manuel (Eds.)Guerra, medio ambiente y sociedad. Bogotá,Foro Nacional Ambiental, 2004, 570 pgs.



The native population of the Sierra Nevadaof Santa Marta in Colombia consists of about32,000 members of the indigenous groupsKogi, Arhuaco, Arsario and Kankuamo;descendants of the Tayronas and guardiansof their ancient traditions. There are alsoapproximately 150,000 peasants and oneand a half million urban dwellers in thelowlands. The four indigenous groups arethe only native, established people. Despitespeaking different languages, these groupsshare a single belief system. From beforethe arrival of the Spanish, the indigenouspeople of the Sierra Nevada have had aworld view, social organisation and asettlement pattern that revolve aroundmanagement and conservation of a uniqueecosystem that they call the ‘Heart of theWorld’.

According to indigenous accounts of theearth’s creation, the area around the Sierrawas a circular territory with high mountainsat its center and a border, called the ‘blackline’, extending to the ocean where thewater cycle ends. This territory is the centerof the world and home to the Mother’schildren who live off her and care for herwater sources, lands and sacred sites. Fewpeople appreciate the philosophical depthof the indigenous understanding of thenatural world, but negative attitudes towardsindigenous knowledge are changing.

Currently there is better appreciation for theeffectiveness of indigenous resourcemanagement systems. Sustainablemanagement of mountain resources is avital way to prevent and manage conflict.

Many violent conflicts are about disputesover resources between the mountain andlowland communities. Mountaincommunities have limited resources andtheir relations with the lowlands can changeand rapidly deteriorate. From the time oftheir first contact with the western world,indigenous peoples have suffered fromplunder and destruction of their territories,sacred sites, cemeteries and ancestralcustoms. The case of the Kogi people isdescribed here in some detail to illustratethe general situation of indigenous peoplesin the Sierra. They have been forciblydisplaced several times, even as recentlyas the 1960’s, and now live in the Don Diegoriver basin.

Lineage plays an important role in thecomplex, hierarchical Kogi society. The realdecision making power over personal andcommunity affairs lies in the hands of priests,or Mamas, who plan the farming calendarand distribute lands and crops according tolineage. They are responsible for the delicatebalance between man and nature. Thisbalance does not only encompass basicresources such as water, forests or cropsbut extends to the moral and spiritual balanceof individual community members. Kogisociety, for example, is strictly hierarchical. Atthe top we find the Mamas, or priests, whoseeducation is one of the most striking featuresof their society.

Ideally, the future priests are chosen bydivination and trained from birth. The traininglasts 18 years and takes place in special

CONFLICT, SPIRITUAL MEANINGAND ENVIRONMENTAL EFFECTS .Offerings made by the IndigenousPeoples of the Sierra Nevada ofSanta Marta

By Guillermo E. Rodríguez-Navarro



temples in the Sierra. When they return tosociety as Mamas at around the age oftwenty they may be trained to lead thecommunity in moral and spiritual ways, butthey lack all practical knowledge. Theirsimple but profound training prepares themfor their task of preserving the universe.Practical matters are left to the Comisarioor the Mayor, who works together with theMama. Cabos are assistants to the Mamasand the Comisarios and have less authority.Mayores is a term given to elder men of goodreputation whose status gives themauthority over their peers and the youngergeneration.

Mamas, Mayores, Cabos and Comisariosare in close contact with nature and have aclear sense of how to maintain the cyclesthat rule the ecosystems. Their unique beliefsystem provides the base for the indigenousbiodiversity management practice. It stemsfrom a complex offering system in whicheach individual holds custody of a sacredterritory. An over-simplified classification ofthe offering system is provided here to helpunderstand the highly complex nature ofindigenous land management in the SierraNevada. There appear to be three distincttypes of offering. The first comprises a setof rituals that maintain natural cycles. Theseare performed by offering stone beads,which are buried, thrown into the sea orhidden in small caves or cracks in fields orsnowy peaks. The second type of offeringis made to atone for personal faults. Thethird type acts as payment for the use ofnatural resources with unpredictable yield.One example dealt with the use of trees forthe construction of a bridge. In a complexceremony, tree seedlings were cleaned,scattered in the forest, and then givenspiritual nourishment. (PedroSundenkama, Kogi community, personal

communication).

While the scientific perspective differs fromthe traditional, both have much to offer eachother. Combining the two is the best way toachieve a better understanding of nature.However, it is still difficult to establish anatmosphere of trust with the indigenouspeople of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Martaand to take part in their knowledge andbelief systems. This can only be attainedthrough longstanding cooperation.

The situation of the indigenous people iscritical, more so now than ever before. Theintense territorial dispute between guerrillasand paramilitary groups has a disruptiveimpact on ancestral culture. Traditionally,communities had access to a variety ofecosystems of different temperature andaltitude. This enabled them to build a self-sufficient economy that supplied productsranging from salt and fish from the lowlands,to potatoes and medicinal plants from thecold highlands. Today the mobility ofcommunities is severely restricted byparamilitary groups in the lowlands andfoothills and by guerrillas in the mid- andhighlands of the Sierra.

The conflict has intensified over the last fiveyears and this has worsened the situationfor the communities. This has not onlycaused a fracture in their production system,it has also restricted or even totallyprecluded access to vital cultural placesincluding sacred sites. Communities havehad to abandon their lowland territories andretreat to higher grounds. Thesedisplacements are ever more frequent andthe obstruction of access to the lowlandshas affected the capacity to build up stocks.The most isolated communities now runthe risk of starvation.



This article summarizes a case study aboutnatural resource management in Colombia.The country has been in a civil war for morethan 40 years. Conflicts relating to themanagement of natural resources arerooted in economic, territorial, social andpolitical problems. Economic problemsinclude population growth, poverty,distribution of land, and state politics.Difficult social conditions are the result ofmigration, poverty, environmentaldegradation and violence, such as armedconflicts between left-wing guerrillas andright- wing paramilitary groups. To escapeconflict, the population migrates into regionswhere land property rights are not definedor they settle in national parks. In theseisolated regions the state is generally weakwhile other actors, such as illegal drug-traffickers, are strong.

The research was conducted in the ParqueNational Natural Tinigua, or PNNT, over theyears 2001 to 2004. This national park islocated in the Departamento Meta inColombia and is the only biological corridorthat connects the Andes with the Amazon-Orinoco region. The World Bank classifiedit as an ecological region of strategicimportance and accorded it the highestpriority for protection because of theoutstanding biological diversity. The park isthreatened by misleading settlementpolicies, violent conflicts, cattle-ranchingand illicit crop production.

By Cristina Hoyos

NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENTIN THE CONTEXT OF THE PEACEPROCESS IN COLOMBIA (1999-2002)

Wherever the ecology is fragile, peace isfragile too. Resources must be shared toprevent conflicts. Time has arrived for ourindustrialized society to learn from theindigenous one, to incorporate moral valuesand develop an ecological understandingthat is reflected in its social and economicmeasures. Knowledge should become apart of our way of life and post-modern manneeds a new approach to development inwhich basic resources are protected andthe survival of our planet is assured.Participatory management, adaptivemechanisms and regulations for accessingresources and attainment of a new set ofconditions are the most sustainable andrealistic ways of reaching solutions.

The spiritual significance of our territoriesis being lost. Only by better understandingnatural phenomena and the effects of our‘toys’, as the indigenous people call ourtechnological developments, will we be ableto gain a more respectful view of nature and,perhaps, recover the real meaning of ourterritories and lives.

Author:Guillermo E Rodríguez NavarroCorporación Caja de HerramientasCalle 85 No. 21-31,Bogotá D.C.Colombia

E-mail:[email protected]@prosierra.org

A list of references and further informationis available upon request from the author.



PNNT is situated in the formerlydemilitarized zone that was established asa result of the 1999–2002 peace processbetween FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas deColombia- Ejército Popular) and theColombian Government. After three yearsof negotiations, the peace process brokedown on February 20th, 2002, and part ofthe research area was hit during theensuing bombardment of the demilitarizedzone.

The objective of the research was to analysethe use of natural resources in the conflictarea of the PNNT in the context of the peaceprocess (1999-2002), in economical, politicaland social aspects. An extended study of theliterature on environmental conflict researchfailed to identify an adequate, singlemethodology that could help analyse theconflict in the PNNT. It was thus necessary tolook into other disciplines that deal withconflict analysis. The field of internationalcooperation offered a range of methodologiesand the following tools were selected as themost promising: Timeline, Conflict Mapping(both adapted by Fisher, et al., 2000), andConflict Tree. These research tools wereapplied at three different stages: before,during and after the peace process. Theanalysis, conducted by two different groupsof the national park administration, theUnidad Administrativa Especial del Sistemade Parques Nacionales, was realised duringa two-day workshop in the capital Bogotábecause implementation in the field wasdeemed too risky for the researchers.

ResultsWith a few adaptations, all three tools offeredcomplementary perspectives on the PNNTconflict. With the adaptation to this specificset of problems, however, someshortcomings emerged. Therefore, two new

tools were introduced:1 Timeline Impact Assessment, or TIA,

helped to analyze the chronology of theconflict, the multitude of the partiesinvolved, the development of the relevantactivities, the impact of the use of naturalresources and identify the conflicts thatrose as a result.

2 Conflict Mapping and Conflict RelationIntensity Mapping Evaluation, or CRIME,helped to describe the parties involved inthe conflict, their relationships, and theintensity of these relationships in thedifferent stages of the conflict. In turn, thishelped to comprehend the quantitative,and to some degree the qualitative,characteristics of the conflict.

3 The Conflict Tree helped to unravel thecause of the conflict over the managementof natural resources, which helped todefine the core problem, and its effects.This instrument is used internationally indifferent research areas.

The resulting conflict analysis methodologyand the selected tools combined can helplocal, national, and international institutionsto better understand the parties involved inconflicts over the use of natural resourcesand the nature of their problems. In view ofthe threat that natural resources andbiodiversity are exposed to as a result ofviolent conflict or war, it is necessary todevelop close cooperation between localscientific institutions and internationalorganisations and, together, developefficient and long-lasting conflict resolutionstrategies.

Cristina HoyosInternational ConsultantAuf dem Meere 521335 LüneburgGermany



a day’s walk from the nearest road. Thechurch is brightly painted with a muraldepicting village life and jungle animals aswell as the obligatory Virgin of Guadalupe.Bright green guacamayas soar overheadand howler monkeys cry from the trees. Thechurch and schoolhouse have solar panels;there is no other electricity.

Nicolas Morales Palé, one of the communityleaders, brings us out to the cornfield andboasts of the settlement’s ecologicalprogram. He says they gave up slash-and-burn agriculture ten years ago and havelearned a method of rotation that allowsthem to survive without eating into the forest.Then he passionately grabs a piece of soiland holds it out to us, so we can see itsrichness for ourselves. “We will die here ifwe have to,” he says. “The women, thechildren, everybody. We’re not leaving alive.We will shed our own blood on this land.We are going to stay here because this landis for the campesinos.”

Although there is no government presencewhatsoever in this remote settlement, armytroops are now stationed in a ring aroundthe biosphere reserve, awaiting orders toeject the “illegal” Indian communities. Sincethey emerged in the 1994 Zapatistarebellion, the jungle “autonomousmunicipalities” loyal to the rebels have beenprotected by the cease-fire. Now PresidentVicente Fox is preparing to move againstthe settlements—in the name of ecology.

Ecology groups working in the reserve likeConservation International say “illegal”jungle settlements like Nuevo San Gregorioare destroying the forest. But in the NewYears communique commemorating their1994 uprising, the EZLN’s SubcomandanteMarcos pledged that the rebels will resist

By Bill Weinberg

CONSERVATION AS COUNTERINSURGENCY IN THE CHIAPASRAINFOREST?

Phone: + 49 4131 36266E-mail: [email protected]

Reference

Fisher, S. Ardi, D., Ludin, J., Smith, R.,Williams, S.,Williams, S. (2000): Working with Conflict.Skills and Strategies for Action.London, UnitedKingdom.

The bush plane takes off from Ocosingo,where the Chiapas highlands slope downto the tropical rainforest known as theLacandon Selva—stronghold of Mexico’srebel Zapatista National Liberation Army(EZLN). We leave behind paved roads andthe electricity grid, heading into the verdantcanyonlands of what remains a wild frontier,a stretch of jungle along the Guatemalanborder only partly under government control.And we are flying into the deepest and mosthotly contested part of it—the Montes AzulesBiosphere Reserve, recognized by the UNEnvironment Program for its globalbiological and cultural significance.

The land below is a patchwork of forest andareas cleared for cattle ranches andpeasant communities. But as we headsouth into Montes Azules, the forested areasgrow. We land at Nuevo San Gregorio, aMaya Indian settlement on the edge of thereserve—a cluster of huts in a green valley,the forest a short walk in any direction, and



the government’s planned evictions fromMontes Azules. “There will not be a peacefulexpulsion,” wrote Marcos.

Of the 32 communities threatened witheviction, most are EZLN support bases.Others, like Nuevo San Gregorio, areunarmed and not formally part of the rebelmovement, but have fraternal relations withthe Zapatistas. Everyone in Nuevo SanGregorio supported the Zapatistas’ long-stalled peace plan which would give Indiancommunities—even small junglesettlements like this one—constitutionally-guaranteed autonomy.

Hubliano Lopez-Sanchez, a peasant leaderwho works with Nuevo San Gregorio in theiragro-ecology program, tells me: “We arecampesinos and we know how to use theland. We are self-governing indigenouscommunities. So we have the right toautonomy, as the EZLN is fighting for.”

Ironically, these settlers are in the forestbecause the government encouraged themto clear it for farmland thirty years ago, inorder to relieve the land pressures in thehighlands. Then, when the biospherereserve was declared in 1978, they instantlybecame squatters. The EZLN charges thatthe government is using this as an excuseto move against their support communities,despite the official truce.

In the evening, the Nuevo San Gregoriovillage band—a guitar-fiddle-bass trio—puton a concert for us in front of the church,performing valiantly on beat-up oldinstruments with missing strings. In themorning, after tortillas and eggs, we fly out—continuing south into the heart of thereserve. We fly over the shrinking heart ofintact jungle, leaving settlements behind. A

dense, unblemished canopy covers the lowmountains for as far as the eye can see inany direction. But it doesn’t last long. Justbeyond the clear turquoise of LagunaMiramar, which marks the southern borderof the reserve, lies a brown plain of exposed,completely deforested earth. This is the drillgrounds surrounding San Quentin, themain military base for the Lacandon Selva.

We land in Comitan, the major town on theother side of the forest. Here we meet afamily displaced by the first evictions fromthe reserve, and still living in the compoundof a government agency. They are from thesettlement of Rio San Pablo, which agreedto leave Montes Azules in December. Adetatchment of federal police backed up bya helicopter showed up to enforce theeviction. But now the families are stillnegotiating with federal authorities to becompensated with new lands elsewhere inChiapas. Says family elder Domingo PerezGomez: “If it isn’t resolved soon, we will goto a ranch to work, because we are not usedto living dependent on the government.” Hisadvice to those still in the jungle: “Don’tleave the Selva, because the governmentis not to be trusted!”

Reached in Tuxtla, the state capital, IgnacioMarch, Conservation International’spointman for Montes Azules, told me: “Somepeople seem to think that poverty is a goodexcuse to destroy the reserve. But theLacandon Selva has been half destroyedover the last 20 years and poverty has onlyincreased. The government cannot give landto every invader because that only providesan incentive to invade. It is a difficultproblem. We still haven’t found a solution,and unfortunately the Zapatista conflict isan obstacle to finding one. Many peopleexploit that and are going into the jungle”.



By Mario González-Espinosa

FOREST USE AND CONSERVATIONIMPLICATIONS OF THE ZAPATISTAREBELLION IN CHIAPAS, MEXICO

Back in the highland city of San Cristobalde Las Casas, as I prepared to fly home toNew York, the skies, which had beencrystalline nearly throughout the trip,became soupy with haze. TV reported that amassive forest fire had broken out in MontesAzules. The government blamed slash-and-burn agriculture by the illegal Indiancommunities. But residents of one suchcommunity, Ocho de Febrero, a Zapatista“autonomous municipality,” reported to localhuman rights groups that the fires had beenintentionally set by unknown men. They haddestroyed homes, cornfields and animals,forcing residents to flee to neighboringcommunities.

Bill Weinberg44 Fifth Ave. #172Brooklyn NY 11217USA

E-mail: [email protected]: http://ww4report.com

This article was written March 2003. A muchlonger version appeared in the Spring 2003issue of Native Americas: The HemisphericJournal of Indigenous Issues(Fredericksburg, VA).http://www.nativeamericas.com

The Zapatista rebellionOn New Year´s Day of 1994, Mexican societyand the world were shocked by newscoming from San Cristóbal de Las Casas,an old city in central Chiapas, Mexico. A well-organised, clandestine army of Mayapeasants had taken the city without violenceand, in the main square, proclaimed adeclaration of war against the neo-liberalMexican Government. As representatives ofthe Indian peoples of Mexico, the ZapatistaArmy for National Liberation (EjércitoZapatista de Liberación Nacional, or EZLN)protested against more than five centuriesof extreme poverty, the lack of developmentopportunities, and the age-old socialmistreatment and abuse by the rest ofsociety. Unprecedented violent clashes tookplace in central Chiapas during the followingdays, until an agreement was reached on acease-fire and the start of peace talks.Finally, in February 1996, a first importantjoint announcement was signed among theparties, the Acuerdos de San Andrés. Yet,after ten years, the conflict remains at astandstill because of the unwillingness ofthe Mexican Federal Government to fulfillthese Acuerdos. Efforts to resumenegotiations remain unsuccessful and, fora decade, the Zapatistas have keptthemselves completely outside of anyofficial programs and promote their owngovernment structures (Juntas de BuenGobierno, JBG).



Forest abuse and the rebellionMuch has been written on the complexcauses of the Zapatista rebellion. Yet thereis not a single, thorough analysis on howthe lack of development of sustainableforestry has contributed to social unrest,particularly in the highlands. The EZLN wasorganised in Tojolabal, Tzotzil, Tzeltal, andChol communities who live in the steepmountains of the central and easternhighlands of Chiapas. The region is knownfor its vast biological and cultural richness.However, Chiapas is also known as theregion with the lowest social and economicdevelopment in the country. A struggle toopen up more land for cultivation has beenidentified among the causes of the conflict,in combination with an explosive populationgrowth. Yet most of the territory occupied bythe EZLN forces is not suitable foragricultural development. The shallow andcalcareous soils on steep slopes supportdegraded forests and produce meagerharvests from eroded and infertile fields. Thecommunities have used forest products andservices for centuries, through theirtraditional land-use practices that includeslash-and-burn-agriculture. I argue that theinteraction between the people and theirforests, heavily affected by past forestry,agricultural, and conservation policies, hasplayed an important role in the origin of theconflict.

Over the three decades that preceded theZapatista rebellion, forest resources inChiapas were generally exploited by timber-oriented concessionaries that did not investin long-term forestry. The plunder of primetimber motivated an extreme and influentialconservation movement that eventually ledto the establishment of a series of importantfederal and state natural protected areas(NPAs), frequently with the support of

international organisations. While efforts toconserve the forest were necessary, it mustbe said that in most cases the basic needsof local people were not considered.Population growth and the need foradditional agricultural land thus led toinvasions and settlement along the marginsof the NPAs. The protected areas thus forma root cause of conflict, both amongcommunities themselves and withauthorities that attempt to forcibly relocatethe settlers.

A few years before the Zapatista revolterupted, the state government decreed acontroversial halt on permits for the use offorests. As a result, sawmills weredismantled and timber sales to localmarkets came to a halt. In mountainousareas, where forest management is theprime option for sustainable land-use,people were put in jail or heavily fined if theywere caught logging for firewood or othernon-commercial timber. This wasparticularly pressing because it coincidedwith low market prices for major agriculturalproducts such as maize and coffee. Theinadequate, political decree has led to anescalation of the conflicts of interestsbetween forest use and conservation and ithas contributed to social resentment andthe need for additional land.

Consequences of forest abuseFrom 1960 onwards, the overall rate ofdeforestation in Chiapas has been higherthan in the rest of the country; it is one of thehighest in the world. Following the rebellion,lack of governance allowed rampant illegalclearing for agriculture, livestock ranching,and human settlement. In the centralhighlands of Chiapas, selective logging ofQuercus and other broadleaved species forfirewood has impoverished forest stands.



By Salvador Anta Fonseca

WHY IS THERE VIOLENCE IN SOMEFOREST AREAS OF MEXICO?

