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180
Gradually the office of the Majhi, the Umrao and the
Jhankar became hereditary.14 The Kandh peasant would offer a
present to the Umrao on special occasions, say after the
settlement of a dispute. In addition, the Umraos also started
enjoying some land exclusively for their own maintenance; this
would generally be the best lands of the desh. Their counterpart
Majhi at the village level also enjoyed some land for their
maintenance.lS The Jhankars enjoyed jhankri land for their ritual
functions.
Thus, a hierarchical arrangement of power, based on
differences in access to land and its produce, was noticed by the
colonial administrators in the· 19th century; the egalitarian
relationships of the original lineage system had been .declining
for quite some time in the plains areas of Kalahandi, Bolangir
and Sambalpur where the Kandh had taken to settled cultivation.
Of course this process was more general, observable too in
Phulbani, Ganjam and Koraput districts with some variation but
that is beyond the scope of this study.
NAGAVANSI ORIGIN MYTHS AND STATE FORMATION IN KALAHANDI
We have observed earlier that western Orissa was a frontier
zone of uncertain political control between different powers at
14. Ellf, CP., 1882, Letter from F.C.Berry, Superintendent Kalahandi affairs to H.C. Ward, Additional Commissioner Kalahandi, dated 27.7.1882, MPRR, Nagpur.
15. ~-
181
least upto the 15th century.l6 The uncertainty might have
encouraged an Umrao or a group of Umraos to join hands with a
service holder in the larger state to form an alliance and to
claim Nagavansi status. Later he or they established a kingdom at
Junagarh. A similar process has been observed by us in another
part of Orissa, i.e.,· Patnagarh, in Chapter I. Junagarh is nearly
150 kilometers from Patnagarh where another group emerged
powerful enough to claim'Chauhan Rajput status.l7
Concerning the origin of the "Nagavansi" rulers of
Kalahandi, we may turn to the following sources :
(i) According to Kandh myth several centuries ago they brought a
scion of the Chhotanagpur ruling family and installed him as the
Maharaja of their Rajya at Jugsai Patna.l8 Concerning his
Nagavansi identity, indicated in other sources (see below), this
text is silent. On the occasion of the coronation ceremony,
different Kandh clans performed different functions. One Kandh
folk song also vividly depicts the roles of the different Kandh
16. See chapter II.
17. !hid. Kalahandi was known as Karonde in pre-colonial period. The capital of Karonde was Junagarh. Later in the 19th century the capital was shifted to Bhandeswar or present Bhawanipatna.
18. Collected from Gigina, Dhamniadesh, Kalahandi and Turchi, Sangudesh, Kalahandi
182
lineages on the occasion.18 According to the ~andh, the lineages
participated in .the coronation upto Maharaja Udit Pratap Deo
(r.1853-1881); and one reason for the Kandh meli of 1882 was the
discontinuation of this practice by the dewan and the colonial
rulers. 30
Another folk so~g claims Karonde or Kalahandi as Kandhan
desh, and the Raja of the country as a son of Kandhs.31
19. Kandh Sona
Kule dhara Badaka,
Patbandha Tudaka, Jakdhara Jakaska, Kudhidhara Udaka, Genh dhara Karalka, Kirridhara Karurka, Jhidia Sermelka.
English Translation
Badaka Kandh is to take the Raja on his lap, Tudaka Kandh is to tie the turban, Jakaska Kandh to hold dress box, Udaka is to hold earthen pot, Karalka is to hold the King's back, Karurka is to hold a weapon, Sermelka is to give his daughter.
All the above functions were performed by representatives of different Kandh lineages and clans at the Kine's coronation ceremony.
20. F.C. Berry's report dated 24.5.1882. !Df, C.P., 1882, Madhya Pradesh Record Room, Nagpur.
21. Kane karand kane Kandh kete suad kalasur mad sahap nisan cham chimta Karandara raja Kandhara beta.
The meaning of the above folk song is that the first letter of Karonde and Kandh is 'K'. Karonde a Kandha land, kalasur liquor and salap drum are very sweet. The raja of Karonde is a son of Kandh.
183
(ii) Acccording to the claims in Gangavamsi record22 Karonde or
Kalahandi was a part of Gangav~i empire of Orissa upto the
13th century. A younger branch ruled over Karonde on their
behalf from Junagarh. The 10th ruler of the latter branch,
Jagannath Dev, was issueless. To get a son, he and his queen
carried out many -pious works like digging of ponds, construction
of temples and visiting holy places. Finally they proceeded to
the Ganga to bring holy water. In their absence twelve labourers
who had come over to Karonde in search of work from Chhotanagpur
conspired and captured the throne of Junagarh. They attacked and
killed the Raja and Rani on their journey back from the Ganga.