This has substantially decreased thepotential yields from traditional agriculture-forest rotations. In addition, conflicts amongcommunities have not made it any easierto reach agreements on the use ofremaining forests or on the restoration ofdegraded and cleared areas. These inter-community conflicts can be extremelyviolent, sometimes involving religiousparties. Only a handful of communities havebeen able to organise themselves tomanage their forest stands and securefinancial support for certified forestry orcarbon sequestration.

OutlookWhen will the Zapatista conflict end? Notsoon, apparently. Crucial legal, political andplanning issues related to forest use arestill waiting for solutions or show onlysluggish progress. An increasing numberof groups ask for technical advice on forestrestoration, not an easy question in view ofthe complex, biological richness of theirresource base. There may be some 1,300native tree species in Chiapas, whichmakes the urgent ecological restoration ofdiversity a most challenging task, even ifthe aim is to use only 100-200 species. Onthe side of the Zapatistas, the emphasis oncommunity-agreed forest use in the contextof the JBG is encouraging. No singleresearch institute is able to provide therequired expertise to guide such initiativeson its own. Restoration projects cansuccessfully request widespreadinvolvement of local people, particularly fromwomen and teenagers, in collecting,producing, and maintaining the requiredplanting materials, provided the projects arescientifically and technically sound, and arebased on confidence and respect. Whenacademic institutions can organisethemselves and make sincere progress in

this direction, they will probably be betterprepared to support social organisations,community assemblies, and Governmentswith sustainable forestry projects and peacecan be finally achieved.

Contact:Mario González-EspinosaDepartamento de Ecología y SistemáticaTerrestresDivisión de Conservación de laBiodiversidadEl Colegio de la Frontera Sur (ECOSUR)Apartado Postal 6329200 San Cristóbal de Las Casas,ChiapasMéxico


Mexico has achieved important economicand social goals in the last few years; still, itlags behind in political, social and economicterms that manifest themselves principallyin rural areas. In the Mexican countrysideand especially in the forest areas there arestill high levels of poverty, marginalization,and ungovernable places.

The Mexican Government’s efforts tostrengthen the forestry sector remain limitedand insufficient; 8.6 million hectares aremanaged under commercial forestmanagement permits and another 8.2



million hectares of forested areas lie withinNatural Protection Reserves. This totals16.8 million hectares, only. In contrast, theremaining 110 million hectares of forestedareas in our country lack forestmanagement programs, incentives, andlocal governance, which would promote theprotection and the sustainable use of naturalresources. It is precisely in these forestareas where violence andungovernableness are most frequent. Inmany cases there are organised, armedgroups that carry out illegal activities, suchas illegal timber extraction, drug cultivation,and the occupation of forest lands. Theviolence causes a serious deterioration ofthe forests and disrupts the quality of life ofthe population.

Mexico does have successful examples ofgood forest management, wherecommunity forest enterprises operateunder the administration of communitiesand ejidos. In places where ‘communityforestry’ is practiced and in places wherethe forest is managed, landholders tend toprotect the natural resources with thesupport of local government. This localsupport is complemented by the federalgovernment’s system of forestmanagement permits. For this reasondeforestation, forest fires, illegal loggingand the cultivation of illegal drugs have hada low incidence rate in lands covered bythese permits.

On the other hand, the main causes ofviolence and ungovernableness in Mexico’sforest regions are related to agrarianconflicts between neighboring villages,impacts of a number of public policies,general weakening of local governmentstructures, drug trafficking, and the lack oflaw enforcement. The Mexican federal

government has identified 100 criticalregions and nine ungovernable regionswhere illegal forest activities take place. Thenine ungovernable regions are: TheTarahumara Range, the Tepehuana Range,the Monarch Butterfly Reserve, theLacandona Forest, the Zoque Forest, thePetatan and Coyuca Ranges, the ZempoalaRange and the Izta-Popo National Parks. Inthe Monarch Butterfly region, as in otherregions within Michoacan and Estado deMexico, illegal logging has become aserious problem, as heavily-armed groupshave raided community and ejido forests atnight. These groups have illegally extractedtimber without the consent of thelandowners, who, fearing reprisals, haveavoided confronting them or bringing thembefore the authorities.

Illegal logging finds its origin in weakeninglocal governance caused by loss of socialcapital through migration, parceling-out landand by corrupted government officials. TheForest Law of 1992 has also had aninfluence, through its attempts atderegulation and at increasing forestmanagement efficiency. In pursuing thesepolicies, the law has weakened governmentmechanisms for controlling and monitoringforest products. Although the presentsituation has partially improved thanks tonew legislation, the illegal practices inthese regions are difficult to eradicate.

In forests in the states of Guerrero, Sinaloa,Durango and Chihuahua, drug cultivationhas weakened governance and increasedviolence, with serious social repercussionsfor local inhabitants. For lack of economicalternatives in their region, inhabitants havebecome involved in this type of cultivation,leading to increasing problems with the law.



Violence in the forest areas stems fromagrarian problems and legalistic disputesover boundaries that have remainedunresolved over many decades. This is theresult of a lack in law enforcement andgovernment responsibility. In turn,communities have taken justice into theirown hands, causing a series of armedclashes between communities, ejidos, andsmall landholders. Some of the mostrecurrent conflicts have taken place in theindigenous communities of Oaxaca, theChimalapas, and in the Huichola andTepehuana regions.

Agrarian conflicts have caused very violentincidents, such as the one that occurred inthe South Range of Oaxaca in 2002, whenan armed group killed more than twentymembers of a neighboring communitybecause of a boundary dispute. Thisproblem arose because the governmentfailed to address the agrarian and socialproblems of the region. Rather than to take-up its responsibility, the state governmentchose to transfer it and blamed the federalforest sector authorities.

Due to the lack of response from the federalgovernment, it was not possible todetermine the true responsibility of theinstitutions, and the forest communities andejidos remained discredited as a result.Instead of inquiring into, and clearing upthese events, the federal governmentpreferred to establish new measures thatover-regulated forest activities. Thesemeasures proved most harmful for thosewho had made the best attempts towardsthe management and sustainable use offorest resources: the forest communitiesand ejidos of Oaxaca and Mexico.

As one can see, the violence that thrives in

the various forest regions of Mexico can onlybe solved with public policies thatstrengthen the governance of forestcommunities and ejidos, and their technicaland organisational skills. Paternalisticchanneling of resources does not help.Rather, through the investment of economicfunds in these areas, good forestmanagement practices can be promoted,and in turn, generate profits. The federalgovernment has begun to take importantsteps in the resolution of the agrarianconflicts, however, on a sectoral level, theGovernment should also take up a leadingrole in the national forest policies. Thiswould prevent the impunity and injustice thatfrequently arise from powerful political andeconomic groups at state and regionallevels.

Only by addressing the problem in acomprehensive manner, can Mexico avertmore casualties and violence in its forests,and continue to advance its democratictransition and social justice processes.

Salvador Anta FonsecaConsejo Civil para la Sivicultura Sostenibleen México A.C. (Civil Council for SustainableForestry in Mexico)Miguel Angel de Quevedo 103Chimalistac,Del. Alvaro Obregon. CP 01070Mexico




EL BALCÓN, MEXICO. BUILDINGPEACE AND GOVERNABILITYAROUND COMMUNAL FORESTS

By Leticia Merino

for decades. According the majority of thepeople in the region, this activity representsan abuse of the forest to the benefit ofoutsiders. Foreign and Mexican companiesalike logged the forests of the sierra duringthe first half of the 20th century. During the1970s, the federal government created thestate-owned company FOVIGRO (ForestalVicente Guerrero), which received anexclusive concession to log the sierra.Often, the army was called in to guard theinstallations of FOVIGRO. Apart from someunskilled employment, people of the regionhardly received benefits, in spite of the factthat many privately owned forests werebeing logged. The concession ended onlyby the end of the 1980s.

The Ejido el Balcón was formed in 1966when the Mexican government grantedcollective property rights to 136 family headsover 2,400 hectares. In 1974, another 19,150hectares of forestlands were given to theejido (Bray D. and L. Merino, 2003). Thiswas a time of permanent confrontationsover the land. In the initial days of the ejido,nearly 20% of El Balcón’s communitymembers were widows of under 30.

Within the context of Guerrero, and of ruralMexico, the case of el Balcón is remarkablefor several reasons:

The ejido has built a forest enterprise thatuses modern technology to producecertified timber for the export market. Theejido enterprise employs all ejido memberswho want to work for it. Profits have largelybeen invested in the social welfare of thenearly 600 people living in the ejido (healthcare, education, public infrastructure).

From satellite images or by simply travelingthrough high parts of the sierra, one can

The Ejido1 el Balcón is located in thehighlands of the sierra, close to the PacificOcean in the region called Costa Grande inthe Mexican state of Guerrero. “It has anaverage elevation of 7,200 feet, with a veryrugged topography that leaves parts of thearea isolated during the rainy season whensome fifty-five inches of rain fall” (D. Brayand L. Merino, 2003, p.65). Guerrero meanswarrior in Spanish and the region hashonored that name; a climate of constantviolence has marked life in this sierra formany decades.

During the 1960s and 70s, the region wasfought over by guerrillas and thegovernment. In order to eradicate theguerrillas, the army subjected the region toa regime of fierce repression andthousands lost their lives. Today, thirty yearslater, people still demand that those whoare responsible for Mexico’s ‘dirty war’ bebrought to justice. Fights over land between‘campesino’ groups have made violence apermanent feature of life in Costa Grande.Production of illicit crops thrives in the region,under the ideal conditions of weak ornonexistent local institutions and isolatedforests. Drug cultivation and trafficking haveintroduced new, powerful players to theregional stage of violence andungovernableness.

The coastal sierra in Guerrero is coveredwith large forests that have been exploited



readily observe the deterioration of theforests, which constantly suffer from firesand illegal logging. El Balcón is theexception: its lands are covered with well-preserved forests and its forestmanagement has been certified under theForest Stewardship Council in 2003.

Nevertheless, the most importantachievement of el Balcón is the climate ofagreement, governability and peace that ithas built amidst a region that has fallenvictim to illegal logging and drug trafficking.These activities may have brought relativewealth to some in the sierra, but they havealso ruptured the social fabric bystrengthening deeply authoritariancacicazgos, violence and corruption, andsocial mistrust. On top of that, conditionshave aggravated in recent years byincreasing drug consumption amongyoungsters in the region. These conditionsare not favorable to the development of localinstitutions that are required for collectivemanagement of a communal resource andfor investment in communalentrepreneurship. During the final years ofthe 1990s, the Costa Grande acquiredinternational notoriety due to the movementof the so-called ‘campesino ecologists’.These are inhabitants of the lowland sierrawho opposed forest extraction in thehighlands that affects water resources.Rodolfo Montiel and others blocked loggingtrucks. They were arrested by state police,later tortured and accused of drug trafficking.

Within this volatile context, collective actionin el Balcón revolved around managementof the forest, its most important asset. Theforest has been the axis for the developmentof social capital and local institutions.Looking back in local history, key factors thatmay help explain the extraordinary

institutional development of el Balcón havebeen the quality of the leaders, theirpreference for negotiation over confrontationin dealing with internal problems as wellas with neighboring ejidos, their insistenceon the importance of issues such asregulated forest management,transparency of the ejido´s business andassociation with other forest ejidos of theregion. Also of help were the presence ofagencies that monitored and assessed theejido enterprise, and the high level ofcommunity participation in these agencies,in the forest management and in theenterprise.

The ejido assembly has even been able totake measures to control the cultivation ofillicit crops. Those who are found-outplanting illegal crops are expelled fromparticipation in collective property rights.Lands that were cleared years ago toproduce such crops have been reforested.

The social capital produced by collectiveaction has enabled el Balcón to developeconomic and natural assets and, mostimportant, it has enabled its members tomaintain a climate of peaceful localgovernance.

For further information please contact:Leticia Merino,Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales,UNAM andConsejo Civil Mexicano para la SilviculturaSostenible


References

David Barton Bray and Leticia Merino; El Balcón,Guerrero. A Case Study of Globalization :



Benefiting a Forest Community (P. 65:80). In:Timothy A. Wise, Hilda Salazar and LauraCarlsen, 2003; Confronting Globalization.Economic Integration and Popular Resistancein Mexico. Ed. Kumarina Press, Inc. Bloomfield,T.C, USA.

1 The ejido is a form of collective tenure in México.The formal owner is the group of ejidatarios,but inside the group private rights arerecognized, especially over agricultural andurban land. Forest areas tend to be collectiveproperty.

By Mani Ram Banjade and Netra PrasadTimsina

IMPACT OF ARMED CONFLICT INCOMMUNITY FORESTRY OF NEPAL

4. ASIA AND THE PACIFIC

Since 1996 Nepal has suffered from anongoing, armed conflict between the stateand Maoist insurgents. The root of theconflict is believed to be in the stratificationof economic classes, ethnic tensions andregional imbalance in development. Thearmed conflict has led to a decline of stateservices in rural areas, including forestryservices. Development has come to astandstill and economic growth is negative.Management of natural resources receivesless attention, due to security related issues.Government staff cannot access remoteareas and the presence there of bilateralorganisations and NGOs is limited.

There are around 13,300 CommunityForest User Groups, or CFUGs, in Nepal.

Most of these continue to function at a basiclevel, even though they are hampered bythe conflict. Today, CFUGs are the onlyremaining democratic institutions thatoperate in conflict-ridden areas. Wheresupport institutions fail to deliver technicalassistance to the CFUGs, opportunities forforest management and production are lost.Therefore, the authors propose to initiatediscourses on the issue and to train localresource persons who can fill theknowledge gap and deliver the necessarytechnical input to community forests (CFs).

Impact of Armed Conflict

Limited mobilityBecause of the armed conflict in Nepal,community forestry has been affected inmany ways. As a rule, community membersrequire a permit from the conflicting parties,government as well as Maoist rebels, foreach and every activity they wish to conductin the forest. This restricts mobility andreduces the level of forest management.The insecurity discourages CFUGs fromtaking development initiatives and obstructsthe organisation of group meetings andassemblies on forest management.

Support organisations have seen theirmobility restricted in almost all rural districtsof Nepal. They either need to get formalapproval from the insurgents and/or in somespecific cases government has not allowedthem to move freely in the areas. Manybilateral organisations, INGOs and NGOshave to limit their outreach to areas close tothe district headquarters because ofcontinuous threats from rebels and for thefear of becoming entangled between the tworivals. The limited mobility of supportinstitutions has impaired the supply oftechnical services and constrained the



potential contribution of community forestryto human well-being and environmentalsustainability.

Training and camps inside CFsInsurgents train and take refuge in forestedareas, including community forests. Whenthey are present, access to the forest isrestricted and those who do enter run therisk of being labelled a ‘spy’. In other cases,e.g., in part of the Khorthali CFUG of theDolakha district of Nepal, the government hasestablished military camps insidecommunity forests and users are not allowedto enter the periphery of the forest at all.

Levied taxes on forest products sales andrestrictions on tradeThe government levies tax on certain forestproducts, e.g. 15% on sales of Sal and Khairtimber. Now, Maoists demand the sameamount of tax, too. This double tax has madeit difficult for CFUGs to trade these productssince they can no longer cover the cost ofproduction. In this way, many CFUGs areforced to give up on forest management orthe collection of forest products. In somecases, Maoists have banned extraction ofcertain forest products from specific districts.Recently, for example, the Maoists bannedall collection and sale of Khair (Acaciacatechu) from the Dhankuta district wherethis species is abundant and provides theonly source of income to a number of CFUGs.

Different regulatory frameworksIn many hill districts of Nepal CFUGs arefaced by two parallel regulatory frameworks.One is by the government where they haveto register as CFUG and get approval fortheir five-year plan of forest operations.Another is by Maoists who implement theirown rules and, in addition, forcibly dissolveexisting CFUGs in order to form new forest

protection committees. Meanwhile, CFUGshave to abide by both regulatory directives.This has discouraged community membersaway from becoming involved in forestmanagement and forced them to seekalternative ways of making a living.

Income tax for development workersIn remote areas, a few development workersfrom (I)NGOs still operate, but most of themhave to pay the monthly levy (or tax) to theMaoists, too. Usually they are paying itinformally but the organisations theyrepresent are against it. If theseorganisations or their staff is found out payingtaxes to the Maoists, the government wouldpenalize them or they would be subjected totorture. This very difficult position of thedevelopment workers explains their limitedpresence in the field.

New InitiativesIn response to an increased demand anddecreased level of technical inputs in areasof armed conflict, organisations that workingin the field of community forestry haverealized that skilled manpower at local level,other than forestry staff, is required. Inaddition, they propose that local institutionsincluding local NGOs and other community-based organisations (CBOs) be trained todeliver these technical services. As a result,most of these organisations, in differentforms and intensities, are engaged in thetraining of local resource persons. However,due to the ongoing-armed conflict, theseinitiatives cannot fully address the need fortechnical assistance.

If local resource persons are capacitated withthe technical skills of forest management aswell as handling the issues of CF at times ofviolent conflict, they could better manage theirresources than technicians from outside.



Armed conflict in Nepal started in 1950 whenthe leadership of the Nepali Congress Party(NC) attempted to restore democracy andwrite a new constitution through aconstitutional assembly. NC abandoned itspolicy of armed fight and gained power in1960 by peaceful means. However, the lateKing Mahendra regained power in 1962,imposed a non-party Panchayat systemand ruled for 30 years. Some 20 years after

the original armed conflict, the Marxist-Leninist Nepal communist party (ML) startedarmed fights. ML put forward almost thesame demands of constitutional assemblyand establishment of a republican nation,but it abandoned the fights. A democraticstudent movement backed by NC andstudent unions backed by ML forced the lateKing to announce a referendum in 1980 thatresulted in a reformed Panchayat system.In 1990 the Panchayat system wasabolished and a multi-party system wasestablished through a people’s movement,led jointly by NC and ML. The resultingpower-sharing arrangement among NC, theML-led Left front and the King failed to meetthe people’s expectations; Maoists tookadvantage of this and started a ‘people’swar’ in 1996 with virtually identical demandsas the earlier ones by the NC and ML.

The current Maoist insurgency is thecontinuation of the conflicts since the 1950s.The major demands by the people or the keypolitical players then have not yet been met.Unlike in the past, all the people and sectionsof society are now affected by the conflict. Since1996, more than a thousand people werekilled per year and hundreds of thousandshave been displaced and intimidated. Atpresent, there is no parliament. Localgovernments of people’s representatives donot exist. The state has no presence in ruralareas. Government officials are confined indistrict headquarters. The only functionalinstitutions in the villages of rural Nepal areuser groups, predominantly the Forest UserGroups, which have become the means tokeep democracy alive in the villages.

Forests, agriculture and livestock areintegral parts of Nepal’s hill farming system,but the long-established community-based,collective forest management systems

Local resource persons can also sense thesecurity situation, negotiate with conflictingparties and help prepare a conduciveenvironment for active forest management.In addition, they can minimize the dividebetween the government initiated CFprogramme and the different modality offorest management induced by the Maoists.This can help ensure harmonious andsustainable forest management.

Mani Ram Banjade and Netra PrasadTimsinaForestActionG.P.O. Box 12207, KathmanduNepal

Phone: +9771 5550631E-mail: [email protected]@forestaction.wlink.com.np

ARMED CONFLICTS ANDCOMMUNITY FOREST USERGROUPS IN NEPAL: Can communityforestry survive and contribute topeace building at local level?

By Dr Bharat K. Pokharel and DineshPaudel



were disrupted by the expansion of forestbureaucracy in the 1950s and the ForestNationalization Act of 1957. Underenormous local and international pressurein the 1970s, community forestry wasreintroduced in 1978; initially, only up toPanchayat (municipal) level. Inhabitants ofthe respective Panchayat and the forestlocation did not match, however, whichrendered attempts towards forest protectionand management ineffective. A ForestrySector Master Plan was prepared and theconcept of user groups was re-introducedin 1988. Under multi-party democracy,restored in 1990, the concept of user groupswas endorsed and backed. There are now13 000 Forest User Groups, involving about35 percent of the population, who manage1.1 million hectares of forested land, aquarter of the national total.

Despite the rapid increase of forest usergroups, the present armed conflict in Nepalhas several negative effects on thecommunity forests and their management.Personal insecurity and war-relateddisharmony and threats are causingreduced frequency of visits to the forestsand average time spent there, and hence, areduction in silvicultural operations and theamount of forests products harvested. Onewoman in the Dolakha district: “I am afraidto go high into the forest these days becauseI might be killed by security forces if Iencounter them in the jungle. Or Maoistsmight suspect me of spying and might killme if they are chased by security forces”.

Both sides in the armed conflict also threatenpeople against organising or attendinggeneral assemblies and gatherings wherecollective decisions about harvesting andforest management are made. Someleaders of forest users groups have been

displaced from their home. Rebel groupshave asked group leaders to abandon theirpositions. The practice of exacting forceddonations from group funds is alsoincreasing. A group member: “Our forestuser groups would be more active in forestmanagement if there would have beenpeace”.

In many places local elites have createdalliances with smugglers and contractorsto supply forest products illegally. Somecontractors have been able to influencerebels by regular donations and thusmanaged to extract products in remoteareas. Government security forces have inmany cases clear-felled forests in river androad corridors, on hilltops and aroundsecurity posts to protect themselves fromrebel attacks.

The conflict has some positive impacts,including increased transparency andreduced misuse of group funds. Local elitesare challenged and they are afraid ofabusing community funds. Their attitudetowards poor and marginalized people hasstarted to change and they are increasinglysensitive to issues of equity andtransparency in decision-makingprocesses. The participation ofmarginalized and lower-caste people inleadership positions has notably increased.

The achievements of community forestryare universally acknowledged and admiredbecause of positive effects on the state ofthe forests and increased group funds.However, policies and practices of keyplayers, such as government, the Maoists,local governments and indigenous ruralelites, pose an increasing threat tocommunity forestry through imposition ofmultiple taxes, extortion of donations and



capturing positions and resources. Forexample, both government and Maoistshave started to impose forced taxes anddonations to be raised from FUG funds.Similarly, the Self-Governance Act of 1999places Forest User Groups among the localbodies under local government authority.This is a direct threat to their autonomy.Local elites intending to control leadership,funds and timber management using forestusers group Committees as a platform alsopose a threat to community forestry.Despite threats from the key actors

mentioned above, Nepal’s communityforestry is found to be one of the mostsuccessful programmes in terms ofimproved forest condition, institution

building, local democracy, good forestgovernance, financial capital formation andmobilization at grassroots level. Whilecommunity forests constitute only a quarterof the national total, the annual incomegenerated from them is about NRs 747million, 200 million more than the incomefrom national forests generated by theDepartment of Forests. More importantly, thepro-poor orientation of community forestryis found to have a positive impact on themost vulnerable people in remote areas(Box 1). This is why community forestry cansurvive against big actors that represent thelegacy of a feudal state, a centralizedeconomy and control from above.

Despite difficulties and armed conflicts,Nepal’s community forestry is advancingtowards good forest governance andincreasingly achieves its dual goals ofsustainable forest management andimproved people’s livelihoods. Communityforestry clearly contributes to the reductionof poverty, inequality, injustice, socialdiscrimination and environmentaldegradation – the main causes of conflictin Nepal. Community forestry can be astrong foundation of democracy and avehicle for peace building, at least locally.

For further information please contact:Dr Bharat K PokharelE-mail: [email protected]

Dinesh PaudelE-mail: [email protected]

NSCFP/ SDCPost Box 113KathmanduNepal

Box 1 Effects of community forestry

• Increased participation and representationof women and socially marginalizedgroups in leadership positions

• Increased availability of forest products tothe villagers

• Increasing trend of poor peoples’ accessto forest-based enterprises

• Access of socially deprived people toeducation through user groups’ fund

• More self-employment and incomegeneration opportunities through forestproducts and increased livestock

• Increased availability of community forestland as a means for additional income

• Greater opportunities for capacity buildingfrom trainings and tours

• Access to group fund at times of crisisand natural disaster



By Shaheen Khan, Kundan Kumar andRichard Matthew

LIVELIHOODS, ENVIRONMENT ANDCONFLICT IN FORESTED AREAS INDIR-KOHISTAN, PAKISTAN ANDKORAPUT, INDIA

undertook case studies through archives,site visits, interviews, community meetingsand workshops. The findings werepresented at the World ConservationCongress in Bangkok, November 2004.Two cases are summarized below.

Dir-Kohistan, in northern Pakistan, 12 000sq.km, with 36 percent coniferous or oakscrub forest, has about 113 000 residents(1998 census) of three ethnic groups:Pukhtoon, Kohistani and Gujar. One of theleast developed areas of Pakistan, Dir-Kohistan has an agrarian subsistenceeconomy, extremely low literacy rates(women less than 1 percent), and littleinfrastructure. Traditionally, forest resourceswere allocated by the leaders through asystem of customary rights and principlesthat clearly favoured the Kohistani. Disputeswere settled through jirga, ad-hoccommunity councils.

The 1927 Colonial Forest Act, passed bythe British, was focused on extraction ratherthan conservation, and designed to excludelocal communities from access to andmanagement of the forests, while partlyrecognizing customary law by grantingsome concessions to the Kohistani. Afterindependence in 1947 this legislation wasretained, and the forests were regarded asstate lands that could be protected or leasedto timber contractors. At first, as Pakistansought to gain control over its northernregions, the forests were largely ignored,but in the 1960s, as their commercial valueincreased, they were leased to privatecontractors. The revenue from timber saleswas distributed to the government forestdepartment, the contractors (operatingcosts and a mark-up) and the localcommunity, whose share was based on acalculation of its customary rights. When

Phone: +977 1 5551702-4Fax: +977 1 5551701

Note: The Nepal–Swiss CommunityForestry Project is a SDC-funded bilateralproject managed by Intercooperation.

In 1999, after an examination of theenvironmental security literature of the1980s and 1990s, the International Unionfor the Conservation of Nature (IUCN)undertook a case study of environmentalchange, conservation and conflict inPakistan’s North West Frontier Province(NWFP). The 2002 report of the first majorproject of its Commission onEnvironmental, Economic and Social Policy(CEESP) highlighted the importance ofresource rights –or the lack thereof– inshaping the societal effects ofenvironmental change and conservationefforts.

In 2003 the CEESP Working Group, theIUCN Regional Environmental LawProgramme, Asia, and the InternationalInstitute for Sustainable Development(IISD), jointly examined the linkages amonglivelihoods, resource rights and violentconflict in wetlands and forests in SouthAsia; interdisciplinary teams of local experts



local people protested the terms of theseagreements, the government agreed toraise the community share from 12 to 60percent of the royalties. Unfortunately, dueto widespread official corruption and thestrong-arm tactics of the timber mafia thatemerged in the 1970s, local communitiesreceived very little as the forests were rapidlycleared.

In recent years, in the valleys in which theGujars and Pathans are in a minority, theyhave invoked the hereditary provisions ofIslamic law to claim a share in the royalties,regarding it as less biased than customaryor statutory law. It is also more generoustowards women, and thus has an appeal tothe half of the local population that has beendenied any legal standing for centuries.

This complex background of diverse legalsystems, official corruption and criminalactivity (including trade in opium derivatives)helps to explain why competing claims overforest resources have rarely been resolved.Moreover, population growth has sharplyincreased the gap between livelihoodoptions and community needs.

Dir-Kohistan is today one of the mostconflict-prone regions of Pakistan, asituation inviting, and reinforced by religiousextremism and transnational drug-relatedcriminal activity. Under these turbulentconditions it is very difficult to balancelivelihood and conservation needs, eventhough sound management programmeshave been devised based on extensivestakeholder consultation. While there aresome positive signs, such as the recentestablishment of the first girls’ school in Dir,the future of the forests and the peopleappears quite alarming. It is essential thatland disputes be settled in ways beneficial

to the local communities; this requires alegal system that is affordable, compatiblewith elements of customary and Sharia law,and trusted.

The project site in Koraput district, India, ispart of the Eastern Ghats, a hilly region ofalmost 50 000 sq.km in southern Orissa,where tribal communities constitute over 60percent of the population. The people havebeen impoverished, unlike elsewhere inOrissa and India: from 73 percent livingbelow $1/day in 1983 to 85 percent in 2000.The limited employment options and severeand rapid environmental degradation inKoraput district make the people’slivelihood very insecure. This exacerbatedby a legal system that is poorly understoodlocally, rife with contradictions, frequentlyignored, and often in support of land useand tenure claims clearly at odds with theactual situation and the interests of the localcommunities.

The project team prepared a land use mapof the study site and found majordiscrepancies between de facto land useand de jure land tenure. In particular, largeareas traditionally under shifting cultivationby the tribal communities have been officiallycategorized as State-owned Forest Landand Revenue Wastelands, withoutresource rights to the cultivators. Manypeople are not even aware that they haveno legal claim to the land they are cultivating.Government does not even acknowledgeshifting cultivation as a legitimate land use,even though it is estimated to be practisedover between 5 and 20 percent of Orissa.The legal instruments governing land in thearea allow only land that has been inpossession for 12 years to be settled onbehalf of the cultivators, thus dispossessinghistorically embedded tribal communities



FORESTS AND ARMED CONFLICTSIN JAMMU AND KASHMIR IN INDIA:PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS

By Chetan Kumar

of their shifting cultivation land.

The current large investments for bauxitemining, hydroelectric and irrigation projects,the influx of outsiders, existing and potentialdisplacement through developmentprojects, and the complete lack ofaccountability of the State to the local peopleare already creating tensions and conflicts.The high stakes in commercial exploitationof these areas have led to State repressionand several incidents in which people havebeen killed by police.

Exclusion-based environmental conservationlegislation such as the 1980 ForestConservation Act and the 1972 WildlifeProtection Act is another major cause ofdisplacement, as Forest Land and WildlifeProtected Areas cover over half of the region.These statutes do not allow settlements andcultivation in land categorized as forest, inspite of widespread shifting and settledcultivation. Effectively outlawing thecustomary use of over half the landresources of the tribal communities, theformal land tenure system has thus createdconditions under which people can bedisplaced and uprooted without anycompensation, and an explosive mix ofdisempowerment and resentment. Forexample, almost 70 percent of the casestudy area was under shifting cultivation onland categorized as Reserve Forest andGovernment land. Recent efforts to enforcethe law have already led to conflicts.

It is desperately necessary to grant legalrecognition and land tenure to the peoplewho have been eking out a subsistenceliving in the region for generations, but whoare without any legal protection today, inorder to avoid a potential sharp increase inviolent conflict.

About the authors:Shaheen Khan (SDPI Pakistan)Kundan Kumar (Vasundhara)Richard Matthew (University of California atIrvine)

References and further Information onrequest from [email protected]

Website: http://www.cusa.uci.edu

In the Indian forestry sector, forestry andconservation practitioners, developmentcooperation professionals and researchershave paid little attention to the impacts ofarmed conflicts on forests and people livingin these regions. This can be explained bythe diversity of forests and of associatedsocio-political reasons for conflict, whichobscures the relationship between the two.The key problems are hardly understooddue to the anecdotal nature of evidence andlack of empirical research. This restricts theprospects of drawing the attention ofdecision-makers and developmentcooperation agencies to the issue.

The forested regions of India cover almostone-third of the total land area of the country.However, forest cover varies a lot betweenstates. For instance, while some states inthe northeastern part of India have over 50%geographic area under forests, other statesin the north have only 5 to 8% forest cover.



Armed conflicts occur in both areas with highand low forest cover. These conflicts aremanifested in different ways and havedifferent ideological or political purposes.In India, forest and armed conflicts can bebroadly related in two ways. First, armedconflicts can be a result of problems in thecontrol of forest resources, for exampleproblems of/ in land alienation,misappropriation of forest resources bycontractors, and smugglers mainly in tribalregions. Secondly, violent conflicts mayaffect forest management and forest basedlivelihoods, and forest resources may beused for financing these conflicts. Thisarticle particularly deals with the latter casei.e. impacts of conflicts on forests in thenorthern state of Jammu and Kashmir inIndia.

The state of Jammu and Kashmir is locatedin the far north of the Indian Republic in amountainous area in the north-westHimalayas, and shares internationalboundaries with Pakistan and China.Kashmir is a green, saucer-shaped valleywith many fruit orchards surrounded bysnowy mountain ranges. Forests coverabout 10% of the state’s land. The regionhas a long history of violent conflicts; sincethe late sixteenth century there have beenvarious periods of occupation and militaryconfrontations. Since 1947, India andPakistan, both claiming the whole ofKashmir, have fought two wars over theterritory. From 1989 onwards, a number ofmilitant separatists groups have beenengaged in armed conflicts with Indiansecurity forces, resulting in massive use ofviolence by both parties. In Kashmirthousands of people have been killed inreprisals, mass and selective killings,assassinations, sabotage, or hijacking ofaircrafts. The massive deployments of

armies on the borders of Kashmir,movements and activities of various militantgroups and the conflicts between them haveaffected the state of the forests and forestbased livelihoods in the area.

One of the major results of the armedconflicts was that the forests andconservation activities have sufferedcontinuously. Valuable trees have becomea source of easy money to financeweapons, for example, an old maturedeodar tree could buy three AK-56 assaultrifles. Hence many militant organisationshave resorted to indiscriminate cutting oftrees. As weapons are easily available inKashmir, timber smugglers and poachersthrive and threaten wildlife. Throughout thevalley, the wildlife population is decliningrapidly due to loss of natural habitat causedby extensive deforestation. The widespreaduse of heavy weapons by both securityforces and militants has further threatenedwildlife. Rare species like the snow leopard,the Kashmiri otter, the flying squirrel, thelong-tailed Himalayan marmot and theKashmiri stag have almost become extinct.In addition, the forests have suffered fromfrequent fires due to the armed conflicts.The largest zone where these forest firesoccur is located directly along the militarizedline-of-control which divides the state ofJammu and Kashmir. Since this is a militaryzone, it is not possible to fight or controlthese fires.

Another major impact of the ongoing conflictin the region has been the loss of livelihoodsfor a large percentage of the population,which was dependent on income fromforest-related products. The state’s famedwoodcraft trade, employing close to ahundred thousand people has beenseverely affected. Also, lack of other sources



EFFECTS OF WARFARE ONNATURAL ECOSYSTEMS ANDBIODIVERSITY IN VIETNAM

By Dang Huy Huynh and Ho Thanh Hai

of income due to the conflicts forced familiesto clear trees for farmland and increasegrazing for supplemental income. Overall,in the last two decades, there has been asignificant decline in the forest cover as wellas in agricultural productivity. Thedeforestation and mismanagement of waterresources have created environmentalproblems such as soil erosion and frequentthe flash floods. The violent nature ofconflicts and the political instability have alsoconstrained the enforcement of forest andenvironmental legislation or regulations.Several forest officers have lost their livesin these conflicts along with scores ofinnocent local villagers.

In the last couple of years, the government,NGOs and other agencies have shown agrowing concern for the loss of forests andassociated environmental problems.Various prospects have emerged. Animportant aspect of this has been the focuson strengthening the institutional set up atvarious levels. However, this seems to be adifficult task as it is not only dependent onthe efforts of local villagers and forestdepartment staff but it also requires greaterinvolvement of other agencies such as themilitary, or the police. The prospects involvecreating awareness of all the stakeholdersas well as strengthening the confidence oflocal people to participate in suchprocesses. As there is very little experienceof dealing with such a situation in the state,national and international developmentorganisations could play a role by sharingtheir expertise and resources to restoreKashmir, once known as the ‘Paradise onEarth’.

Address:CIFOR c/o CABINational Agriculture Science Center, 2ndFloor,CG Block, DPS Marg, PusaNew Delhi-110012India

Phone: +91 11 25841906Fax: +91 11 25842907E-mail: [email protected]

Destructiveness of warfare to humans andtheir civilization is well appreciated. Warfarecan cause not only a tremendous loss ofhuman life but also damage to ecosystemsand biodiversity, and long-term effects onthe natural environment. Thirty years afterthe end of the war in Vietnam there are stillmajor hazards and long-term effects of theconventional munitions, and especially ofthe military use of herbicides.

Explosives. During the second Indochinawar of 1961-1975, the total quantity ofmunitions used by United States forcesalone was more than 14.3 million metrictons, about twice the amount used by UnitedStates during World Was II. About half of theexplosive tonnage was delivered from theair, half by artillery: about 20 million bombsof various sizes, 230 million artillery shellsand more than 100 million grenades, plusadditional millions of rockets and mortar



shells. This caused great damage to thelandscape of Indochina. For example, in1967-1968 the explosion of 225-and 340-kg bombs dropped in a saturation patternby B-52 bombers formed an estimated 2.5million craters in about 4.5 million ha, 26percent of South Vietnam. An important long-term effect has been the presence a vastnumber of unexploded devices, whichcause a lingering hazard in the landscape.An estimated 10 percent of US munitionsdid not explode, causing an explosive legacyof about 2 million bombs, 23 million artilleryshells and tens of millions of other high-explosive items.

Bomb explosions often started forest fires.It was estimated that more than 40 percentof South Vietnam’s pine plantations wasburned during the war, with most fires beingignited by exploding bombs.

Herbicides. Approximately 76 million litresof herbicides were sprayed over 10-14percent of South Vietnam. The mostfrequently used formulation was a 50/50mixture of 2,4,5-T plus 2,4-D, known asAgent Orange. About 86 percent of the spraymissions were targeted on forest, theremainder on cropland. The Aluoi Valley incentral Viet Nam, near the Laos border, wasone of the heavily sprayed areas.

The most extensively sprayed type ofvegetation was forest, which covered morethan 10 million ha, about 60 percent ofSouth Vietnam. Mangrove forest isparticularly sensitive to herbicide. About110,000 ha of coastal mangrove weresprayed at least once, about 36 percent ofthe total. The spraying devastated themangrove ecosystem and created a largearea of poorly vegetated or unvegetatedcoastal barrens.

The Society for Social Responsibility inScience funded a March 1969 trip ofbiologists to learn about the effects ofdefoliants. One of their field trips, forexample, was to Rung Sat near Ho Chi MinhCity. They concluded that the Rung Satmangroves were extremely susceptible todefoliants. Only one application wasapparently necessary to kill most trees. Mostof the areas they visited remainedcompletely barren although they had beensprayed several years earlier. Theyspeculated that “The unusual soil conditionsof mangrove forests may result in a failureof the herbicides to be decomposed. If themolecules remain bound to the soilparticles, they might influence seedgermination for a long time”.

Effects were also severe in the much morespecies-rich inland forests, including rainforest with a total area of 10.5 million ha.Mature forest of this type has manyangiosperm species, especially of thefamilies Dipterocarpaceae and Fagaceae.The tree height is up to 40m or taller, anddiameter at breast height is up to 2m.Studies in Aluoi valley show that herbicidespraying changed a continuous uplandtropical forest to an 80% cover of grasslandwith only 24 bird and 5 mammal species,compared with 145-170 bird and 30-55mammal species in two unsprayedreference areas.

Reports from freshwater ecosystems in theAluoi Valley show a correlation betweenspraying and decreased overall speciesdiversity and morphological abnormalitiesin freshwater algae. However, it is notpossible to attribute these effects withcertainty to persisting toxicity of herbicidesor their residues because of the variety andmagnitude of other environmental abuses



By Jim Sandoms

LOGGING IN THE SOLOMONISLANDS – THE LOST LEGACY

during the war such as bombing and of thepost-war agricultural practices andpopulation growth.

A study on the impact of orange/dioxin onmammal diversity in Ma Da forest (DongNai province) found a clear decrease, only29 genera and 38 species, compared with39 genera and 52 species recorded beforespraying. Orange/dioxin destroyed forestecosystems and mammals lost theirhabitats and food sources. Many specieshad fled to other areas.

A study in 2000-2002 on the long-termeffects of orange/dioxin on biodiversity inAluoi district found that these compounds,used in the war by the American army,destroyed natural ecosystems by breakingthe fragile ecological structure and nutrientweb, resulting in pollution and deteriorationof habitats and a strong decline ofbiodiversity. More than 30 years after the endof the war, the long-term impacts are stillclear: in Dong Son commune, for example,there are only grasses and bushes wherethere was multi-storey primary forest beforeherbicide spraying. Species compositionand quantity of mammals, birds, reptiles,amphibians, soil macrofauna and soilmicroorganisms is lower than in anunsprayed area with the same landscape.There are morphological abnormalities insome species of fish, earthworms andspringtails. The specific causes of theseabnormalities still need to be studied.However, some aquatic ecosystems havebeen gradually rehabilitated. Communitiesof algae, macrophytes, zooplankton andbenthos recovered in species compositionand in quantity.

Author’s address:Ho Thanh HaiInstitute of Ecology and Bio-resourcesVietnamese Academy of Science andTechnology18 Hoang Quoc Viet VietCau GiayHa NoiViet Nam

Fax: +84 4 8361196E-mail: [email protected],[email protected] [email protected].

List of references and backgrounddocuments are available on request to theauthor.