The relatives of the deceased continued their fight against the
usurpers in vain. The new rulers claimed to be Nagavamsis and in
order to gain Kandh support, they married Kandh women. These
"Nagavain5is" were recognised by colonial rulers as tributary
chiefs.
(iii) According to the tradition preserved in the present
Nagavamsi Raj -family of Kalahandi, in Samvat 1062 (1005 C.E), the
then Ganga ruler of Kalahandi adopted a scion of Nagavarnsi Raj
family of Chhotanagpur named Raghunath Sai, and later gave his
daughter in marriage to this scion and declared him his
successor. After the death of the last Gangavansi ruler of
22. Collected from the Madla or record of the family history preserved by a descendant'of Gangavansi ~ulers of Kalahandi named Chaudamani Ganga Dev, aged 70 of Chatiagudapada, a village 14 km from Bhawanipatna, the district headquarters of Kalahandi district.
184
Kalahandi, the Nagavamsi dynasty ruled over Kalahandi
uninterruptedly upto the merger of the princely states with the
Union of India in 1949.21
The origin-myths do not constitute reliable narratives of
events; yet their structure has much to tell us.
All the myths refer to a Chhotanagpur connection. The third
myth indicates the 11th· century as the possible beginning of
Nagavamsi rule in Kalahandi, though it was only around the
13th century or even later that the Nagavamsi kingdom was formed
in Chhotanagpur.24 This myth further says that Raghunath Sai was
from the 4th generation from Phani Mukut Rai who was the founder h~!
of Nagavam&i rule in Chhotanagpur and ruled there for 98 years. A -
In 13th and 14th centuries Karonde was a zone of uncertain
political control between the Ganga rulers of Orissa, the
K~l~churis of Ratanpur and Chinqakanagas of Bastar and Telugu
Chocyas of South India.25 We have evidence of extension of Naga
empire of Chakrakota upto Suvar~apura in western Orissa in the
23. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, 1980, pp.50-63.
24. Romila Thapar and Majid Hayat Siddi~i, 1979, 'Chota Nagpur : the precolonial and colonial situation', Trends in ethnic group relations Asia and Oceanic : Race and SocietY, UNESCO P.28. K.S.Singh, 1987, 'Chhotanagpur Raj : Mythology, Structure and Ramifications', S.Sinha (ed), Tribal Politics and State sYstems in Pre-Colonial Eastern and North Eastern India, K.P.Bagchi, Calcutta, p.62.
25. N.K.Sahu, P.K.Mishra, J.K.Sahu, 1980, HistorY of Orissa, Nalanda, Cuttack, pp.186-197.
185
11th century.28 In these circumstances, one qf the local groups
may -have foisted its rule on its people and claimed Nagavamgi
origin later. The story of the adoption and of making the adoptee
one's son-in-law could then be later additions because, at least
in 12th century, there was no Nagavamsi rule in Chhotanagpur. If
at all there were Nagavamsi rulers in Chhotanagpur, they were
not well known; the Nagas of Chakrakota were by that time more
prominent. Chakrakota is nearer to Karonde than Chhotanagpur.
THE RAJA - THE PATRIMONIAL HEAD OF THE POLITY AS A SOCIETY
The claim of Kandh of .Kalahandi that they brought a scion
of Chhotanagpur Raj family to install as the ruler of Karonde was
perhaps prompted by the long practice of coronation ceremony of
Karonde in which the Kandh played an important role. C.Eliot, the
then Deputy Commissioner of Raipur, has recorded in detail the
practice of the coronation ceremony of Karonde in 1856.27 This
practice was prevalent upto 1853, when Udit Pratap Deo was
installed as the Raja according to the tradition. A Kandh folk
song28 also mentions the different functions of Kandh lineages in
,the coronation ceremony.
26. lhld, pp.188-89; B.K.Rath,1983, Cultural HistorY of Origsa, Sundeep Prakasani, Delhi, p.38.
27. C.Elliot, 1856, "Report on the affairs of Karonde Dependency", .cllli, VIII, 124, Sl.no.55, dated 28 July 1856: MPRR, Nagpur.
28. See above, fn.19.
186
This practice in a way indicates that a group which emerged
as rulers wanted to keep all the Kandh lineages with them, a
relationship expressed in giving them a role in the coronation
ceremony : a wider Brahmanical motif which we encountered in the
Patnagarh case earlier.
On the other hand, the folk songs assert Kandh supremacy.