In 1893, in response to pleas ofmissionaries to put an end to inter-tribalwarfare and headhunting, the BritishGovernment declared the Solomon Islandsa Protectorate. Exactly 110 years later, andafter 4 years of violence and ethnic tension,the Solomon Islands turned to itsneighbours and begged them to send helpto re-establish peace.

The reasons behind the country’s political,social, and economic disintegration arelargely cultural and historical – but themanagement, or mismanagement, of the



The plan ignored the traditional rights of‘ownership’ and was fiercely resisted. Thisnecessitated a major revision under a LandCommission started in 1919 where landsettlements and alienations over theprevious 20 years were reviewed.

Large tracts of land were returned tocustomary owners. However, areas thatremained appropriated provided a sourceof continued resentment to those whoclaimed the rights of original ownership. Inthe 1950s another commission attemptedto develop an equitable approach byestablishing three categories of landownership: land with written title (held almostexclusively by Government or expatriates);land owned customarily; and land that wasneither but which could become the basis ofa ‘national resource’ managed for publicgood. The third category was never identified.

Forestry in the Solomon IslandsA colonial Forest Department wasestablished in 1952, but issues of landownership and the absence of any forestlegislation constrained its activities. TheGovernment approved a Forest Act in 1960to promote the export of logs and seriouscommercial logging began in 1963. Between1961 and 1968, a ‘production forest estate’was established on Government Land. Afterseveral failures, efforts to include customaryland within the forest estate wereabandoned.

Commercial forestry thus developed almostexclusively on the Government-ownednational forest estate of around 120,000hectares: but land whose ownership wasstill disputed. Until the late 1970s, threecompanies dominated logging of naturalforests though one accounted for 70% oftimber exports. From the 1960s onward,

nation’s forest resources has been a criticalcontributory factor.

Land in the Solomon IslandsThough the declaration of a Protectorateeliminated headhunting and establishedorder the subsequent Colonial Governmentfailed to provide a solution for the principalsource of the disputes, the problems of landtenure and resource use.

Disputes over land are a common featureof life in the Solomon Islands. Traditionalland ownership is communal and basedon ‘possession’ by tribes or families. Lifehas traditionally depended on agricultureand fishing. Land was the root of acommunity’s existence and had crucial anddeep ancestral and spiritual roots.Ancestors were venerated in special sitesand these were cardinal reference pointsof ownership. Private land or ‘ownership’was an alien concept. Before theprotectorate was established land wassold, but is uncertain if the custodians knewwhat they signed away. In 1896 a regulationwas issued requiring that the residentcommissioner to oversee and validate allland sales. This regulation was based onthe flawed assumption that there was‘…plenty of spare land available after ampleprovision for the natives…’.

The islands lacked the capital, population,skills, and institutions required for a stand-alone economy and the colonialadministration was not in a position toprovide them. It identified many areas asunoccupied but suited to agricultural orcommercial development. These‘wastelands’ were declared Governmentproperty and the administration enticedentrepreneurs to kick-start development byallocating land to companies or individuals.



forest revenues became increasinglyimportant. Harvests rose steadily from anestimated 200,000 m3 in 1977 to 230,000m3 per year in 1985. Sustainable harvestwas probably in the order of 300,000 –350,000 m3. A Timber Control Unit wasestablished in the early 1980s to monitorlogging on Government and customary land.

After exhausting the forest estate, theGovernment and logging companies wereobliged to explore logging on customaryland. Earlier attempts to do this had failed.It proved impossible to negotiateagreements under the existing Land andTitles Ordinance, but a Forest Policy ReviewCommittee in 1976 proposed a mechanismthat permitted landowners to negotiatetimber harvest rights directly withcompanies.

Post independenceThe Solomon Islands gainedindependence in 1978. Many believed thecountry was ill-prepared and the departingcolonial power had not done enough toensure an educated and appropriatelytrained society or a viable economy. Asignificant problem was the over-relianceon Government. The colonial Governmenthad engaged in many activities commonlyfulfilled by commercial companies:agriculture (such as oil palm, rice and cattle),fishing, mining, and service industries suchas shipping and sea and air transport.

In forestry the most immediate effect was toconfirm the rights of landowners to negotiatethe rights to the timber on their land, thoughthis required new legislation. The firstbeneficiaries of independence were thepeople of North New Georgia and thecountry’s largest logging company.

Opening areas under customarylandownership to logging provided newopportunities, but the changes were slowat first. Substantial volumes of timber werestill available from Malaysia, Indonesia andthe Philippines and The Solomon Islandshad lower quality timber, higher transportcosts and higher wages. Additionally thefour resident logging companies hadalready monopolized the most accessibleforest resources.

Lacking any experience of independentGovernment, Solomon Islands politicsrapidly became became volatile andunstable. Party and political leadershipchanged frequently and personalfriendships and emnities were often playedout on the floor of the house. Alliancesformed, broke and reformed, and membersfrequently crossed the floor to side with theopposition. Government and partyleadership were increasingly challengedwith votes of no confidence. Resourceissues concerning land, agriculture,forestry, mining and fishing dominated thepolitical agendas.

Between 1981 and 1983 the number oflogging licences quadrupled. By the late1980s the international timber marketchanged. Traditional timber sources suchas Thailand and the Philippines weredisappearing. Malaysian and Indonesiancompanies sought to expand their forestresource towards started to the SolomonsIslands, where there were few limitationsto exploitation.

Some companies had already becomeestablished in the Solomons under thesuccessive Governments of Prime MinisterSolomon Mamaloni in 1981-3 and 1989-93. During the late 1980s, permitted harvest



levels increased dramatically andexceeded the most optimistic estimates ofsustainability. The character of loggingchanged accordingly. A new generation ofMalaysian, Indonesian, and Koreancompanies set up operations. It was oftendifficult to establish who owned thesecompanies with partnerships and local frontcompanies obscuring the ultimate owners.Politicians became involved in attractingcompanies and some were accused ofbeing directors of logging companies ortheir subsidiaries. In 1989, 311,000 m3 wasreported as harvested (though 924,000 m3,had been licenced). One year later, despitea licence reduction of 30%, production roseby 40% to 436,000 m3.

The early 1990s provided an opportunity toreverse this trend. Parliament approved anew Forest Policy in 1989 and donoragencies were again prepared to supportthe sector. The policy called for the re-establishment of the Timber Inspectorateto oversee logging. But Prime MinisterMamaloni favoured expansion of foreigninvestment in forestry and harvestingexpanded rapidly during his second andthird terms (1989-93 and 1994-97). TheForest Policy was stillborn and the TimberControl Unit powerless. In 1994 harvestingincreased to 659,000 m3 and in 1995 to748,500m3.

Forestry provided 56% of export revenuesand totalled over 30% of Governmentrevenue in 1994. While log exports rose bySI$ 16.7 million in 1995, export duties fellby SI$ 12.6 million, in part because ofGovernment issued tax exemptions. Theperiod 1990-1996 saw increased levels ofconflict and controversy related to thelogging. Evidence of dubious practisesmounted, including transfer pricing, failure

to declare accurate information, andfrequent exemptions from taxes and duties.

In 1994, Billy Hilly replaced SolomonMamaloni and promised a ban on logging.His Presidency ended prematurely whenpoliticians sided with the opposition. It wasalleged that logging companies helpedbring this about by paying politicians tochange sides. A Malaysian company directorwas deported in relation to theseallegations.

In 1995, members of the PavuvuCommunity objected to logging by MavingBrothers of Malaysia. Police were sent toenable the logging to continue. Communitymembers responded by seizing chainsawsand burning company bulldozers. Later thatyear, a community leader opposed tologging was murdered. Government haltedan inventory on a plantation it planned tosell, and subsequently sold, to a Koreancompany that harvested the timber andmoved into the adjacent natural forests. Butthe Solomon Islands were to endure yetmore conflict, fueled by chronic misuse ofthe country’s resources, corruption andmaladministration.

The breakdown of law and orderIn 1997, the Solomon Islands Alliance forChange (SIAC), led by BartholomewUlafa’alu, replaced the 3rd MamaloniGovernment. Reforming the forest sectorwas key to Ulafa’alu’s Government. But theSIAC Government was overwhelmed byproblems and reliance on unsustainablelevels of logging had unbalanced theeconomy. In 1997, the Asian financial crisisresulted in the collapse of timber prices.Revenues slumped and the governmentexperienced a crisis.



dominate the political and social arena;business and government remained underconstant threats of violence. Armed gangsregularly raided the treasury, politicianswere coerced at gunpoint and a series ofdubious ‘compensation claims’ were paid.

General elections of December 2001 wereconsidered to be free and fair and over 60%of the sitting members from 2000 were notre-elected. A new Government headed bySir Allan Kemakeza attempted to restore lawand order but failed. In 2002, extortion andintimidation by criminal gangs and ex-militiamembers severely compromised theGovernment’s ability to bring reform andfiscal discipline.

Following a series of high profile murders,the Prime Minister pleaded with theAustralian Government for assistance. InJuly 2003 the Regional Assistance Missionto Solomon Islands (RAMSI), wasdespatched to the Solomon Islands. RAMSIincluded troops, police and administratorsfrom many Pacific nations, to assist thefinancial, justice and prison systems inparticular. This stabilised the situation, atleast outwardly, though RAMSI is notdesigned to resolve many of underlyingproblems.

PostscriptDuring 1999-2003, the economy contractedsubstantially. Many firms left and most willprobably never return. Attracting newbusiness will prove difficult given the recenthistory of the Solomons and its practical andgeographical disadvantages.

Current exports remain below the level of1999, logs and timber still account for a largeproportion of exports. The Solomon Islandshave no alternative to unsustainable

Independence had not resolved landissues or inter-island rivalry. Thesecontinued to provide a long term, if sporadic,threat to harmonious relationships betweenSolomon Islanders. One particular issueconcerned people from Malaita whodominated the employment market.Malaitan communities occurred on manyislands including Guadalcanal where thecapital and much of the local industry arelocated. This sparked resentment and, in1999, violent conflict.

Solomon Mamaloni and Ezekiel Alebua, twopoliticians who had lost power to the SIACGovernment in 1997, were widely implicatedin raising the tension. Matters escalatedrapidly after militias were formed to supportthe natives of Guadalcanal islands and theMalaitans respectively. The latter dominatedthe police and had access to arms. A stateof emergency was declared in June 1999but the situation continued to deteriorate.Pitched fighting broke out between the twomilitias and a small but vicious civil warensued.

A cease-fire and peace accord wereineffective. In June 2000, Malaitan militantsseized key-institutions and took the PrimeMinister hostage, demanding hisresignation. On 13 June the Prime Ministerresigned. In this chaos, a new PrimeMinister was elected in a process flawed byintimidation and pressure from militants.The new Prime Minister could not ruleeffectively amidst a sea of intimidation,coercion, extortion and threats of violenceand law and order broke down.

However peace talks continued and theTownsville Peace Agreement was signedin October 2000. Armed gangs andremnants of the militia continued to



logging; not an enviable position. In the mid-1990s, the World Bank estimated that at theexisting rate of exploitation, the country hadeight years of harvesting left. Thegovernment is now forced to rely on thismeagre remaining resource to climb out ofits crisis.

The contribution of logging to the disasterthat overtook the Solomons cannot be over-emphasised. It is a clear example of thepernicious effects of bad management andcorruption related to of a key nationalresource. The failures are not ofGovernments or politicians alone. They arefailures of the whole of civil society: the failureto insist on the responsible use of forestresources and the failure to adhere tocommon rules of good practice and law andorder.

Contact Jim Sandoms, the author at:E-mail: sandoms@aol. com



GLOBAL CHANGE, TROPICALFOREST DYNAMICS, AND LANDSUBSIDENCE

DRYLANDSCOPE ELIBRARYPRACTICAL SOLUTIONS TO LANDDEGRADATION IN DRYLANDSWORLDWIDE

DEMANDE DE COENCADREMENT

Francis Okeke is a researcher at theUniversity of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, anda specialist in Geoinformatics and RemoteSensing. He is interested in collaborativeresearch with any EU organisation orInstitution in the area of Global Change andEcosystems, Tropical Forest Dynamics, andLand Subsidence.

Dr. Ing. Francis I. OkekeDepartment of Geoinformatics andSurveying, University of NigeriaEnugu CampusNigeria

Phone: +234 42 251180Mobile: +234 80 35627286E-mail: [email protected]

J’ai l’honneur de vous ecrire pour vousdemander si vous avez un professeur peutencadrer mon travail dans votre laboratoirede recherche, car je suis interessé par unebourse qui mise en charge par AUF (agenceuniversitaire de la francophonie) et j’aibesoin d’un laboratoire d’accueil.

Je vous informe que je suis étudiantemarocaine en première année de doctoratet mon sujet de recherche conserne: laculture in vitro du cèdre de l’Atlas réparti endifferentes sous axes de recherche.

A new initiative aimed at facilitating greatercommunication among researchers andpractitioners working in the drylands of theworld (arid, semi-arid, and dry sub-humidregions) will be launched. This web-basedresource to foster greater discussion on theecological dimensions of drylands systems,unifying such technical fields asagroecology and ecological restoration withtraditional practical management concernswill focus on the following general subjectareas:

• Soils

• Natural Systems

• Managed Systems

• Tools & Equipment

• Hydrology

• Landscape Level Considerations

• Livestock

Individuals interested are invited to explorethe pre-release version of our web resource,to solicit constructive feedback in order toexpand our existing content, and to betterserve the needs of the concerned

Research Cooperation Sought

Dans l’attente d’une réponse que j’espèrefavorable veillez accepter Monsieur mesmeilleures salutations.

Touria HsinaE-mail:[email protected]


Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesResearch Cooperation Sought

community at large. In an effort to bettersupport the existing network in the field ofdrylands study and management, publicly-accessible content will be linked from theparticipants’ website, becoming availablethrough our eLibrary. All hyperlinks open ina separate browser window, allowing Usersto freely navigate through the hyperlinkedwebsite. We invite submissions of relevantreference material which you believe wouldbe supportive of our work. Please visit ourwebsite and contact us directly with anyideas you may have.

Drylandscope is an emerging organisationdedicated to the belief that the problemsassociated with land degradation can beremedied through a practical, ecologicallybased strategy. The goal of sustainabledrylands management is achieved, amongothers, through providing a useful platformfor open information access and dialogueon all subjects pertinent to this process.Individuals who have not previously been incommunication with one another due toeither geography or subject areaspecialisation may therefore derive benefitfrom a platform for active sharing ofinformation.

A centralized web library of techniques andtechnologies for prevention andrehabilitation of degraded drylands, and forthe sustainable use of natural resources inthese affected areas will be developed. Thisresource will highlight open content whichallows Users to download and post articles,management notes, diagrams, and videoand audio files to and from the website. Webforums will also be linked to the categoriesassociated with the above eLibrary, tomaintain a practical technology focus, witha priority on encouraging alliedorganisations to collaborate with one

another through discussion groups and thelike.

The initial content emphasises full-texttechnical references, however, it will expandour resources responding to the informationneeds expressed by our website Users. Atpresent, submissions can only be receivedvia email, however formal submissionstransfer technology will soon be available.Coming services are “chat room”, “newsfeeds” and personalised “portal” networkingtechnology for our Users.

Registration through the website is free andopen to all. Interested individuals andorganisations are encouraged to activelyparticipate in our programming, as we growto address your needs: http://www.drylandscope.org

Many thanks again to everyone who has sogenerously supported Drylandscope’sactivities to date.

Contact:Adam WhiteDirector Drylandscope710 Gaskill St., SEAtlanta, Georgia 30316USA

Phone: +1 404 2233699E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.drylandscope.org

100 ETFRN News 43-44/05


BIODIVERSITY FACTS AND FIGURES

Research Cooperation Sought

COMPARING ALLANBLACKIAAGROFORESTRY WITH OTHERLAND-USE OPTIONS

Unilever, in collaboration with otherorganisations such as IUCN, ICRAF, SNV,GTZ, and Oxfam Netherlands, is in theprocess of developing a supply chain forAllanblackia seeds. Allanblackia trees growin the wet tropical forests of West Africa,Central Africa and the mountain hills ofTanzania.

The domestication work has made goodprogress. Now, we would like torecommend farmers to plant this new tree-crop. But before we can do so, we have tomake sure that this tree crop fits into theirlanduse system and can become moreprofitable than many current options, suchas Eucalyptus, teak, cocoa, oilpalm,coconut, cassava, yam, plantain, maize, andpineapple.

Therefore, we would like to compare theeconomics of growing Allanblackia withother crops of the indicated region. To getthis result quickly and efficiently, we wouldprefer to integrate Allanblackia data into anexisting study to compare Allanblackia withother crops in this region. We are lookingfor data on investment, input, output, andrevenue for other profitable crops. Who hasthese data available and would like tocontribute to this work?

Kind regards,

Dr. Harrie Hendrickx,Unilever R&D,Phone: +31 6 11385383E-mail: [email protected]

The new SciDev.net biodiversity ‘facts andfigures’ section provides crucial data aboutthe current state of the world’s biodiversity.It includes recent estimates of extinctionthreats, detailed assessments on theeconomic and ecological value ofbiodiversity and provides the latestinformation on conservation efforts. Go tohttp://www.scidev.net/biofacts to find outmore.

The data is based mostly on the bestavailable sources including ConservationInternational, the Food and AgricultureOrganisation of the UN, the WorldConservation Union’s 2004 Red List ofThreatened Species, the World Wildlife FundLiving Planet Report, and the Earth Trendsdatabase of the World Resources Institute.

Inevitably, there will be gaps and errors thatneed correcting. The editors welcomecomments and feedback from readers,which can be emailed to: [email protected]

Readers will not have failed to notice thatwhile the majority of the world’s biodiversityis found in the developing world, most ofthe data has been collected and analysedin institutions that are based in richercountries.

Thankfully, several international initiativesare now underway to build the biodiversitydata-gathering capacity of researchinstitutions in developing countries and toconnect these to efforts in the developedworld. These include the “Global BiodiversityInformation Facility” and the Proteus project


Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesResearch Cooperation Sought

José Rojas is a student at the DesignAcademy in Eindhoven, currentlyresearching growing structures. He isspecifically interested in the ficus family, andwould like to receive information about woodresistance, growth times, height, width,molecular integration etc. Please contactJosé if you have any information orsuggestions.

José RojasDesign Academy EindhovenThe Netherlands


GROWING STRUCTURES OF FICUS

of the UNEP-World Conservation MonitoringCentre in the UK.

The editors, Mike Shanahan and EhsanMasood welcome comments and feedbackfrom readers.

Please write to: [email protected]

(text based on SCIDEV.net website)

102 ETFRN News 43-44/05

Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesInternet Features

By Paul Romeijn

The subject of ‘Forests and Violent Conflict’seems here to stay. It is all too easy tounderestimate the number of people affected.Areas may be remote and communicationspoor. Increasingly, the theme draws attentionand research. Some of which may be foundthrough the following websites.

The Biodiversity Support Program (BSP)operated from 1989-2001 as a consortiumof World Wildlife Fund, The NatureConservancy and World Resources Instituteand was funded by the United States Agencyfor International Development (USAID).BSP’s documentation includes full textarticles on forests and conflicts. These canbe searched at: http://www.worldwildlife.org/bsp/publications/index.html.

The East Asia and Pacific EnvironmentalInitiative (EAPEI) aims to improveenvironmental conditions and quality of lifeby increasing environmental capacity andknowledge in the East Asia and Pacificregion. The EAPEI works to complement USgovernment investment in the region bysupporting transboundary, cross-border andregional activities and institutions and bysupporting activities in USAID non-presencecountries. EAPEI provides a useful links pageabout conflict and the environment on http://eapei.home.att.net/Links/conflictlinks.htm.

The U.S. Committee for Refugees andImmigrants, USCRI, maintains and updates theWorld Refugee Survey reports on conditions forrefugees and internally displaced persons in120 countries, see: http://www.refugees.org/worldmap.aspx?subm=19&area=Investigate.

Global Witness work highlights the link

between exploitation of natural resourcesand human rights abuses, particularly fortimber, diamonds and oil. Full text reports areavailable at http://www.globalwitness.org/reports/.

ARD and USAID/ANE/TS distribute a numberof reports and summary papers on thesubject of conflict over forest resources,particularly in Asia. A list-serve notifies ofupcoming documents, see: http://www.ard-biofor.com/conflicttimber.html.

FAO’s forestry department and FTPPdeveloped training materials, methods andtools to improve the management of theconflicts that arise over the use of naturalresources. They include stakeholder andconflict analysis, negotiation and mediationexercises, field interventions and casestudies. See: http://www.fao.org/forestry/foris/webview/forestry2/index.jsp?siteId=1760&sitetreeId=8307&langId=1&geoId=0.

The Environmental Security Databasecontains information on books, journalarticles, papers, and newspaper clippingsrelating to links between environmentalstress and violent conflict in developingcountries. You can access the database athttp://www.library.utoronto.ca/pcs/database/libintro.htm. Also see the Peace & ConflictStudies Program at the University of Toronto at:www.library.utoronto.ca/pcs/catalog.htm.

The Marena project, “Reconstruction ofnatural resource management institutions inpost-conflict countries”, was funded by theUK Department for International development(DFID). All briefings and working papers fromthis project can be downloaded free of chargeat: http://www.geog.sussex.ac.uk/research/development/marena/


Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesFunding/Opportunities

ASIA PRO ECO II

EU SMALL GRANTS FORCOMMUNITY FORESTRY IN SOUTHAND SOUTHEAST ASIA

The Asia Pro Eco programme has now beenmerged with Asia Urbs to create the AsiaPro Eco II, a new programme for the urbanenvironment in 2005. Asia Pro Eco II isdesigned to specifically fund EU-Asiapartnership projects in the field of the UrbanEnvironment. The Call for Proposals for2005 has been published, with a singledeadline of 5 April 2005. More details aboutthe Guidelines for Applicants can be foundon the ‘How to Apply’ section of the Asia ProEco II website.

The objective of the Asia Pro Eco II is to drawthe EU and Asia closer together throughinstitutional and operational partnershipsand networks to tackle major issues on theprotection and remediation of the urbanenvironment. The programme aims topromote the sharing of innovativetechnologies, best practices, policies,measures, and capacity-building which canimprove the quality of life and environmentalconditions of urban populations in Asia.

Public and non-profit organisations in Asiaand EU can submit project proposals forfunding. Activities such as the organisationof working conferences, diagnostic studies,policy advice, feasibility studies, technologypartnership and demonstration activities inthe field of environment can be consideredfor funding under the Programme.

For further information, please contact thestaff of the Asia Pro Eco Programme.

E-mail:[email protected]: + 32 2 2984863

The EU-funded, UNDP-managed smallgrants programme for activities whichpromote tropical forests in South andSoutheast Asia (SGP PTF) has recentlyexpanded since the first call for proposalswas announced in January 2003. The SGPPTF provides small grants (between €20000 and € 150000) to community ledinitiatives that promote sustainablemanagement of tropical forests.

Since January 2003 the SGP PTF hasreceived 724 formal proposals fromcommunity groups in Pakistan, Philippines,Thailand and Vietnam, of which 69 havereceived funding. The SGP PTF now alsocovers Indonesia, Malaysia and Sri Lanka,and efforts are underway to further expandinto Cambodia and Lao PDR. The SGP PTFmandate is to carry out grant makingactivities until December 2007 and has atotal budget of 15 million Euro.

The SGP PTF focusses on the rural poorliving in and from forests in the region. Thepractice and principle of the SGP PTF is thatindividual country programmes are country-led both in terms of their overall strategyand project selection. The National SteeringCommittees (NSC) are entirely responsiblefor the selection and approval of grants. TheNSCs consist mainly of senior experts butthe National Government, EC and UNDP

Website:http://europa.eu.int/comm/europeaid/projects/asia-pro-eco2/index_en.htm

104 ETFRN News 43-44/05


RAMSAR SMALL GRANTS FUND

The Ramsar Small Grants Fund wasestablished by Ramsar COP4 in 1990 as amechanism to assist developing countriesand those with economies in transition inimplementing the Convention and to enablethe conservation and wise use of wetlandresources. Since that time, it has providedfunding and co-funding, up to 40,000 Swissfrancs (about US$ 34,000) per project, forsomething like 175 projects totaling about7 million francs.

Suitable project proposals are those thatcontribute to the implementation of theConvention’s Strategic Plan 2003-2008 for

Funding/Opportunities

are also represented. Applicationprocedures take into account the generallylow capacity of community groups andtherefore short concept papers in locallanguages are encouraged. Despite the lowcapacity of many of the applicants and theenormous demand for small grants,processing from receipt of application,further development of a concept to fullproposal and final approval can take as littleas three to six months.

The SGP PTF fits well into the currentopportunities provided by the general drivetowards decentralisation by nationalgovernments of the management of naturalresources. Increased awareness of thefailures of centralised State control tomanage natural resources has led to aplethora of initiatives, policies and laws thatincreasingly recognise the rights, roles andobligations of communities in thesustainable management of their naturalresources. Implementation of thesecommunity centred policies and laws ishowever nascent as is the awareness orability of rural communities to engage localgovernment in these new found rights andresponsibilities. Forest dependentcommunities in the region, who form thecentral focus of SGP PTF funding, are oftenthe most marginalized and have hardly anyaccess to either state or donor resources.

Focussing on forest dependentcommunities the SGP PTF has activelyengaged with indigenous peoples and ruralpoor in developing alternative sustainablelivelihoods and to bring back to the foreindigenous forest management practicesto ensure the sustainable use of their forestresources. The SGP PTF recognises theneed for active coalitions of a broad rangeof local stakeholders to ensure project

sustainability post grant funding.Furthermore the SGP PTF has sought toincrease the immediate impact of countryprogrammes through joint funding initiativeswith other small grant donors, localgovernment funding and the private sector.The most important co-financing initiativesto date have been established with the GEFfunded small grants programme and a totalof 9 joint projects with the GEF SGP havebeen approved to date.

For further information on this uniquefunding facility please refer to the SGP PTFwebsite at http://www.sgpptf.org

or make direct contact with:

Mark SandifordRegional Programme CoordinatorE-mail: [email protected]


Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesFunding/Opportunities

the conservation and wise use of wetlands;provide emergency assistance for Ramsarsites; or provide ‘preparatory assistance’ toallow non-Contracting Parties to progresstoward accession. Eligibility is restricted tocountries on the List of Aid Recipientsestablished by the Development AssistanceCommittee (DAC) of the Organisation ofEconomic Cooperation and Development(OECD), effectively meaning developingcountries and countries with economies intransition. Projects may be proposed andimplemented by any agency, NGO, orindividual, but proposals MUST beendorsed and monitored by theAdministrative Authority (the Ramsarimplementing agency) in the Party’sgovernment, and seldom is more than oneproposal approved from the same Party inany year. Successful proposals receive 80%of the allocated funds upon signature of thecontract and the remainder uponsubmission of an adequate final report, butcountries from which adequate final projectreports have not been received may bedenied further consideration for funding untilthose outstanding project dossiers havebeen closed.

Projects for the 2004 cycle will be selectedby the Standing Committee’s Subgroup onFinance in March 2005. The call forproposals is now being made for the 2005cycle, with a deadline of 30 June 2005 forapplication and with a decision by theStanding Committee around the end of theyear. The current edition of the “SGFOperational Guidelines”, which includecomplete information and the requiredforms, are now available on the RamsarWeb site, as well as directly from theSecretariat. The Secretariat’s regionalteams also offer an advisory service to helpwith the preparation of suitable proposals,

for which drafts should be submitted to theSenior Regional Advisors by 15 April 2005.

Readers can also find lists of successfulproject proposals and news reports ofsuccessfully completed projects, which mayprovide useful tips as to the kinds of projectsand approaches most often selected forassistance, on the Ramsar website at:http://ramsar.org/key_sgf_index.htm

For further information about the RamsarConvention or the Small Grants Fund,please contact:

The Ramsar Convention BureauRue Mauverney 28CH-1196 GlandSwitzerland

Phone: +41 22 9990170Fax +41 22 9990169E-mail: [email protected]

106 ETFRN News 43-44/05

Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesJob /Opportunities

The InstituteThe European Forest Institute (EFI) is anindependent non-governmentalorganisation with headquarters in Joensuu,Finland. EFI has currently 137 memberorganisations from 38 European countries,thus providing an extensive researchnetwork throughout Europe.

EFI conducts problem-oriented and multi-disciplinary forest research at the Pan-European level in order to serve the needsof policy-making and decision-makingbodies in Europe, as well as those of itsmembers. EFI has also developedresearch networks and cooperativeresearch projects, called Project Centres,with its members.

Core funding for the Institute is provided bythe Finnish Government. Further funding issought from other sources, in generalthrough research contracts. The staff of theInstitute comprises 40 persons.

EFI is undergoing a process to become aninternational organisation established by aninternational convention. This process isexpected to be completed during the year2005. The new status will create newpossibilities for EFI to develop, and requireshigh quality management.

Further information on the Institute can befound on the web site http://www.efi.fi

The Director of EFI will be a person:

• possessing leadership abilities and aproven capacity for the management ofscientific research in a complexinternational and interculturalenvironment,

• holding a PhD-title or equivalent,

• having wide international experience anda sound background in the forest sectorand in forest research,

• having a good command of English as itis the working language of the Institute.Knowledge of other major Europeanlanguages is an asset,

• being an excellent communicator withfundraising capabilities, ideally also interms of working with EU authorities.

The nationality of the candidate is notrestricted to European countries, providedhe/she has a good knowledge of theEuropean forest sector and forest researchcontext. Applications from qualified womencandidates are encouraged.

As Chief Executive Officer, the Director isresponsible to the Board of the EuropeanForest Institute for the scientific,organisational and financial managementof the Institute, including the formulation andimplementation of research programmes.

The Director is expected to develop andsustain a stimulating international workingatmosphere at the Institute and likewise withthe member institutions. He/she alsosupervises the harmonious developmentof Project Centres. As well as reporting tothe Board which usually meets twice a year,the Director reports to the AnnualConference of the Institute.

THE EUROPEAN FOREST INSTITUTEWELCOMES APPLICATIONS FORTHE POST OF THE DIRECTOR


Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesJob /Opportunities

Appointment and SalarySince EFI is in the process of becoming aninternational organisation that involveschanges in the legal structure of EFI, theselection process and final appointmentdecision will be made by the legal entitiesthat will be in force at that moment. Theappointee is expected to take up the postas of January 1st, 2006. A fixed termappointment for five years is envisaged. Theappointment can be renewed.

Salary and benefits are commensurate withEuropean standards for a senior positionof this nature.

Further informationFurther information is available from:

Prof. Dr. François HoullierChairman of the BoardE-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Zoltan SomogyiVice ChairmanE-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Jan IlavskyBoard memberE-mail: [email protected]

Prof. Konstantin von TeuffelBoard memberE-mail: [email protected]

ApplicationsWritten applications should include a CV,salary expectation and the names andaddresses (including e-mail) of threereferees.

Send applications to:Prof. Konstantin von TeuffelForstliche Versuchs- undForschungsanstalt Baden-WuerttembergWonnhaldestrasse 4D-79100 FreiburgGermany

Applications are requested by 15th April2005. All applications will be treatedconfidentially.

For the Board of the European ForestInstituteProf. Dr. François Houllier, Chairman

Source <[email protected]>.List archives at http://listserv.funet.fi/archives/forest.html

108 ETFRN News 43-44/05

Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesOther News

ARD AND USAID EXAMINE LINKSBETWEEN FORESTS AND CONFLICT

CEESP WORKING GROUP ONENVIRONMENT AND SECURITY

ARD has been working with USAID’s Asiaand Near East Bureau on examining thelinks between forests and conflict. ARD andUSAID/ANE’s Technical Support Office havedeveloped a list-serve to distributedocuments on this subject from their ownprojects and others. These documents canbe found online at http://www.ard-biofor.com/asiaconflict.htm. If you would like to join thislist-serve, please notify Tracy Simmons([email protected]). A brief descriptionof the issue and the project’s backgroundfollows.

Forest Conflict: A Critical DevelopmentIssueConflict that is financed or sustainedthrough the harvest and sale of timber, orthat emerges as a result of competition overtimber or other forest resources hindersequitable development, impoverishes localcommunities and contributes to instabilityin many countries in Asia. Strong links existbetween conflict over timber and poor,inequitable systems of governance. Thesituation is further exacerbated byambiguous resource tenure and loosefinancial oversight, which can generateincentives for powerful individual actors toengage in conflict timber activities.

USAID/ANE/TS developed two projects,“Conflict Timber: Dimensions of theProblem in Asia and Africa,” and “ManagingConflict in Asian Forest Communities”examining causes and effects of forest-related conflict. ARD, Inc. was contracted todevelop country case studies and analyticaloverviews.

The CEESP Working Group on Environmentand Security was established in 2000 as avoluntary network of experts on the linksbetween conflict, disaster andenvironmental management. With theInternational Institute for SustainableDevelopment (IISD) acting as secretariat tothe Working Group, CEESP is seekingknowledge in four key areas:

Natural Resources, Livelihoods andSecurityhttp://www.iisd.org/natres/security/nrls.aspWhat are the links between naturalresources, peoples’ livelihoods andconflicts? An IUCN/IISD book, with a broadsweep of case studies from around theglobe, was published in 2002.

Trade, Aid and Security – The Role ofNatural Resourceshttp://www.iisd.org/natres/security/esdc.aspLaunched in the wake of the internationalcampaign against ‘blood diamonds’fuelling conflict in West Africa, this initiativeseeks to identify how aid should be targetedand trade rules structured to ensure thatinternational commerce in valuable naturalresources leads to peace and not to conflict.

Climate Change, Vulnerable Communitiesand Adaptationhttp://www.iisd.org/natres/security/ccvca.aspGiven the links between resourcedegradation and vulnerability to disaster,can conservation of natural buffer systemsreinforce livelihoods and shieldcommunities from extreme climatic events?An international task force led by IUCN, IISD



KEEP UP TO DATE WITH POLICYDEVELOPMENTS ON ILLEGALLOGGING AND THE TRADE INILLEGAL TIMBER

and the Stockholm Environment Institute(SEI) is seeking the answers throughresearch.

Environment, Business and Conflicthttp://www.iisd.org/natres/security/ebc.aspWhat role do companies – particularly inthe extractive sectors – play in exacerbatinglivelihood insecurities and creating orfuelling conflict? Linking with partners inFinance, Mining and Oil & Gas, thisemerging initiative seeks to develop toolsfor risk management that also benefit socialstability.

We invite your participation as an associatemember in the challenging endeavor ofturning an emerging knowledge base intotools for decision making, conservationpractice and conflict prevention.Participation is on an individual basis anddoes not require organisational affiliation.

Associate members may also be invited tojoin a Working Group engaged on aparticular issue, or to contribute articles orreflections on key issues as part of a largerproject. They may be invited to submitarticles for publication by IUCN, and willreceive the CEESP semi-annual magazine‘Policy Matters’. Associate members willperiodically be asked to comment on aparticular project concept or document,posted on the IISD Environment & Securitywebsite in draft form. They may also beasked to recommend others for particularprojects, or to identify new members to fillgaps in representation or expertise.

To join, please include a form with a copy ofyour CV or details of relevant workexperience.

For requesting application form and more

information, contact:

Jason Switzer,E-mail: [email protected]: +41 22 9799093

The new CAASP mandate is now availableat the IUCN website (http://www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp).

We would appreciate comments ofmembers of CEESP and IUCN as well asany other interested parties. Let us know ifyou are interested in working with us toachieve this ambitious programme! Pleasesend all comments to [email protected]

The website http://www.illegal-logging.infowas established to act as a central point ofinformation on all aspects of theinternational debate on illegal logging andthe trade in illegal timber. The site ismaintained by the Royal Institute ofInternational Affairs at Chatham House, anindependent research institute based inLondon.

The site includes latest news stories,documents from and links to researchinstitutes, governments, internationalinstitutions and NGOs working on the topic,and a series of concise briefings on allaspects of national and international effortsto stem illegal forest practicesand the associated trade in forest products.

110 ETFRN News 43-44/05


PANEL DISCUSSION ON ILLEGALLOGGING

The site also allows you to sign up to anemail mailing list, which we use to informyou about the latest reports from ChathamHouse, and the regular meetings we holdas updates on the latest policydevelopments on illegal logging and thetrade in illegal timber.

Four new reports on aspects of the EU’sForest Law Enforcement, Governance andTrade (FLEGT) Action Plan have just beenreleased by Chatham House (RoyalInstitute of International Affairs). All thesepapers are available free for download fromhttp://www.illegal-logging.info:

• A Licensing System for Legal Timber:Options and considerations for a legalitylicensing system under the EU FLEGTAction Plan.

• FLEGT and Trade: What Will the ImpactsBe?

• Public Procurement of Timber: EUmember state initiatives for sourcing legaland sustainable timber

• Illegal Logging and Money Laundering:Analysis of the questionnaire to EUmember states

Click on http://www.illegal-logging.info tosee more.

Duncan BrackAssociate Fellow, Chatham HouseSustainable Development Programme,Royal Institute of International Affairs


Website:http://www.riia.org/sustainabledevelopment

In conjunction with the 3rd IUCN WorldConservation Congress, the InternationalTropical Timber Organization (ITTO) andIUCN recently convened a panel discussionon combating illegal logging. For asummary of the discussion, and todownload the presentations of speakersfrom government, the private sector and civilsociety, go to http://www.itto.or.jp .

Contact:Alastair SarreEditor and Communications ManagerInternational Tropical Timber OrganizationInternational Organizations Center - 5thFloor; 1-1-1, Pacifico-Yokohama, Minato-mirai Nishi-ku Yokohama 220-0012,Japan

Phone: + 81 45 2231110Fax: + 81 45 2231111E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.itto.or.jp

FOREST CONFLICTS STUDIES ATWAGENINGEN UNIVERSITY

Within the framework of the researchprogramme on ‘Forest and natureconservation in a governance perspective’of the Forest and Nature Conservation Policygroup, Wageningen University, the followingtwo PhD studies on forest conflicts are inprogress:



CLIMATE NETWORK AFRICA APRIL 2004

1 “Managing forest conflicts – rationalities,power and institutions, a case study inGhana” by Emmanuel Marfo

2 “Institutionalization of conflict capabilitiesin the co-management of naturalresources in Indonesia” by Yurdi Yasmi.

The studies are carried out in cooperationwith the Tropenbos Ghana programme andCIFOR respectively. For more informationsee: http://www.dow.wur.nl/fnp

Wageningen UniversityForest and Nature Conservation PolicyGroupP.O.Box 476700 AA WageningenThe Netherlands

The proceedings “Climate Network AfricaApril 2004” (97 pages) covering theworkshop/dialogue with East Africanlegislators on climate change andsustainable development issues are nowavailable. With WSSD +2 coming up shortlythe proceedings of this workshop with EastAfrica parliamentarians assumes specialsignificance.

Africa, which contains many of the poorestand least developed countries in the world,has been responsible for releasing arelatively minor proportion of the greenhouse gases, like CO2 and methane, thatcontribute to global warming. However,climate change projections suggest that itwill be one of the areas worst affected byglobal warming, which is likely to pose

significant threats to sustainabledevelopment on the continent. These arelikely to include increased rainfall variabilitycontributing to more severe droughts, andmore severe flooding, land degradation,threats to food security, health problems andshortages of hydro electric power.

The goal of the workshop was to enhanceeffective implementation of the UNFramework Convention on Climate Change(UNFCCC) by informing the legislatorsabout ways to integrate climate changeconsiderations into social, economic andenvironmental policy, legislation and action.Specific objectives included defining EastAfrican priorities, establishing aparliamentary committee on environmentfor the three East African countries,harmonising policies across the countriesand promoting ratification of the KyotoProtocol and the establishment ofDesignated National Authorities to overseeits implementation.

To access the proceedings, in pdf format,go to: http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0000889/index.php

Richard HumphriesCo-ordinatorSouthern African Regional Poverty Network(SARPN)PretoriaSouth Africa

Phone: + 27 12 3022707 (please note newnumber from 1 August 2004)Fax: + 27 12 3022284

112 ETFRN News 43-44/05


UNDP’S BIODIVERSITYCONSERVATION ACTIVITIES INTANZANIAN MOUNTAIN AREAS

Other News

HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE:CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS,BERLIN 2002

The Proceedings of the 2002 BerlinConference on the Human Dimensions ofGlobal Environmental Change “Knowledgefor the Sustainability Transition. TheChallenge for Social Science” are nowavailable online. The Proceedings, editedby Frank Biermann, Sabine Campe andKlaus Jacob, comprise a peer-reviewedselection of the 30 best papers presentedat the 2002 Berlin Conference, which wasattended by 220 participants from 29countries. The conference was endorsedby two IHDP core projects, InstitutionalDimensions of Global EnvironmentalChange (IDGEC) and IndustrialTransformation (IT).