These folk songs proclaim that Karonde is the country of Kandh
and the Raja was the creation of the Kandhs.29 Another practice
also indicates the historic importance of the Kandh in the
kingship in Kalahandi. The ruling family was polygynous, and the
first queen was always a Kandh woman.ao It may be that in course
of time the ruling family of Kalahandi were able to establish
marriage relations with other Rajput families in Orissa, and thus
to claim superior status, but they could not overlook their Kandh
29. See above, fn.19.
Kandh Song
Patmajhi muthamajhi nagaraja keline dekh dekh to sangu desh rai bhage nelene.
English Translation
Patmajhi and muthamajhi made the Naga king of Karonde.
Collected from : Turki, Sangudesh, Kalahandi.
Kandhan deshe Kandh raja. Kandh is the king of Kandhan tract.
Talbhira, Majhidesh, Kalahandi.
A jhar bar bandhle sahai lame raja patmajhi muthamajhi padare pupura pupurare chutia naga raja.
Gigina,
Amongst the grass sahaj tree grows, amongst the patmajhi and muthamajhi a boy of Chhotanaga family grew
hammadesh, Kalahandi.
30. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, 1980, p.97.
187
origin; for without Kandh support, both material and military, it
would not have been possible for them to continue to rule. The
Kandh were a very large part of the area's population, nearly 93%
even upto the 19th century.Sl The Raja of Kalahandi took a Kandh
woman as his wife in the beginning, and, on this basis, the Raja
couldlater claim to be the raja mahapuru, with its suggestion of
divinity, as the head of the Kandhs, especially by the 19th
Century.
For his maintenance he obtained the produce of some land
called bhOgra and khamar.32 Furthermore, the Kandh of each
village were supposed to present a goat or sheep and seasonal
fruit and crop to the Raja annually, preferably during the
dussera festival.SS In addition, each village was supposed to
present a goat or a sheep during the life cycle ceremonies of the
Raj family i.e., birth of a new baby, sacred thread ceremony of a
scion of the royal family, marriage, coronation etc.34 For these
occasions, the Kandh Majhis and Umraos received formal invitation
31. ~. supplement p.471, Khandh population, 80,000 in Karonde in 1856.
32. Bhogra - Land, the produce of which was meant to be enjoyed (bhog) by the ruler or his subordinate. Khamar - Villages and land held rent-free by the ruler for the maintenance of his family members, generally bhogra and khamar land are the best lands of the state.
33. ~. VIII-124, sl.no.55, 28 July 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.
34. ~. From C.B.Lucie Smith, Commissioner· Chhatisgarh to Chief Commissioner, Central· Province, dated 19.9.1881 Report of 1880-81, MPRR, Nagpur.
188
from the Raja, i.e., through sending haldi, turmeric, and harida,
terminalia chebula.35 The Raja did not collect regular revenue
from the Kandhs even upto the coming of the colonial rulers.36
Thus, a group who claim to be Nagavamsis in Karonde secured
symbolic support for their position on the ground through ritual
and marriage relationship with the Kandh. At the aame time, they
extended their marriage alliances to the nearby Rajput
kingdoms.37 They also invited the Brahma~as, service performing
,non-tribal communitites, and artisans to settle in their
kingdom.38 The ruler needed qertain service holders for personal,
military and administrative purposes. For personal services to
the royal family, the Gauda, a caste group to supply water and
milk, ~umbhar, the potter, to supply earthern pots, Bhandari,
barber, to cut hair, and Dhobi, washerman, to wash clothes were
given land for their service. Ganda and Ghansi beat the drums
and performed manual services. For military purposes, paiks or
soldiers were recruited, and for their service they were paid by
35. The sending of invitation in this form is a general practice even now.
36. Reported by C.Eliot, Deputy Commissioner of Sambalpur on 28 July 1856 and C.B.Lucie Smith, Commissioner Chhatisgarh on 14.9.1881, ~. MPRR, Nagpur.
37. Marriage relationships with the adjoining kingdoms of Patna, Sambalpur, Sonepur, Bamra and Gangapur estates in 19th century. Orissa District Gazetteers, Kalahandi, p.60.
38. Mohapatra, K., 1943, "Research Papers on Kalahandi History" (manuscript) Sambalpur University Archives, Acc.no.40-B, pp.9-12.
' I
189
way of service land.39
With the expansion of Nagavam3i kingdom of Karonde, these
services were not performed only for the royal family;
especially the services of Gauda, Kumbhar, Ganda were extended to
the desh and village levels too, and were claimed by the Umrao
and Majhis.