Core themes of the conference include:

• Generating Sustainability Knowledge

• Sustainability Knowledge in PoliticalDecision-making

• New Conceptual Frontiers: SustainabilityScience, Earth System

• Analysis and the Challenge for the SocialSciences

The complete table of contents and allindividual contributions are now availableat http://www.glogov.org/front_content.php?idcat=92

Also, an excellent sample of the manyinteresting papers of the 2001 BerlinConference “Global Environmental Changeand the Nation State” has now appeared asa special issue of the journal Global

Environmental Politics, vol. 4, no. 1 (2004).

Contact:Anna SchreyöggEditorial AssistantGlobal Governance Projectc/o Potsdam Institute for Climate ImpactResearchP.O. Box 60 12 0314412 PotsdamGermany

Phone +49 331 2882668Fax +49 331 2882640E-mail [email protected]: http://www.glogov.org

United Nations Development Programme’s(UNDP) support to the environment sectorin Tanzania is about 2 million Euros per yearand includes nine projects. Many of theprojects are funded in partnership with theGlobal Environment Facility (GEF) whilesome are supported in partnership withother development partners such as France,Denmark, DFID, Norad etc. All theseprojects are implemented with nationalpartners – either the Government of Tanzaniaor civil society organisations.

The UNDP supports, among others,biodiversity conservation projects at Mt.Kilimanjaro and in the Eastern ArcMountains forests in Tanzania. The EasternArc Mountains Forest Conservation andManagement Project (EAMFCMP) iscurrently in the process of formulating a



WORKSHOP ON HARMONIZATIONOF NATIONAL REPORTING TOB I O D I V E R S I T Y - R E L A T E DCONVENTIONS

conservation strategy for the Eastern ArcMountains of Tanzania. The Mountains areglobally recognized as being of exceptionalimportance for the conservation of biologicaldiversity. In addition, the Mountains are ofnational importance as they are the sourcesof major rivers in eastern Tanzania,providing up to 60% of the country’s urbandrinking water, associated hydroelectricsupplies, and water for irrigation.

The UNDP Small Grants Programmesupports the Amani Butterfly Project andbiodiversity conservation of Mt. Kilimanjaro.The Amani project has been training menand women living near to the Amani NatureReserve in the East Usambaras to farmbutterflies for sale. The project managed bythe Tanzania Forest Conservation Group,aims to encourage people to promote theconservation of the East Usambara forestsas they depend on the forests as a sourceof food plants for the butterflies (moreinformation at:http://www.amanibutterflyproject.org). Anaerial survey of the threats to Mt.Kilimanjaro’s forests showed thatcontinued degradation of the naturalresources will lead to loss of criticalproducts and services (hydropower, tourismetc.) provided by the mountain.

For more information please contact:Dr. Tapani TyynelaE-mail: [email protected]

Mr. Nehemiah MurusuriE-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Felician [email protected]

Website: http://www.tz.undp.org

In September 2004, the UNEP WorldConservation Monitoring Centre (UNEP-WCMC), in cooperation with thegovernments of Belgium and the UnitedKingdom, convened a workshop inHaasrode, Belgium, on harmonization ofnational reporting to biodiversity-relatedconventions. The workshop followed up onUNEP- convened pilot projects in fourcountries, which examined differentapproaches to harmonization of nationalinformation management and reporting toconventions:

• Linking national reporting to the State ofthe Environment reporting process(Ghana)

• Identifying common information modulesand using this as a basis for developinga coordinated modular approach toreporting (Indonesia)

• Regional support mechanisms fornational information management andreporting (Panama)

• Producing a consolidated national reportresponding to the needs of severalconventions

At the workshop, representatives of the fiveglobal biodiversity-related conventions(CBD, CITES, CMS, Ramsar Convention,World Heritage Convention), two agreementsecretariats, eight countries, the EuropeanCommission and several internationalorganisations discussed the obstacles toharmonization as well as the opportunities

114 ETFRN News 43-44/05


METAFRO – INFOSYS: AN AFRICANINFORMATION SYSTEM

Other News

that the pilot projects had identified. Theworkshop resulted in a number ofrecommendations to national governments,the conventions and organisations,including the following:

• coordination on the management ofinformation at the national level is crucial;

• the focus needs to shift to outcome-oriented reporting.

Multilateral Environment Agreements(MEAs) should consider developingthematic clusters, relevant to more than oneMEA, on which countries could report on(e.g. inland waters, invasive species, andprotected areas) . The capacity ofdeveloping countries needs to bestrengthened to implement a harmonizedapproach to information management andreporting in order to reduce the reportingburden. Regional organisations could playa crucial role in supporting harmonizationon the national level.

The workshop report, with the workshopdocumentation and presentations, isavailable at http://www.unep-wcmc.org/conventions/harmonization/workshop.htmor from Peter Herkenrath at UNEP-WCMC.

Peter HerkenrathUNEP –WCMC219 Huntingdon RoadCambridge CB3 0DLUK

Phone: +44 1223 277314Fax: +44 1223 277136E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.unep-wcmc.org

Metafro – Infosys stands for Metadata AfricanOrganisation - Information System.Originally conceived in 1998 as a researchproject, today Metafro’s objective is to gatherand give access to a variety of informationrelated to Africa in general and Central Africain particular.

Metafro Information system alreadycontains a lot of valuable information onCentral Africa covering topics such aseconomics, politics, geology, agriculture,botany and much more. 1500 downloadabledocuments, information on researchprojects and institutions, library catalogues(containing more than 20.000 references)and several collections can be consultedon the http://www.metafro.be website.

Among our catalogues, the Prelude andTervuren Xylarium databases are related tothe study and use of tropical woods andplants. The Prelude database (http://www.metafro.be/prelude) gathersinformation on the use of traditional veterinaryand human medicinal plants in Sub-Saharan Africa. Initially created at the CatholicUniversity of Louvain (Louvain-la-Neuve,Belgium) by Martine Baerts-Lehmann andJean Lehmann, it has been transferred tothe Metafro Information System at the RoyalMuseum for Central Africa to ensure betterconservation and technical management.

The Tervuren Xylarium (http://www.metafro.be/xylarium) has beenestablished to serve the different disciplinesinterested in wood research: technology,ecology, palaeontology, art history,



marketplace delivers high quality up-to-the-minute news and analyses from around theglobe on market transactions and businessopportunities, as well as the latestinformation on policy, regulation, andscience for all environmental markets.

The Marketplace brings you servicesdesigned to inform buyers, sellers, andintermediaries of all scales of involvementand market experience:

• News and Features: Breaking news, in-depth features, profiles and editorials onthe emerging markets in ecosystemservices.

• Resources: An ever-expanding collectionof resources related to ecosystem servicemarkets: stakeholder directories, eventcalendars, and tools designed to assistmarket participants.

• Reference Materials: Here you will find arobust collection of information on thelaws, regulations, and science that driveand inform these markets.

• MarketWatch (Coming Soon!): A tool fortracking and understanding trading andtransactions in the world’s top ecosystemservice markets: including carbon, water,biodiversity, mitigation banking,conservation banking, and others.

The website and eNewsletter allow you toeasily follow the latest market developmentsand read analyses on how your sector maybe impacted. The biweekly eNewsletter isthe first step to staying on top of these rapidlydeveloping markets.

To visit the Ecosystem Marketplace and signup for the eNewsletter click here:http://www.ecosystemmarketplace.com/

Other News

KNOWLEDGE REFERENCE ONNATIONAL FOREST ASSESSMENT

ECOSYSTEM MARKETPLACE

archaeology. With more than 55.000specimens catalogued, it is the largest ofits kind in the world.

An on-line Knowledge Reference on NationalForest Assessment has been developed byFAO Forestry Department and IUFRODivision IV. The reference is intended to serveas a world-wide knowledge resource fornational forest assessments amongforesters, scientists, teachers and otherstakeholders, in particular aiming at needsof developing countries. Since informeddecisions about forest resources on nationallevel have to be based on systematicinventory and monitoring, the reference canalso be seen as a useful tool to supportsustainable management of forestresources. The Knowledge Referencecontents will continue to be developed. It iscurrently published in English, but will in thenear future be translated into Spanish andFrench. The reference is coordinated by theSwedish University of Agricultural Sciences.

Knowledge Reference homepage:http://www.fao.org/forestry/fra-knowledgeref

The Katoomba’s Group’s EcosystemMarketplace is the leading provider ofinformation on emerging markets inecosystem services. It covers markets incarbon, water quality and quantity mitigationbanking, and biodiversity conservation. The

116 ETFRN News 43-44/05


FORESTLEADERSHIP CONFERENCE

Other News

E-mail:[email protected] Katoomba Group1050 Potomac Street, NWWashington, DC 20007USA

Phone: +1 202 2983003Fax: +1 202 2983014

Toronto, Canada, 1-3 March 2005

Titled “Partnerships towards Sustainability,”the inaugural ForestLeadershipConference will provide opportunities fordiscussing exciting trends in sustainableforestry and responsible procurement withspecial emphasis on the development ofmulti-stakeholder partnerships towardsforest sustainability.

The Conference is geared towards a diverseaudience of forest sector decision-makers:corporate social responsibility officers,sustainable forestry experts, governmentalofficials, professional foresters, industryrepresentatives, procurement specialists,First Nations and tribes, communityrepresentatives, conservation and otherorganisations.

The Conference will feature leading NorthAmerican and international speakers,including at ministerial and CEO level, andwill include strategic and field-orientedsessions examining the practicalimplementation of partnerships on theground.

Conference Chair is Jean-Pierre Kiekens,

Initiator of ForestLeadership, former lecturerat the University of Brussels and formereditor of the Forest Certification Watchnewsletter.

The key topics to be discussed at theconference are:

• Corporate sustainable forestry and socialresponsibility strategies and the increasingrole of multi-stakeholder partnerships

• Partnerships work carried out byconservation organisations such as TheConservation Fund and Wildlife HabitatCanada

• Lessons from corporate / conservationpartnerships towards forest conservation,such as the MeadWestvaco / Natureconservancy partnership

• Detailed report on the Forest &Biodiversity Conservation Alliance gearedtowards responsible paper purchasing,involving Office Depot, ConservationInternational, NatureServe and The NatureConservancy

• The role of partnerships in forestcertification, with an update on theprogress of the leading North Americanforest certification programs

• The role of partnerships in governmentaland intergovernmental processes,including an update on the United NationsForum on Forests

Announced in April 2004, ForestLeadershipis a non-profit initiative providing forestsector professionals and stakeholders withopportunities to enhance their leadershipskills. The ForestLeadership Conferencebuilds on the successful series ofCertification Watch Conferences that haveattracted prominent leaders in sustainableforestry since 2001.



SONGS INSPIRED BY THETROPICAL RAINFOREST!

Other News

VOLUNTEERS NEEDED FORFOREST CONSERVATION

For more details, including the finalprogram, conference speakers andinformation on registration, please visit:http://forestleadership.com/rubrique.php3?id_rubrique=8. Subscribe at:http://www.forestleadership.comarticle.php3?id_article=4 to ForestLeadership’selectronic updates to be notified of thedetails of the conference, as they areannounced.

For further information, contact:The ForestLeadership Conference Team353 St Nicolas - Suite 101Montreal, QC, H2Y 2P1Canada

Phone: +1 514 2744344Fax +1 514 2776663E-mail: [email protected]

Dutch jazz singer and social forester Heleenvan den Hombergh melded her passionsfor forests and music in her project calledRush in the Woods!

She performs her music - a mixture of pop,soul and jazz- on a variety of stages andreleased a CD under the same title. Piecesof her songs -about monkeys, the jaguar, thesloth, the intriguing life in the upper layers ofthe forests and what happens when a gianttree falls down- can be heard on her website:http://www.heleenvandenhombergh.com.The press reacted very enthusiastically: “sheseems a secret treasure that has comedown from the highest rainforesttree”...”resembles the best of Joni Mitchell”...

Coral Cay Conservation (CCC) believes thatconservation should not cost the earth!Therefore, to mark the 20th anniversary ofCCC, we are proud to be able to offer a 30%discount on expeditions to one of our tropicalforest conservation projects starting January– May 2005. If you are a returning volunteeryou’ll get 50% off all expedition costs.

CCC is a not-for-profit, internationalcommunity-based tropical forest and coralreef conservation group. We send teams ofvolunteers to survey some of the world’smost endangered coral reefs and tropicalforests. Our mission is to protect thesecrucial environments by working closely withthe local communities who depend on themfor food and livelihood.

CCC has a new and exciting tropical forestconservation project in Malaysia and anongoing, award winning project in thePhilippines in which volunteers can takepart. CCC also offers full fundraisingsupport since many volunteers pay for theirparticipation through sponsorship andgrants.

More information can be found at http://www.coralcay.org/index.php.

To reserve your place on a CCC Expedition,contact the Volunteer RecruitmentCoordinator: by email ([email protected]) orphone (+44 208 5457717)

Coral Cay Conservation,The Tower, 125 High Street

118 ETFRN News 43-44/05


FOREST POLICY TRAINING FORPRACTITIONERS AND FORESTSCIENTISTS

Colliers Wood, London SW19 2JGUK

Phone: +44 870 7500668Fax: + 44 - 870 7500667

The International Union of Forest ResearchOrganizations - Special Programme forDeveloping Countries (IUFRO-SPDC) hasrecently developed a new and interestingtraining programme about linking researchwith practice.

Informed debate and decision-making ininternational and national forest policyprocesses requires input from science andtechnology. Effective participation ofscientists is necessary to adequatelyintegrate scientific knowledge and researchresults into these processes. In recentyears, national forest programmes haveemerged as a comprehensive policy andplanning framework for the forest sector.National forest programmes (nfp) providean appropriate platform for continuousdialogue and mutual learning amongvarious forest stakeholders including forestscientists. However, experiences so far haveshown that there is still a lack of scientificinvolvement in policy processes. Capacitybuilding for forest scientists can contributeto enhance such involvement and tomobilise and motivate scientists to play amore active role in nfp processes.

In its effort to contribute to strengthening ofthe interface between science and policy,

IUFRO-SPDC in co-operation withinternational forestry agencies hasdeveloped a new policy training programmefor forest scientists from developing andeconomically disadvantaged countries. Thetraining programme encouragesparticipation of practitioners and forestscientists. It aims to promote multi-stakeholder learning through jointrecognition of and debate on complexforest-related policy issues. Particularemphasis is given to effective interactionbetween science and policy as an integralcomponent of the learning process. The firsttraining workshop was held in Jakarta,Indonesia, in September 2004.

Depending on interest and demand, it isintended to implement training workshopsof this kind on regular basis in Africa, Asiaand Latin America. Scientists andpractitioners from these regions who wishto further develop their competence in forestpolicy and national forest programmes areencouraged to express their interest bywriting to IUFRO-SPDC at [email protected] [email protected].

The next training workshop on“International Forest Related Initiativesand their Implementation in the Context ofNational Forest Programmes – LinkingResearch and Science with Practice” willbe convened in Brisbane, Australia (2- 5August 2005). Mid-career scientists andsenior managers from institutions indeveloping and economicallydisadvantaged countries are encouragedto attend. Please consult the website formore information, or write to Michael Kleine.

Michael KleineIUFRO-SPDC CoordinatorIUFRO Headquarters



IMA INTERNATIONAL COURSE“RESEARCH PROMOTION FORDEVELOPMENT”

Other News

Hauptstrasse 7A-1140 ViennaAustria

Phone: +43 1 8770151-22Fax: +43 1 8770151-50E-mail: [email protected]:http://www.iufro.org/science/special/spdc/

This innovative one week course exploresthe links between scientific research, policyformulation, institutional development andaction/ implementation for povertyalleviation. The course guides participantsthrough the nature of scientificcommunication and learning, the processby which research results find a pathway topolicy makers and end users and assistsparticipants in developing andimplementing strategies to promote theresults of their own research projects.Improved advocacy and communicationmethodologies for uptake are discussedand explored. The combination of the abovetogether with self-managed assessmentmethodologies to determine impact isinnovative and adds value from the earlystages of project development.Researchers during this course develop aworking promotion strategy that will ensurebetter uptake for their project findings,building on skills learned and experiencegained as the course progresses.

The course is suitable for either projectgroups, in which case studies can be very

specific and promotion strategiesdeveloped accordingly, or to individualswhere there are opportunities to analyse,develop and exchange ideas with like-minded researchers.

Key areas of study:

• Latest communication methods andtechniques

• Links between communication andscience

• Stakeholder analysis and engagement

• Uptake pathways: making the linksbetween research, policy anddevelopment

• Up to date advocacy methodology andtechniques

• Practical tools and skills incommunication including presentations,using the mass media, participatoryfacilitation, effective messages,negotiation, meetings and interviews.

• Promotion strategy matrix and personalaction plans to improve performance inthe implementation of participants’promotion strategies

• Project monitoring and evaluation as partof the promotion strategy

• Provide a forum for networking andexchange to share experience andencourage the diffusion of innovativeapproaches for valuable research results

Course dates and fees:25 – 29 April 2005 in Brighton, UnitedKingdom. The fees are £1,500 perparticipant, inclusive of bed and breakfastaccommodation. Fees also include airporttransfers, course materials and a culturalprogramme.

120 ETFRN News 43-44/05


For more information about this course andother IMA courses, please see the IMAwebsite at http://www.imainternational.com.

IMA InternationalRandolphs Farm, Brighton Road,Hurstpierpoint,West Sussex, BN6 9ELUK

Phone: +44 1273 833030Fax: +44 1273 833230E-mail : [email protected]

provide you with easy-to-follow descriptionsof practical methods and well-tested fieldtools which you can use to turn villagersinto successful small-scale entrepreneurs.Don’t worry. You don’t need to be an expertin business management in order tofacilitate this process!

The Field Facilitators Guidelines arepublished in English, French and Spanish.They can be accessed and downloadedfrom the FAO website.

English: FIELD FACILITATORSGUIDELINES (2004)h t t p : / / w w w . f a o . o r g / d o c u m e n t s /show_cdr.asp?ur l_f i le=/docrep/007/ae419e/ae419e00.htmPDF: ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/007/ae419e/ae419e00.pdf

French: FICHES CONSEIL AUFACILITATEUR DE TERRAIN (2004)h t t p : / / w w w . f a o . o r g / d o c u m e n t s /show_cdr.asp?ur l_f i le=/docrep/007/ae419f/ae419f00.htmPDF file: ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/007/ae419f/ae419f00.pdf

Spanish: DIRECTRICES PARAFACILITADORES DE CAMPO (2004)h t t p : / / w w w . f a o . o r g / d o c u m e n t s /show_cdr.asp?ur l_f i le=/docrep/007/ae419s/ae419s00.htmPDF: ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/007/ae419s/ae419s00.pdf

Contact:Sophie GrouwelsCommunity-based Enterprise DevelopmentOfficerForestry Policy and Institutions Service,FONP, Forestry Department, FAORoom C-463

FIELD FACILITATORS GUIDELINESFOR SMALL-SCALE FORESTENTERPRISES

The FAO website now contains FieldFacilitators Guidelines for community-based tree and forest product enterprises.These small–scale forest enterprises aredesigned with the help of participatorymethodologies such as Market Analysis andDevelopment (MA&D) and operate within theframework of Participatory forestrymechanisms that enable those people witha direct stake in forest resources, to be partof decision-making in all aspects of forestmanagement. For more information, see theWebpage of small-scale forest enterprisesat http://www.fao.org/forestry/site/10173/en

Are these guidelines for you?Do you want to help small entrepreneurs inthe field to identify and develop naturalresource products-based small-scaleenterprises? Then these guidelines are justwhat you are looking for. Whether you workfor governmental or non-governmentdevelopment agencies, the guidelines



THE VERIFOR PROJECT (ODI ANDPARTNERS)

Phone: +39 6 57055299Fax: +39 6 57055514E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.fao.org

Webpage small-scale enterprises:http://www.fao.org/forestry/site/10173/en

MA&D Brochure-link: http://www.fao.org/documents /show_cdr.asp?ur l_ f i le=/DOCREP/005/X4808E/X4808E00.HTM

VERIFOR was one of the successfulproposals under the last round of bids tothe EC’s ‘Tropical Forestry’ budget line. Theproject is to be implemented by ODI inassociation with three internationalpartners: CIFOR (Africa), RECOFTC (Asia)and CATIE (Central and South America),and has a value of €2.4 million over fouryears (2005-9), 80% funded by the EC.

VERIFOR is concerned with the policy,institutional and legal challenges aroundthe issue of illegal logging. It seeks to helptropical producer countries verify that theirtimber has been legally harvested. In linewith the EC’s FLEGT Action Plan, the focusis on the provision of equitable solutionsthat do not have adverse effects on the poor,and which support the principles of goodgovernance. It addresses the institutionaldimensions, and the ways in which nationalownership can be built up in a mannercompatible with international credibility andlegitimacy (rather than, say, technical aidssuch as methods of log tracking). A centralpreoccupation is the policy arena and policy

challenges. Thus, it goes beyond the issueof criminality and will make a contribution topoverty reduction through national-ledprocesses.

VERIFOR is in two phases. The first leadsto a major international conference to reviewexisting verification systems, both within thesector and beyond. The second phase ofthe Project will build a dialogue withinterested parties to design verificationsystems that are well attuned to countryrealities and enjoy broad nationalownership. The project will end with asecond conference to take stock of what hasbeen learned, and to maintain themomentum for range-state options andsolutions.

Contact information:

The Project Director is:Dr. David Brown,Research Fellow in Forest Policy at the ODIE-mail: [email protected]

The Project Administrator is:Christina PanagiotopoulosFPEP AdministrationODI111 Westminster Bridge Road,London, SE1 7JDUK

Phone: +44 20 79220352Fax: +44 20 79220399E-mail : [email protected]: http://www.fao.org/FORESTRY/FON/fonp/cfu/MADoENG.pdf

122 ETFRN News 43-44/05


INTERACTIVE FOREST AND NATUREPOLICY IN PRACTICE

International Course, IAC Wageningen, TheNetherlands, 12 - 30 September 2005

One of the most significant developmentsin environmental and natural resource policymaking over the last decade has been thefocus on finding effective alternatives tocommand and control regulation. The trendtowards using less intrusive means toachieve policy goals is a response to policyfailures, such as implementation gaps andlack of legitimation, and to a changedunderstanding of the complexity of societaland environmental problems. As a result,the relationship between the regulators andthe regulated has shifted. Governmentalactors become facilitators, moderators andpartners in participatory processes amonga diverse set of non-governmental actors.

This development challenges forest andnature management professionals to takea wider perspective: to look beyond theforest boundaries, taking into account cross-sectoral concerns and using multi-disciplinary approaches. Professionalsaccepting this challenge will need to clarifythe relevance of forest policy to povertyreduction strategies. They will requireexperience in using participatoryapproaches to ensure the involvement ofstakeholders in policy development andimplementation. If you would like to developyour skills as a ‘new’ professional, thiscourse will interest you.

From 12-30 September 2005 the IAC willorganise a three week international courseon “Interactive Forest and Nature Policy

in Practice: managing multi-stakeholderlearning in sector wide approaches andnational forest programmes.”

This course adopts a learning perspectiveto policy development and implementationfor sustainable natural resourcemanagement. Processes of collaborativelearning look beyond stakeholderparticipation, focussing on the socialprocesses and dynamics that makestakeholder participation effective formanaging natural resources. Using theMulti-Stakeholder Processes conceptualframework and reflecting on participants’own experiences, an active learningenvironment is created that is fun,stimulating and challenging.

Are you curious about this course or otherIAC courses? Please contact us through:

Fax +31 317 495395E-mail: [email protected] .

You can also visit us at http://www.iac.wur.nl

We appreciate your assistance incommunicating this course to colleagueswithin your organisation and network.

Please contact us if you have any questionsor suggestions.

Wouter HijweegeCourse coordinatorIAC


Organisations- Institutions- ProgrammesPublications

CONSERVING THE PEACE:RESOURCES, LIVELIHOODS ANDSECURITY

BREAKING THE CONFLICT TRAP

Richard Matthew, Mark Halle and JasonSwitzer (eds.) (2002)

In 2000, the International Union for theConservation of Nature and the InternationalInstitute for Sustainable Developmentconvened an international Task Force ofleading experts to assess the linkagesbetween environment and security, and tobegin converting what has largely been anacademic debate into tools for conservationplanning. The Task Force subsequentlycommissioned a number of case studiesfrom around the world, which illustrate thelinkages between environment and security.Cases by leading authors explored thecomplex roots of conflict in Rwanda,Indonesia, Nicaragua and Pakistan. Theytackled the ecological sources ofvulnerability to Hurricane Mitch and thestrange conflict between Canada and Spainover the Atlantic turbot fishery. Based on itsresearch, the Task Force concluded thatresource degradation and disaster largelyaffect the lives and livelihoods of the millionsof poor around the world, especially thosein indigenous and traditional communities.Loss of livelihoods, in turn, leads to socialtension, migration and settlement ininappropriate areas, and often to conflict. Itfollows then that targeted investments inenvironmental conservation and thepromotion of sustainable and equitable useof natural resources may be significantfactors in mitigating disaster risk, reducingsocial tensions and avoiding costlyconflicts.The Task Force presented itsresults to the World Conservation Congress

in 2000 to wide acclaim. The cases andtheir recommendations were published in2002 as a book, Conserving the Peace,launched at the World Summit forSustainable Development inJohannesburg.

Winnipeg: IISD and IUCN.ISBN: 1-895536-62-6

Source: IISD website at: http://www.iisd.org/natres/security/nrls.asp

Download at: http://www.iisd.org/pdf/2002/envsec_conserving_peace.pdf

Paul Collier, Lani Elliot, Håvard Hegre, AnkeHoeffer, Marta Reynal-Querol and NicholasSambanis (2003)

This policy research report prepared for theWorld Bank has among its main objectivesto alert the international community aboutthe negative consequences that civil warshave on development. Authors point out theefficacy of development as an instrumentfor prevention and mitigation of conflict.This relation also works in the oppositedirection since the combination of violentconflicts and failure of development usuallyleads to a vicious circle in which war retardsdevelopment and, in its turn, developmentretards war. Civil wars have frequentlyadverse ripple effects that not only affectcombatants and have an impact far beyondnational frontiers, thus making them anissue that concerns both national

124 ETFRN News 43-44/05


governments and international community.

The first part of the book addresses sucheffects, at the national scale, on theneighboring countries, and at the globalscale. The second part focuses more closelyon the factors determining the incidence ofviolent conflicts, the links between conflictsand development –or the lack of it-, andcircumstances making countries prone tofall into “conflict traps”. The third and lastpart calls for national and internationalintervention and suggests some policiesthat might be effective in reducing conflictincidence worldwide.

Many of the articles referred to in this reportcan be found on the project’s website http://econ.worldbank.org/programs/conflict.

The electronic version of this book can bedownloaded from the World Bank website:http://econ.worldbank.org/prr/CivilWarPRR/text-26671

You can also purchase the hard copy atWorld Bank’s website: http://publications.worldbank.org/ecommerce/catalog/product?item_id=1896154

Price: $24Published May 2003 by Oxford UniversityPress, World BankISBN: 0-8213-5481-7SKU: 15481

To order by mail:The World BankP.O. Box 960Herndon, VA 20172-0960U.S.A.

Publications

WAR AND TROPICAL FORESTS

Steven V. Price (ed.) (2003)

This volume is a collection of essays thatfirst emerged as papers and presentationsprepared for the international conferenceWar and Tropical Forests: NewPerspectives in Conservation in Areas ofArmed Conflict. The conference called theattention to the conflicts at that time affectingconservation, as well as to the challengesthat conservationists and conservation-related activities faced during conflict andpost-conflict periods. Preparingconservationist staff and communities fortimes of crises, maintaining conservationprogram capacities during conflict,addressing the causes of conflict anddirecting conservation efforts toward thereduction and prevention of conflicts areexamples of such challenges. The maintopics addressed in War and Tropicalforests include the destructive impact ofviolent conflicts on forests and conservationcapacities, which not only occur duringwartime but can also be severe in the post-conflict period; the determining role thatlocal communities can play in conservationduring violent conflicts; the role ofinternational market forces and economicagendas in generating and fuelling conflict;and the negative effects of corruption andweak governance in conservation activitiesand conflict management. The eightchapters of the book include case studiesfrom Colombia, Nicaragua, DemocraticRepublic of Congo, Indonesia and Rwanda.

Published by Food Products Press (TheHaworth Press), Inc. and co-publishedsimultaneously as Journal of Sustainable



Forestry, Volume 16, number 3/4, 2003.ISBN 1-56022-09-6; 219pp.Price: $ 24.95 paperback

This book can be purchased at HaworthPublisher’s website:ht tp: / /www.haworthpress.com/store/product.asp?sid=5VDG2APP6UDQ9HKVFBFP2W0A6J4E3J9E&sku=4803&AuthType=4

It can also be ordered at the followingmailing address:The Haworth Press Inc.10 Alice St.Binghamton, NY 13904USA

commitment to protect the environment ofthe local people as much as possible. Itappears that nature conservation activitiesneutralise conflicts because it bringstogether parties that would normally notcooperate.

In the publication, the Netherlands Ministryof Defence emphasises the importance ofnature conservation during conflicts. TheUNHCR already works on environmentalprojects in and around refugee camps toprevent environmental destruction a resultof the crowds of people who are temporarilydependent on the natural resources of thearea.

The book includes very personalexperiences of people directly affected byconflicts and still fight for the conservationof biodiversity. Additionally, it gives anoverview of the growing realization on thepart of Dutch and international agencies thatnature could and should be spared duringconflicts. Concrete recommendations forthe various stakeholders during conflicts arepresented also.

International Seminar of the Working GroupEcology and DevelopmentMededelingen Nederlandse Commissievoor Internationale Natuurbescherming nr.37Werkgroep Ecologie en OntwikkelingISSN 0923-5981

Currently the publication is out of print.Please contact the secretariat of the WorkingGroup Ecology and Development for moreinformation or photocopies of thepublication:


Publications

NATURE IN WAR; BIODIVERSITYCONSERVATION DURINGCONFLICTS

Esther Blom, Wim Bergmans, IreneDankelman, Pita Verweij, Margje Voeten enPiet Wit (2000)

The book, published by the Working GroupEcology and Development, a Dutch groupof independent nature conservationists, isbased on an international seminar on thatsame subject. During the seminar, itbecame clear that nature can often bespared during conflicts, and this contributessignificantly to the opportunities of peopleto rebuild their society after the conflict ends.The publication sheds light on the subjectfrom many different angles. For example, anumber of cases by local NGOs fromconflict areas (a.o. DRC, Burma, Colombia)illustrate the enormous and long-termdamage to nature that has been caused byconflicts, now and in the past. Furthermore,these cases illustrate the admirable NGO

126 ETFRN News 43-44/05


GUERRA, SOCIEDAD Y MEDIOAMBIENTE (WAR, SOCIETY ANDENVIRONMENT)

EXTREME CONFLICTS ANDTROPICAL FORESTS

Publications

M. Cárdenas and M. Rodríguez B. (eds.)2004

The book, also discussed in the article byRodríguez (page 65) tries to clarify thecomplex relations between environment,social conflicts, war and peace in Colombia.It presents different aspects of the nature ofarmed conflict and its effects on land andforests in Colombia. Environmental policiesduring the war are discussed, specificallycommunal reforestation, policies on parkswith the people, the ban of illicit cultivationsand anti-drugs policy, and the road policyand its relations with forest in the context ofthe country’s social conflict. It also includesan analysis of the oil sector and itsrelationship with environment and conflict,and a methodological and conceptualessay on “sociology of environmentalconflicts”, built from analysing issues on oiland ethnic groups in the Amazon region.

This book is currently available in Spanishonly.

Foro Nacional Ambiental – Colombia.ISBN: 958-8101-17-4Bogotá, Prisma Asociados Ltda.

Deanna Donovan, Wil de Jong and KenichiAbe (eds.) (forthcoming)

In nine chapters this book brings togethervarious aspects of extreme conflicts intropical forests. Seven chapters werepresented as papers at the Symposium onExtreme Conflicts and Tropical Forestsorganized by the Japan Center for AreaStudies in Osaka, Japan, in November 2001.

Many tropical forests are located in recentlyformed, volatile states. Institutionalinstability and rapid changes of resourceownership and user rights have helped thespread of conflicts into forested regions.Forests provide basic needs to those whoflee from conflict and, often at the sametime, financial input to warring parties.Tropical forests remain out of reach of mostgovernment and law enforcement agenciesand readily become subject ofoverexploitation, poaching and conversionfor the production of illegal crops. Inaddition, extreme conflicts severely hamperconservation of endangered species andtheir habitats.

Extreme conflicts in tropical forests are partand parcel of the wider subject ofenvironmental decline. The link betweenextreme conflicts and tropical forests iscentral to a number of recent Forest LawEnforcement and Governance initiativesand has become a prominent theme on theagenda at high level international meetings.For instance, the issue of ‘conflict timber’,i.e. timber that is used to fund wars, hasbeen debated at the United Nations Security



Council. As a result, Liberian timber hasbeen banned from the international market.

The book contains case studies fromtropical Asia, Africa and America. Theanalysis includes causes andconsequences of extreme conflicts insocial, economic, and environmental terms,illicit crop production, post-conflictchallenges of forest management, conflicttimber, patronage, conservation and thepotential of peace parks.

Please contact Wil de Jong([email protected]) forinformation on ordering the book.

book discusses practical approaches andpolicies that can be adopted by internationalcommunity to assist developing countriesin better managing their resources. Authorsfocus mainly on the mechanisms for makingsure that revenues from natural resourceexploitation do not start or sustain anyviolent conflict. Regulations, schemes andinstruments for monitoring and regulatingconflict trade revenues at the national,regional and global scale are documentedand discussed, and areas for effectiveinternational action are identified.

Published by the World Bank. 2003: 409 pp.ISBN 0-8213-5503-1; Price $30

Introduction and table of contents can bedownloaded free of charge at the sameelectronic address.This book can bepurchased on-line at the World Bankwebsite: http://publications.worldbank.org/ecommerce/catalog/product?item_id=2350727

Orders via post:The World BankP.O. Box 960Herndon, VA 20172-0960U.S.A.

NATURAL RESOURCES ANDVIOLENT CONFLICTS: OPTIONSAND ACTIONS

Ian Bannon and Paul Collier (eds.) (2003)

Natural Resources and Violent Conflicts isthe product of the research on the linksbetween natural resources and conflictundertaken by the World Bank’s ConflictPrevention and Reconstruction Unit and theDevelopment Research Group. Thiscollection of articles holds that even thoughnatural resources are never the only causeof conflict, natural resource exploitation hashistorically played an important role intriggering, prolonging or fueling conflict.Countries with low income and strongdependence on primary commodities facehigher risks of conflict incidence, and oncecivil war breaks out it acts as developmentin reverse, having devastatingconsequences largely over civilians andusually affecting more than one country. The

VIOLENT ENVIRONMENTS

Michael Watts and Nancy Lee Peluso (2001)

Cornell University PressPublishing date: August 2001ISBN 0801487110Price $ 29.95453 pages

128 ETFRN News 43-44/05


J. Shambaugh, J. Oglethorpe, and R. Ham(with contributions from S. Tognetti) (2001)

Armed conflicts create complex challengesfor conservation in many areas of Sub-Saharan Africa. War devastates the lives ofthose in its destructive path, includingcivilians, local people, and, sometime,conservation workers.

This publication is based on the results ofthe Biodiversity Support Programme’sArmed Conflict and the Environment (ACE)Project, which reviewed negative impactsof armed conflict on the environment in Africaand analysed a wide range of practicalexperiences in reducing these impactsbefore, during, and after conflict.Recommendations in this guide aim tohelp natural resource managers,conservation practitioners, policy makers,and donors better prepare for conflicts

THE TRAMPLED GRASS:MITIGATING THE IMPACTS OFARMED CONFLICT ON THEENVIRONMENT

GREED AND GRIEVANCE: ECONOMICAGENDAS IN CIVIL WARS

Publications

Mats Berdal and David M. Malone (eds.)(2000)

First conceived in the conference “EconomicAgendas in Civil Wars” held in London in1999, this book explores the ways in whicheconomic factors frequently shape thebehavior of the parties to a violent conflict.Authors suggest looking at war not merelyas a disruption of the ruling social, politicaland economic order but as the emergenceof a system that benefits certain groups –government officials, traders, combatantsand some international actors- whileimpoverishing others. This perspective canprovide a more comprehensiveunderstanding of the complexcircumstances that generate and keepconflicts going for years sometimes evendecades. Though varying largely from caseto case, profits from violent conflicts areoften intimately linked to access and powerover natural resources in the conflict area,of which evidence is provided throughseveral chapters of the book.

The first section of this volume addressesthe economy of civil wars through analysingthe economic agendas of the partakers aswell as the means by which globalisationcreates new opportunities for the partaker’selites to engage in their economic agendas.The second section focuses on thepossible participation of external actors,including governments, internationalorganisations, NGO’s and privatecompanies in shifting such economicagendas toward peace.

Price: $ 22.50, Lynne Rienner Publishers:251 pp.ISBN 1555878687

Order from: Lynne Rienner Publishers1800 30th Street, Suite 314Boulder, CO 80301USA

Orders by phone: +1 303 4446684Fax: +1 303 4440824.E-mail: [email protected]://www.amazon.com



A CONFLICT OF INTEREST: THEUNCERTAIN FUTURE OF BURMA’SFORESTS

GLOBAL WITNESS REPORTS ONLINKS BETWEEN NATURALRESOURCE EXPLOITATION ANDHUMAN RIGHTS

before they occur, cope with them while theyare occurring, and recover from them afterthey are over.

The publication can be downloaded fromthe BSP’s website:http://www.worldwildlife.org/bsp/index.html:from the “BSP publications” pages.

For more information contact:Biodiversity Support Programme1250 24th Street NWWashington, DC 20037USA

Phone: +1 202 2934800

Global Witness is a non-governmentalorganisation committed to exposing the linkbetween natural resource exploitation andhuman right abuses, operating in areaswhere environmentally destructive trade isfuelling conflict and abuse. Global Witnessgathers and disseminates informationregarding environmental exploitation andits social, ecological and economic effects,in order that the link is understood by thosewho are in a position to effect positivechange. Global Witness has used, andcontinues to use, covert and conventionalinvestigative techniques to identify anddocument the mechanisms through whichnatural resources are exploited andremoved from countries such as Angola,Cambodia, Liberia and DemocraticRepublic of Congo. These reports are

presented to the world’s policy makers: thusgovernments and regulatory bodies arepressured to push for a more sustainableuse of resources and a more equitabledistribution of revenues.

Recent reports

• Rush and Ruin: The Devastating MineralTrade in Southern Katanga, DRC.(September 2004)

• A Conflict of Interest: the uncertain futureof Burma’s forests – Burmese Translation(September 2004)

• Same Old Story: a background study ofnatural resources in the DemocraticRepublic of Congo. (June 2004)

• Liberia: Back to the Future - What is thefuture of Liberia’s forests and its effect onregional peace? (April 2004).

• Time for Transparency: coming clean onoil, mining and gas Revenues (March2004)

Information taken from Global Witnesswebsite. All reports can be downloadeddirectly at Global Witness Website:http://www.globalwitness.org

Global Witness (October 2003)

This report provides a comprehensiveoverview of the long lasting conflict in Burmaand its strong links with natural resourcewealth, particularly timber. First pages of thereport present a set of recommendationsfor mitigating the conflict and improving

130 ETFRN News 43-44/05


Burma’s forest management. Specificrecommendations are made to all partiesinvolved in the conflict: internal combatants(regime leaders, ethnic insurgents),neighboring countries and internationalcommunity. The report is divided into twosections; the first section carefully examinesthe origin of Burma’s conflict, tracking itspolitical and cultural roots, as well as thetraditionally inequitable distribution ofresources extraction and deriving benefits.The second part is mainly based on GlobalWitness’ field research and provides adetailed and carefully documented view oflogging and timber trade throughout Burma.Special attention is paid to logging in theborder areas –Thai-Burma and China-Burma-, which are currently the areas ofgreatest concern.

All Global Witness reports and pressreleases can be downloaded directly atGlobal Witness Website:http://www.globalwitness.org .

Global Witness.P.O. Box 6042London N19 5WPUnited Kingdom

Phone: + 44 207 2726731Fax: +44 207 2729425.

For further information please contact:Jon BuckrellE-mail: [email protected]

Alternatively please contact Simon Phillipsin Thailand.E-mail: [email protected]

Publications

CONTROLLING IMPORTS OFILLEGAL TIMBER – OPTIONS FOREUROPE (SUMMARY)

D. Brack, C. Marijnissen and S. Ozinga(2002)

This briefing presents a series ofrecommendations for the institutions ofthe European Union (EU), and for thegovernments of the EU member states,on means to control the import of illegallysourced timber and wood products intothe territory of the EU. It is a summary of alarger report, jointly prepared by FERN andthe Sustainable Development Programmeof the Royal Institute of International Affairs.