Another aspect of the expansion of Nagavamsi kingdom~n
Karonde was that the younger branches of the ruling family got
lands and villages for their maintenance.40 In this way, the
ruling family spread to the Kandh hinterland, i.e., Asurgarh,
Thuamul, Mahulpatna, Karlapat, Lanjigarh etc. Following the model
in Karonde, the younger branches established their zone of
influence and invited the service performing communities,
artisans, and peasants, to settle in their territories. They also
tried to settle the Kandh as peasants and invited non-tribal
peasants to settle in their rajya but without displacing the
tribals. They never transgressed the limit of acceptability or
rather they dared not do so. The availability of fallow land and
forest helped them to expand without touching tribal land and
villages.
39. R.K.Ramadhyani, 1956, Report on Land Tenures and the Revenue System of the Orissa and Chhatisgarh states, Indian Law Publication, Berbampur, p.21.
40. ~. VIII-124 sl.no.55, 28 July 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.
190
The division of the kingdom took place in the 16th and 17th
Centuries.•l This produced results similar to those we have
observed earlier at Patna and Sambalpur, i.e., the younger branch
was able to. share in the legitimacy and charisma of the parent
kingdom and could entrench itself in its respective area.
FROM A PATRIMONIAL HEAD TO A FEUDAL CHIEF
It was only colonial period t~at the ruling
family transgressed
during tthe
the limit and alienated the tribals from
their land under protection of the colonial rulers. The mutuality
of the earlier period came to an end. It resulted in Kandh meli
of Bolangir and Kalahandi in 1869 and 1882 respectively.
The colonial rulers recognized the stratification implied
in the roles of Umrao and Majhi. The importance of community
ownership of land collectively by a lineage broke down.
' Individual land holdings and associated differences of status and
power followed. The pace of change was felt within individual
life spans.
Colonial rulers realised the special position of these
rulers in the relatively unproductive and inaccessible hill and
forest regions of Kalahandi and Bolangir.•2 Their initial
experience in Sambalpur persuaded them not to interfere directly '
41. IQig. Also, Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, 1980, pp.50-63.
42. FDP (Poll, 13 Sept 1833, no.56-57, NAI, New Delhi.
191
in the internal administration of these kingdoms.43 These rulers
were retained under the all India colonial policy of "protection
of ancient families and continuation of their dignity and
representation."44 This policy was a political necessity, for the
colonial state, and later it paid them rich fruit e.g., during
the tribal movement of Sambalpur, in the 1830's, and during the
revolt of 1857, these feudatory chiefs and Zamindars cooperated
with the British and helped them in capturing some of the leaders
of the movement.45
BREAKDOWN OF THE PREVIOUS ORDER
This policy of colonial rulers had other far reaching
consequences also.
In the 1790s the British worsted the Bhonsalas of Nagpur in
western Orissa. In the changed political circumstances the local
rajas realised that the colonial rulers were powerful enough to
protect them against both internal and external dangers. The
British wanted an alliance with local rajas for their own
reasons.46 So the alliance was struck between colonial rulers and
43. lhiQ Also 13th June 1833, no.71-75.
44. FDP (Pol), 13 September, 1833, no.56-57; July 1881 letter no.1778/90 dated 18.5.1880, and 1777/90 dated 18.5.1881. NAI, New Delhi.
45. FDP (Pol), 6 February, 18t4, no.102-103~NAI, New Delhi; QDR, IX, 49, sl.no.50J9th July 1856. MPRR, Nagpur.
46. See previous chapter.
--~-----
192
local rajas of western Orissa. These rajas agreed to pay a
certain annual tribute, and the former agreed to help them as and
when required so long as these rajas' loyalty to the British
crown was assured.47
In the emerging ·situation,, a four-tier stratification
followed (1) the elder branch of Junagarh Raj family as
feudatory chiefs, (2) their younger branches and a few tribal
chiefs as Rajas and Zamindars, (3) Umraos and Majhis as gaotia/
thekedar of the villages, and (4) the general mass, both tribal
and non-tribal as peasants. Secondly, the Rajas and Zamindars
enjoyed police and magisterial power under the protection of the
colonial regime48. This upset the previous balance. Previously,
these rajas had not d~red to antagonise the •
tribals, there was
no sustained displacement of tribals, and the rajas had never
transgressed the limit of acceptability.
The rajas, no more dependent on the support of the tribals,
invited skilled cultivators from outside, settled them in tribal
villages, and initiated regular revenue collection from each
village. For the regular realisation of revenue, villages were
given on theka or auctioned.
47. FDP (Poll, July 1881, 18/5/1881, MPRR, Nagpur.
no-6-9/1777 & 1778/90 dated
48. C.M.Aitchesan, 1929, A Collection of Treaties. Engagement and Sanads, I & V relating to feudatory states of Orissa and Central Provinces.