The full report identifies existing legislationthat may be applicable in controllingimports, looks at ways of promoting legalproducts in the market and of controllingflows of investment to potentially illegalforestry activities. It examines existingglobal frameworks that may be applicable.New approaches are analysed, inparticular the option of a new EU legislation,including a licensing scheme for legaltimber, enabling member states to controlthe entry of illegally sourced timber intothe EU. Practical issues, includingidentification systems that should beaddressed are discussed as well.

FERN/Royal Institute of International Affairs

Full report available on: http://www.fern.orgCan be downloaded directly from: http://www.fern.org/pubs/reports/options2.pdf

Or contact:Lucia Appleby



CONFLICT TIMBER: DIMENSIONS OFTHE PROBLEM IN ASIA AND AFRICA

Communications and publicationsFERN1c Fosseway Business CentreStratford Road, Moreton-in-MarshGloucestershire GL56 9NQUK

Phone: + 44 1608 652895Fax: + 44 1608 652878E-mail: [email protected]

J. Thomson and R. Kanaan (2004)

As a response to the growing recognition ofthe connection between forests, loggingand conflict, this report provides acomprehensive examination of theeconomic, ecological, political, social andsecurity dimensions of conflict timber in bothAsia and Africa.

The study identified four interrelatedcharacteristics common to conflict timberincidents in Asia and Africa:

• There is a direct and strong link betweenconflict timber and poor, inequitablesystems of governance. Conflict timberincidents almost always occur in statescharacterized by poor governance.

• Governments are almost alwayscomplicit in conflict timber activities. Thedifficulty of exploiting timber means thatstate-based organisations, such asmilitary units and government- backedlogging companies, are more likely toengage in conflict timber operationsd thanare rebel groups.

• Loose financial oversight generatesincentives for powerful individual actors(military, police, politicians) to engage inconflict timber activities.

• Ambiguous land/resource tenurepromotes struggles over timber.

The results of the study indicate thatsolutions are required that address themajor underlying cause of conflict timber –poor governance. Furthermore, there is no“silver bullet” capable of successfullyaddressing all incidents of conflict timber.To decrease the incidence, longevity orseverity of conflict timber incidentssuccessfully, well-reasoned and cross-cutting programmatic responses need tobe developed on a case-by-case basis.

The study was commissioned by USAID/DCHA/OTI and USAID/ANE/TS to ARD Inc.

Copies of the report are available at the site:http://www.ard-biofor.com/documents/Volume%201%20-%20Synthesis%20Report.pdf

Or try: http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC17484

(Information above is compiled from thesummary of the report)

132 ETFRN News 43-44/05


THE NETHERLANDS AND THEWORLD ECOLOGY – SOY AND OILPALM

Publications

This map tries to assess and visualize theeffects of the Dutch import of soybean andoil palm products. These products aremainly imported to feed the sizeablelivestock population in the Netherlands. Thehigh levels of consumption and trade ofsoybean and oil palm products has ultimatesevere ecological and social consequencesin the countries of production. The mainconsequences of these imports on localecosystems are briefly outlined in thewebsite mentioned below. The focus is onBrazil, Indonesia and Malaysia in particular.

This and other maps produced as part ofthe programme “The Netherlands and theWorld Ecology” can be ordered from:

The Netherlands Committee for IUCNPlantage Middenlaan 2K1018 DD AmsterdamThe Netherlands

Phone: +31 20 6261732Fax: +31 20 6279349E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.nciucn.nl


The price of the map is: in The Netherlands€2 (including postage costs),abroad €3 (including postage costs).

Departamento de Recursos Naturales yMedio Ambiente (DRNA), CATIE

This new Spanish language seriesemphasises the importance of a betterscientific knowledge as the basis fortechnical decision making regardingmanagement and conservation of naturalresources in tropical America.Target groupsare technicians and policy makers.

ISSN 1659-1224 - No. 1 “Retribuciones a laconservación” (Paybacks to conservation),August 2004.

For more information, contact:

Lorena OrozcoEditorDepartmento de Recursos Naturales yAmbiente, CATIEApartado Postal 7170,TurrialbaCosta Rica

Phone: + 506 558 2300 / 556 2703Fax: +506 556 7730E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.catie.ac.cr

RECURSOS, CIENCIA Y DECISIÓN(RESOURCES, SCIENCE ANDDECISION)



L’ÉCONOMIE MONDIALE FACE AUCLIMAT - À RESPONSABILITÉSACCRUES, OPPORTUNITÉSNOUVELLES (THE WORLDECONOMY FACING THE CLIMATE -INCREASED RESPONSIBILITIES,NEW OPPORTUNITIES)

Publications

André Gabus (L’Harmattan, 2003)

An Introduction to the Kyoto Protocol inFrench that has been especially written forthe newcomers into this complex and far-reaching policy instrument.

Après une brève mais équilibréeprésentation de l’amplification de l’effet deserre comme phénomène physique, le livred’André Gabus expose — ce qui est rarepour un lectorat francophone — lesfondements sociétaux et économiques dela politique “climat”. Les voies et moyensde l’atténuation de l’effet de serre sonttraités à la fois comme contrainteséconomiques et possibilités d’affaires pourles entreprises. Une prospectiveinstitutionnelle, économique et surtouttechnologique fait l’objet de scénariosattrayants. Le livre en cache un autre pourles forestiers entendant conduire lacroissance ligneuse aussi pour participerà la prévention climatique, non seulementen tant que promoteurs de puits, mais aussigestionnaires de stocks de carbone.L’ouvrage est bien organisé avec denombreux encadrés, des notes techniqueset des documents en annexe, un glossaireet un index utile, par exemple, pour recenserles efforts entrepris par pays ou serenseigner sur les innovations pardomaines technologiques. En tant que livre

de référence, le lecteur non-anglophoneappréciera de pouvoir accéder aux sourcesmajeures qui sont publiées pour la pluparten Anglais. [de la Note de l’Editeur]

ISBN: 2-7475-5050-8Details by chapter can be viewed at:http://www.effet-de-serre.gouv.fr/fr/etudes/somleco.html

For further information contact:André GABUS,International Consultant, Former MinisterialAdvisorE-mail: [email protected]: http://www.mysunrise.ch/users/agabus/eff’endi/carbon/carbcorn.html

Source: Climate Change Info Mailing List(Climate-L News)

FUNDRAISING AND FINANCIALMANAGEMENT – A guide for NGOsand Southern developmentorganisations (MANUEL DERECHERCHE DE FINANCEMENT ETDE GESTION FINANCIERE des ONGset organisations de developpementdu sud)

F. Vincent (2003)

This book is the result of many years ofpractical experience in training andsupporting dozens of Southern NGOs fromall continents. The manual takes up certainrecommendations of the book “Reinforcingfinancial autonomy of Third-Worlddevelopment NGOs and organisations”, ofwhich the latest edition has been sold out.This manual is more than an update: it is

134 ETFRN News 43-44/05


AGROFORESTRY ANDBIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION INTROPICAL LANDSCAPES

adapted to needs and financing means ofNGOs today and facilitates use of the Internetto identify financial partners.

This new manual translated and adaptedfrom French into English is a practical toolfor fundraising and financial management(232 pages). It addresses questions of NGOleaders: How do I draft my request forfundraising? To whom do I send it to havesome chance of getting a reply? How much,what and how to ask? What kind ofrelationship should I have with my donoragencies? How do I manage and justify theaid received?

An annex of 50 pages gives the names andaddresses of donor agencies: NGO donors;Foundations; multilateral (UN) aid; bilateralaid; development and alternative banks; andguarantee systems.

The manual is also published and andavailable in French.

IRED, GenevaISBN 2-88368-005-2Price €30 and postage.

Please order by fax or e-mail.

Contact:IRED Geneva3, rue Varembé116 Geneva 1211 20Switzerland

Phone: +41 22 7341716Fax: + 41 22 7400011E-mail: [email protected]: http:// www.ired.org

G. Schroth, G.A.B. Da Fonseca, C.A. Harvey,C. Gascon, H.L. Vasconcelos and A-M.N.Izac (eds.) (2004)

The book is the first comprehensivesynthesis of the role of agroforestry systemsin conserving biodiversity in tropicallandscapes, and contains in-depth reviewchapters of most agroforestry systems, withexamples from many different countries. Itis a valuable source of information forscientists, researchers, professors, andstudents in the fields of conservationbiology, resource management, tropicalecology, rural development, agroforestry,and agroecology.

Based on the experience in tropical regionsof 46 scientists and practitioners from 13countries, the book reviews how agroforestrypractices can help to promote biodiversityconservation in human-dominatedlandscapes, to synthesize the current stateof knowledge in the field, and to identifyareas where further research is needed.

Paper $45.00ISBN 1-55963-357-3, Island Press.

For more information contact:Evan JohnsonIsland Press1718 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.Suite 300Washington, D.C. 20009-1148USA

Phone: + 1 202 2327933



PARTICIPATORY ASSESSMENT,MONITORING AND EVALUATION OFBIODIVERSITY (PAMEB)

MODELLING AND EXPERIMENTALRESEARCH ON GENETICPROCESSES IN TROPICAL ANDTEMPERATE FORESTS

Publications

Fax: +1 202 2341328E-mail: [email protected]://www.islandpress.org

J. van Rijsoort and A. Lawrence (eds.) (2004)

The results of PAMEB Electronic workshop(7-25 January 2002) and policy seminar (21May 2002) convened by the EnvironmentalChange Institute, University of Oxford havebeen published on CD-ROM. The CDincludes outputs, background documentsand reading materials. All the informationon the CD-ROM may also be downloadedfrom the workshop website. For copies ofthe CD, please contact ETFRN [email protected]

DFID/FRP R7475. ETFRN andEnvironmental Change Institute, Universityof Oxford.

B. Degen, M.D. Loveless and A. Kremer(eds) (2002)

This publication presents the proceedingsof a symposium with the same title held inKourou, French Guiana in 2000. Thesymposium was supported by theDendrogene project; the proceedings were

published by EMBRAPA.

The Dendrogene project, hosted at theEmbrapa Eastern Amazon research stationin Belém, has created an important scientificnetwork in the fields of ecology, genetics,botany and modeling in order to secure theuse and conservation of the tropical humidforests.

ISBN 85-87690-14-0

Copies can be requested at:Embrapa Amazônia OrientalTrav. Dr. Enéas Pinheiro s/nCaixa Postal, 48, CEP: 66095-100Belém, PABrazil

Tel: +55 91 2994500Fax: +55 91 2769845E-mail: [email protected]

TAKAMANDA: THE BIODIVERSITYOF AN AFRICAN RAINFOREST

J.A. Comiskey, T.C.H. Sunderland and J.L.Sunderland-Groves (eds.) (2003)

The Takamanda Project was acollaborative, multi-institutional effort toprovide an initial series of assessments forselected taxa in this region of southwesternCameroon and elicit the data needed toform a baseline for future research andconservation. Takamanda Forest Reserve(TFR) was relatively unexplored until thisproject. Increasing threats to the long-termsurvival of both flora and fauna in theReserve prompted the authors and theirrespective affiliation to conduct the

136 ETFRN News 43-44/05


IDENTIFYING TROPICAL PROSOPISSPECIES. A FIELD GUIDE

Publications

biodiversity assessments that are reportedon in the book. The studies reflect the overallbiological importance of TFR, the urgentneed to protect the area to ensure its viabilityinto the future, and, ideally, implementationof sustainable management practices.

ISBN: 1-893912-12-4SI/MAB Series #8. Smithsonian Institute,Washington, DC.

You can download electonic versions of thebook at: http://nationalzoo.si.edu/ConservationAndScience/MAB/researchprojects/a p p l i e d c o n s e r v a t i o n / w e s t a f r i c a /Takamanda.cfm

Or visit: http://www.si.edu/simab and clickon SI/MAB Series: Takamanda (on the rightside of the screen).

For more information contact:Smithsonian InstitutionNational Zoological ParkConservation and Research CenterSI/MAB Biodiversity Program1100 Jefferson Drive, SW, Suite 3123Washington, DC 20560-0705USA

N.M. Pasiecznik, P.J.C. Harris and S.J. Smith(2004)

Taxonomists can tell the difference bylooking very carefully at the flowers andleaves, and recently scientists haveaccurately identified species by analysingthe DNA. However, while these methods are

helpful to the experts in their laboratories,they are not much use to the forester, whoneeds to be able to identify Prosopis treesquickly in the field. This guide aims to dojust that, by allowing a comparison of leavesand other useful morphologicalcharacteristics of the eight most frequenttropical species, and a key to differentiatingthe two most common, and most oftenconfused species, P. juliflora and P. pallida.

ISBN 0-905343-34-4HDRA, Coventry, UK

To request publications contact:N.M. PasiecznikInternational Research departmentHDRARyton Organic GardensCoventryWarwickshire CV8 3LGUnited Kingdom

Phone: +44 24 76303517Fax: +44 24 76639229E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.hdra.org.uk

P.J.C. HarrisSchool of Science and the EnvironmentCoventry UniversityPriory StreetCoventry CV1 5FBUnited Kingdom

Phone: +44 24 76888349Fax: +44 24 76888702E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.coventry.ac.uk



ACACIA: A PRICKLY TREE FOR ATHORNY PROBLEM

Publications

Summary written by Becky Hayward (2003)

The research on African acacias wascarried out by a collaboration oforganisations including the ZimbabweForestry Commission, the Kenya ForestryInstitute and L’Institut Sénégalais deRecherches Agricoles. The project wasfocussed on six species: Acacia erioloba,Acacia karroo, Acacia nilotica, AcaciaSenegal, Acacia tortilis and Faidherbiaalbida.

Biologists at the Oxford Forestry Institute,the University of Dundee and the ZimbabweCommission looked at how fast growingand productive seedlings of these Acaciaspecies can be raised in tree nurseriesusing local adapted methods. Ecologistsat the Institute of Terrestrial Ecologyidentified how acacia fallows can improvesoil fertility and botanists at the OxfordForestry Institute investigated the potentialof acacia pods as dry season fodder forcattle and goats. A team of sociologists atthe Oxford Forestry Institute and theZimbabwe Forestry Commission looked atthe fourth aspect of the research: thepotential of acacia’s to generate cashincome.

Forestry Research Programme, ResearchSummary 005. September 2003

For further information on the ForestryResearch Programme contact:

The FRP Senior AdministratorKatelijne Rothschild-Van Look

Forestry Research ProgrammeNR International Ltd.Park House, Bradbourne Lane,Aylesford, Kent, ME20 6SNUK

E-mail: [email protected]: http://www.frp.uk.com

FIRST PROTA INTERNATIONALWORKSHOP PROCEEDINGS

G.H. Schmelzer and E.A. Omino (eds.)(2003)

These Proceedings contain thepresentations and deliberations of the FirstPROTA International Workshop, which washeld from 23-25 September 2002, inNairobi, Kenya. It is published by PROTAFoundation, Wageningen, the Netherlands.

The Workshop was organized as a forumfor scientists, policy-makers and donors, inorder:

• To highlight the importance of the PlantResources of Tropical Africa throughCommodity Group Reports, Country andRegional Reports;

• To review the progress made in thePreparatory Phase 2000-2002 towardsinternational cooperation, thedocumentation and information system,and the publication of sample products

• To make recommendations for the FirstImplementation Phase 2003-2007 on allaspects of the programme includingorganisation, manpower, finances,publication policy and the databank.

138 ETFRN News 43-44/05


PRACTICAL GUIDELINES FOR THEASSESSMENT, MONITORING ANDREPORTING ON NATIONAL LEVELCRITERIA AND INDICATORS FORSUSTAINABLE FOREST MANAGEMENTIN DRY FORESTS IN ASIA

Publications

ENHSIN – THE EUROPEAN NATURALHISTORY SPECIMEN INFORMATIONNETWORK

ISBN 90-77114-04-1

For more information on Plant Resourcesof Tropical Africa (PROTA) visit:http://www.prota.org

M.J Scoble (ed.) (2003). The Natural HistoryMuseum

This volume has arisen from a multi-national research co-operation aimed atimproving access to a particular set ofworld-class research infrastructure. Thenetwork engaged in this collaboration is theEuropean Natural History SpecimenInformation Network (ENHSIN), which hasbeen supported by the European Unionunder Framework Programme V.

For more information about ENHSINcontact:Malcolm J ScobleNetwork Co-ordinatorDepartment of EntomologyThe Natural History MuseumCromwell RoadLondon SW7 5BDUK

Phone: +44 20 79425469Fax: +44 20 79425229E-mail: [email protected]

S. Appanah, F. Castañeda and P.B. Durst(eds.) (2003)

Criteria and indicators provide a meaningfuland practical means for countries to gaugeperiodic progress towards sustainableforest management. While these toolscannot be viewed as a panacea for theworld’s forest management problems, theycan be important tools for promotingsustainable forest management andrelated activities where the underlyingproblems are correctly identified andaddressed.

However, to be relevant and useful, and toimplement these tools in an efficient way,criteria and indicators must be translatedinto action. This requires the developmentof practical guidelines for the assessmentand monitoring of criteria and indicators, andfor reporting on progress.

This publication supports that need. Itdescribes in a simple, straightforwardmanner: (a) the means for assessing andverifying each indicator, (b) periodicity ofmeasurement and units of measurementand (c) the formats used in reporting theresults and monitoring the changes. Theassessment methodology is speciallytailored for evaluating dry forests in all thecountries in the Asian region but could beapplicable to similar regions in the world



CHINA’S FORESTS – GLOBALLESSONS FROM MARKETREFORMS

Publications

as well. Overall, they can be used foraccurately assessing the progress made bycountries towards sustainable managementof their dry forests. Now the task falls on theindividual countries to develop the localstandards of performance and begin theactual monitoring of their management. It isexpected that the practical guidelines set forthin this publication will support and simplifythese monitoring efforts.

ISBN 974-7946-40-8FAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific

For copies of the report, write to:Patrick B. DurstSenior Forestry OfficerFAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific39 Phra Atit RoadBangkok 10200Thailand

Phone +66 2 6974000Fax: +66 2 6974445E-mail: [email protected]

W.F. Hyde, B. Belcher and Jintao Xu (eds)(2003)

This book is the main output from thesymposium entitled “Policy Reform andForestry in China: lessons in China and theworld” held in June 2001 in Dujiangyan. Thesymposium arose from the need for a morecomprehensive understanding of theforestry impacts of the sweeping reformsthat China has implemented over the past

quarter century.

The symposium was organised around aseries of themes: history and the grandthemes of the reform; decentralization,prices, taxation and regulation; investmentsin forestry; extrasectoral policy impacts onforestry; impacts on poverty and ruralhouseholds; environmental impacts. Thegeneral discussion went beyond theboundaries of “forestry” to consider a wideset of factors that interact in a very dynamicenvironment to influence resourcemanagement and development. TheChinese language version of the book isstill in progress.

Resources for the future (RFF), CIFORISBN 1-891853-67-8 (cloth)ISBN 1-891853-66-X (paper)

For more information, contact:Resources for the future1616 P Street, NWWashington, DC 20036-1400USA

Website: http://www.rffpress.org

140 ETFRN News 43-44/05


19 General Dec 1996

20 Tropical Forest Research in Africa July 1997

21 Sustainable Forest Management Sept/Oct 1997

22 Research Priorities Dec 1997

23 South East Asia Mar- May 1998

24 Sustainable Forest Management Jun-Aug 1998

25 Mediterranean Forest and Tree Resources Sept-Nov 1998

26 Climate Change Dec 98 - Feb 99

27 Latin America Mar-May 1998

28 Arid and Semi Arid Areas Summer 1999

29 Biodiversity Autumn-Winter 1999

30 Participatory Forest Management Spring-Summer 2000

31 Countries with Low Forest Cover Autumn-Winter 2000

32 Non-Timber Forest Products Winter 2000- 001

33 Forests and Water Spring-Summer 2001

34 Biotechnology Autumn 2001

35 Innovative Financing Mechanisms for Winter 2001-2002Conservation and Sustainable ForestManagement

36 Forest Resources Assessment Spring - Summer 2002

37 Forest Use and Soil Quality Winter 2002/03

38 Mountain Forests Spring-Summer 2003

39/40 Globalisation, localisation and tropical forest Autumn/Winter 2003management

41/42 National Forest Programmes Autumn 2004

Issues 19 -42 are available online at http://www.etfrn.org/etfrn/resource/news.html

Past Issues of ETFRN News

Documents

ETFRN and European Commission NewsOrganisations- Institutions- Programmes · Organisations- Institutions- Programmes List of Articles 68 70 72 74 76 79 81 81 83 86 88 90 92 Conflict,