193
Feeling more secure and protected, these rajas took
repressive measures wherever the tribals opposed them. Not only
the Zamindars but their officials also exploited the tribals. The
Zamindar of Sindhekela, in the feudatory state of Patna,
increased the revenue of his territory arbitrarily.49 Kandh
gaotias were replaced by his own men as gaotias.so Under the
leadership of Mohan Majhi, a headman of village Mohagaon, near
Sindhekela, the Kandhs opposed the Zamindar.Sl
The Zamindar sent his mukteer, a court official, in 1869 to
collect the revenue. He further took Mohagaon village away from
the Kandh gaotia and gave it to the mukteer.52 The latter took
oppressive measures. In retaliation the Kandhs killed the mukteer
and his five followers. A large body of Kandhs surrounded the
house of the Zamindar. His guard opened fire and killed one
Kandh; the Kandhs dispersed.SS Immediately, the Zamindar brought
50 match-locks from Kalahandi and Khariar and, with 100 paiks,
attacked the Kandh villages indiscriminately. Six villages were
looted and burnt. Hands and noses of the captured Kandhs were cut
off. Women and children were also not spared. Immediately, the
revolt spread to Olanda, Gumsar and Saitala of Patna feudatory
49. FDP CPol l, June 1875, C.P., dated 29/6/1875, MPRR, Nagpur.
50. .llWi.
51. .l.1Wl .
52. .lhlJi.
53. .I.hlJi.
194
state but was ruthlessly supressed.54 The atrocities resulted in
large scale migration of the Kandhs from this area to the nearby
feudatory state of Kalahandi.SS
The atrocities and mismanagement attracted the attention of
colonial rulers. They appointed· an enquiry commission.56
Camberlege, a British officer, submitted his report, and on that
basis in 1870, Biswanath, the Zamindar of Sindhekela, was removed
to Raipur and the management Patna feudatory state was taken
under direct control of British government (Court of Wards) on
account of mismanagement.57 The raja of Patna Sur Pratap, was
kept at Sambalpur under the supervision of the British. The
British take-over did not solve the problems of the Kandhs.
Instead of the Zamindar and his man, now the police officers
began to oppress them.58 The Kandhs resorted to raids and
dacoities. They resisted the police force. Discontent
continued.59 The oppression of police on the tribals continued
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
.llWi.
.Ililii.
lld.d.
.lhi.si. dated
~. 1873
Approved vide British government's letter no. 1835 10.10.1870.
1873, dated
CP; letter in 1421 dated 8.8.1872, no. 3, July 1. 7. 1876, Central Provin'ce, MPRR, Nagpur.
59. Ellf, 1876, (Report) dated 1.7.1876, MPRR, Nagpur.
195
even under the British management.60 This was observed by the
Deputy Commissioner of Sambalpur during his tour in 1872,61 who
came across incidents of police taking bribes from the tribals at
Sindhekela and Belpada.62 He reported, "Kondhs need careful
watching through order and subjugation",63
In Kalahandi, another feudatory state, the Kandh movement
was more serious. In 1840s and 50s Fateh Narayan Deo, the
Maharaja of Kalahandi, invited skilled cultivators from Sambalpur
and settled them in the tribal villages.64 After him his son Udit
Pratap Deo (r.1853-81) continued the above policy.65
Fateh Narayan discontinued the Kandh desh system and
abolished the post of Umrao in 1844.66 Each village was assessed
for revenue separately, and the village instead of desh became
60. ED£, C.P. 1873, letter no. 1421 dated 8.8.1872, No 3, July 1873 dated 1.7.1873, MPRR, Nagpur.
61. ED£, C.P. 1873, From M.M.Bowrie, Officiating Deputy -Commissioner Sambalpur to Commissioner Chhatisgarh, vide letter no.1421 dated 8.8.1872.
62. .lhi.si.
63. .IJWi,
64. FDP <Pol), July 82, 523/26. Also FDP <Pol A), July 82, No 396/429 NAI, New Delhi.
65. .I.lU..d.
66. ED£, C.P, March 1884, From F.D.Berry, Political Agent Kalahandi to Commissioner, Chhatisgarh, MPRR, Nagpur.
196
the unit of revenue administration.S7 This policy was continued
by his successor vigorously.
Villages were auctioned for a three year term.S8 Nazrana
or a levy was demanded at the time of auction from the thekedar/
gaotia or lease holders.Si The oLd system of 'One Umrao,. one
desh' or single patriarch for a circle of villages was
abandoned. 7 o The effects were wide-ranging. Umraos, Majhis and
Kandhs in general, unaccustomed to regular revenue payment, now
became liable to pay it. These traditional heads failed to
collect revenue from their own clansmen. They could not compete
in the auction, and moneyed men, mostly outsiders (Kulta, Sundhi
etc:), gradually took the villages in auction and became the
gaotia/thekedars.71 Not all tribal headmen were removed, but the
traditional heads, Majhis and Umraos, lost their power, position
and prestige.
In the meantime the colonial rulers, on humanitarian
grounds, initiated a campaign against human sacrifice and sale of
67. .I.hi.Q.
68. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi; tration pp. 267-301.
69. ED£, C.P., March 1884 MPRR, Nagpur.
70. ED£, C.P., 1873, MPRR, Nagpur.
Revenue
71. FPP CPol)., July 1882, no.523/26, NAI, New Delhi. FDP (Pol)., July 1882, no.396/429, NAI, New Delhi. EDf, C.P., July 1882, MPRR, Nagpur.
Adminis-
197
children in Kalahandi, Boad, Ghumsar, Jeypore.72 It was an attack
on the age old ·practice of Kandhs called 'meriah or human
sacrifice for their earth goddess lTaripennu' ,73 In the initial
stage the policy of persuasion was followed but later force was
used. In Kalahandi, the political agent for the hill tract of
Orissa, with the help of Raja of Kalahandi took vigorous measures
to suppress meriab.74
THE KANDH MEL! OF 1855-56
In these circumstances, it is not a surprise that the Kandh
of Kalahandi actively participated in the Kandh meli against the
British in Ghumsar, an adjoining Zamindari of Kalahandi feudatory
state, in 1856,75 and gave protection to its leader, Chakra
Bishoi. He was popularly known as the staunchest (champion of
meriah' all over Khondmal.78 The Kandhs of Majhidesh, Madanpur
Zamindari, Kalahandi attacked the camp of Macneil, officiating
72. · J.Campbell, 1864, Personal Narrative of Thirteen Years Service among the Wild Tribes of Kbondistan for the Suppression of Human Sacrifice, Hurst and Blackett, London. S.C.Macpherson, 1863(reprint) Report upon the Kbonds of the Distric~ of Ganjam and Cuttack, Madras, (~. XIII, 1852). CDR, VII, 1856 sl.no.45 dated 26.5.1856, MPRR, Nagpur.
73. For detail see Chapter III.
74. ~. IX, sl.no.37, 10th March 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.
75. ~. IX-22, sl.no.44, 24th May 1856, MPRR, Nagpur. ~. Proceedings, May 1881, dated 30.5.1881, MPRR, Nagpur.
76. D.Behera, 1984, Freedom Movement in the State of Ghumsar in Orissa, 1836-1866, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, p.90.
. I
198
Agent, Hill tracts of Orissa, at Orladhani in December 1855.77 In
this attack both Bqrikiya Kandh, or plains Kandh, and Kutia Kandh
or hill Kandh, joined together although they had bad blood
between them traditionally.78
Another aspect of the Kandh mov~ment of 1856 is clear from
the report of 5th March 1856 by Maliah Sirdar, a military officer
in the hill tract, Jugganath Mahanti.79 This clearly indicates
the Kandh attitude towards this raja, sircar (colonial rulers)
and Ooryahs (thekedar, moneylender, Kultas). In the words of
Mahanti's report :
A Khond named Bhulloo Mallicko an inhabitant of Balliapoda
near Jayeepoor of Kalahandy, 2 days distance from
Bellegodo came to the village named Aska on the frontier
of Kalahandy and proclaimed to everybody that he had been
bestowed by the Gods with the power of Rajah over all the
Khonds that thus the Khonds should come to him and pay
their respect ....
The above Bhulloo Mallicko informs us that he is appointed
as Raja over the Kandhs, that they must not bring Ooryahs
77. QfR, 122, E.A.Samuels to Col.J.Mansion, No.154, 24 December 1855, Also E.A.Samuels to Government of Bengal, No.156, 24 December 1855. QSA (OSA) Bhubaneswar.
78. P.K.Mishra, 1983, Political Unrest in Orissa in the 19th Century, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, pp.90-91.
79. ~. IX-34, dated 18 April 1856. Hallah means hill tract; Sirdar means a military officer or commander.
He
199
before him, that he is a person to make them all well and
that if Ooryahs came before him will certainly die
therefore no Ooryah but only Khonds visit him.80
further reported the emergence of a new God
This God has 4 hands but the rest of the body is of the
human shape, that it is a brass idol and has a mark on the
back and some ornament on the body, its height is about 4
inches but it cannot speak, the Sowrah had his wife in
whose house this God had been born had proclaimed that in
the month of Joisto or June there will be darkness which
will last day and night and continue so for 7 days from the
time it begins that all those who will keep in their houses
black cows, black sheep, dogs and boars at the period of
darkness, and they will become tigers and they will eat the
people who reared them. That after the darkness has
passed away the Ooryahs will be changed into Khond and the
Khond into Ooryah, that permission will be granted for
meriah sacrifice and the sircar will be removed. Sircar's
elephant and horse proceeding towards God had become
stones and the soldiers jackfruit trees. Tiger will become
'bison' and eat all those but who disobey the sircar.81
On 18th March he further reported that
80. .IlW\.
81. .ll2.iJ;i.
In the district
collected at the
receiving present
delighted at the
200
of Kalahandy large bodies of Khonds had
birth place of the new God and were
of cloths there. That they appear quite
new turn events had taken and
congratulating themselves that they got a God and a king
and that their hope in good will not hereafter fail. What
need we fear for the sahib, the sahib has through fear left
our country ....
O~y~s
anything to
were in great terror and have little if
say to the Khonds and that they are quite
by the threats of Khonds who tell them that
the parties who brought the sahib into this
intimidated
they are
country and they will not allow them to escape punishment.
Bhulloo Mulliko is the person who distributes cloths and
tells the Khonds that you receive cloths from Sahibs who
prevents you from practicing human sacrifice but I give
you cloths and shall also permit you to sacrifice.82
Colonial rulers acted quickly. Kalahandi Raja was
instructed to capture Bhalloo Mallick and arrest him.83 They
instructed the Commissioner of Nagpur to enquire about the
emergence of a new deity and be careful while taking action. The
Zamindar of Madanpur was threatened for his links with the Kandhs,
82. lQid.
83. ~~ IX-49 sl.no.50, 9th July 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.
201
and his Zamindari was confiscated and placed under the direct
management of the Raja of Kalahandi.84 The Raja of Kalahandi
captured Bhulloo Mallicko, who was locally known as Majhee, and
confined him to the fort.as The Sowrah and his wife, in whose
house the god had appeared, lived 16 to 17 miles away from
Junagarh the capital of Kalah~ndi.86 They were taken into
custody, with the help of the Kalahandi Raja, from their village.
Strong measures were taken and the movement was suppressed. Rajas
and Zamindars were warned to be careful in future to check such
disturbances.87
~
NATURE OF THE RISING
In the above movement the Kandhs could not carry forward
their movement against their exploiters. It was confined to a few
pockets though the suffering of the Kandhs was throughout these
areas. This movement was directed against outsiders who were all
seen to be in alliance, especially the Oriyas. This became clear
with the appearance of a Messiah, Bhalloo Mallick, and of the
story of a new deity.88 The Sarkar-Raja alliance was quick enough
to react, and Bhalloo Mallick's attempt was nipped in the bud.
84. ~. IX-22, sl.no.44, 24th May 1856.
85. ~. IX-49, sl.no.50, 9th July 1856.
86. ~. VIII-106, sl.no.51, 12th July 1856. Sowrah belongs to the Sabara tribe.
87. ~. IX-22, sl.no.44, 24th May 1856.
88. See page 199-200.
202
This alliance was so strong that during the revolt of 1857 this
area was comparatively calm.
CONSEQUENCE OF THE RISING
An attempt to revive the old Kandh system and meriah
sacrifice had failed. Colonial rulers with the help of local
rajas continued vigorous steps to suppress human sacrifice
through Meriah Agency. Barring some stray instances, cases of
meriah were not seen after 1860. So the Meriah Agency was
abolished on 31st May 1862.89
New police posts were opened in tribal areas to maintain
law and order.90 New roads were constructed to the tribal areas,
but the Kandh tracts of Bolangir and Kalahandi were conspicuously
lacking in missionary activities because this area was under the
control of the semi-independent feudatory chiefs who did not
allow missionary activities. On the other hand, missionaries were
very active in the adjoining territories, i.e., Ghumsar,
Kandhmal, Khariar, which were more or less under the direct
management of British government. In Kalahandi, very little
89. j
OHB (Loose Correspondences), of Governor General of India OSA, Bhubaneshwar.
Extract from the Proceedings in Counci 1, 18 December, 186 2·,
90. EDP, C.P., 1873, letter no.1421 dated 8.8.1872, MPRR, Nagpur.
203
attempt was made to educate the Kandhs.91
IMMIGRATION AND PRESSURE ON THE KANDHS
With the opening of new roads to the tribal areas,
improvement of law and order, and the abolition of meriah
sacrifice, traders and money-lende~s felt secure enough to enter
Kandh areas freely. The raja also wanted money so he encouraged
the moneyed men to enter Kalahandi.
The raja needed money to construct a big palace.92 The raja
of Kalahandi came in contact with different rajas and their
courts on way to the Delhi Durbar and during other travels.93
This might have persuaded him to build a big palace and a court.
A big palace of the king was absent in Kalahandi prior to 1881.94
91. Upto 1881, there was only one Middle English School and 15 Primary Schools; these too were confined to the capitals of Kalahandi Rajya and different Zamindaris. There was no school in Kandh hinterland. One Middle School and 15 Primary Schools were meagre for the population of Kalahandi in 1881, namely 2,23,568.
92. During the rule of Fateh Narayan Deo, r.1836-1853, the capital of Kalahandi was shifted to Bhawanipatna from Junagarh, and during the rule of Udit Pratap Deo (r.1853-1881) the construction of a big palace began.
93. Udit Pratap Deo (r.1853-1881) visited North India and South India, and also attended Delhi Darbar in 1877, Orissa District Gazetteers, Kalahandi, p.60.
94. C.Eliot, Deputy Commissioner of Raipur, in his report of 1856 reports that "the principal town of Karonde contained 500 houses, principally of thatch and bamboos. Raja's house was of brick and chunams and one part had two stories with a terraced roof". Reporting about Bhawanipatna he mentioned that it is situated 20 miles north-east of Junagarh and contains about 200 houses. He did not notice any big palace. C.B.Lucie Smith,Commissioner, reported on 14.9.1881 that the palace of the raja of Kalahandi was under construction.
204
Not only in Kalahandi but also in Bolangir and Khariar, big royal
palaces were built in 19th and 20th centuries.95 During the same
period the capitals of these estates were shifted to plain arid
open areas, i.e., from Junagarh to Bhawanipatna, from Komnagarh
to Khariar.98
This required more surplus than the Kandhs with their low
level of agricultural technology could generate; so the raja
encouraged the immigration of Kulta, skilled cultivators of
Sambalpur, to Kalahandi, in order to raise the revenue of the
estate.97 Secondly, though the old Umrao system of the Kandh was
abolished in Kandh desh in 1844, still they were influential; and
the Kandh were so emotionally attached to their leaders that any
threat of punishment did not deter them from following their
leaders.98 These traditional leaders could not demand or collect
revenue from their own people, who were unaccustomed to regular
revenue payment. Their Majhis or headmen had held their villages
for generations; but in the new system the gaotias had no durable
right and were given theka for three years only.99 During the
95. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, p.64. Orissa District Gazetteers. Bolangir. see history chapter.
96 . ll2.i.d .
97. IDf (Pol), July 1882, no.396/429, NAI, Also letter no 2027/118 dated 10.6.1882, para 9, NAI.
98. ED£, C.P., March 1884 MPPR, Nagpur.
99. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., p.12. Also ED£, C.P., March, 1884, MPRR, Nagpur.
I
205
currency of the lease, i.e. three years, the right of the son to
succeed was commonly recognised; but on its expiry, the raja was
at liberty to give it to anybody else.lOO The opportunity was
utilised by the Raja of Kalahandi. The villages were given to
those who offered the highest bid for the revenue.lOl Besides,
the revenue, the Raja collected nazrana and salami or presents at
the time of the renewal of the lease,102 Lucrative villages
fetched high nazrana for the Raja. Kulta, 'possessed of money,
industry and thrift', could afford large nazrana.103 Other than
Kultas, the horse traders, Sundhis or distillers also became the
new thekedars.104
The establishment of the royal court and the maintenance of
records needed persons with prior experience. For this function,
Brahrna:q.as, Karans or Mohanty (a writer caste of Orissa) were
invited from coastal Orissa.lOS Some of the Brahrna~as were also
brought from Sambalpur by Udit Pratap Deo in 1867.108 Malis or
100. lhisi.
101. FPP fPol) Secretary Government 10.6.882.
July 1882 no.396/421. Letter from Officiating to Chief Commissioner, C.P. to the Secretary, of India, Foreign Department no.2027/ll8 dated
102. ED£, C.P., March, 1884. Letter from Political Agent Kalahandi to Commissioner Chhatisgarh.
103. lhl.d.
104. l.hid.
105. Oriss·a Pi strict Gazetteers. Kalahandi, pp. 85-86.
106. Jhid. p.85.
206
gardeners·were brought from Nagpur.l07 Muslims who came to Kala-
handi from North India as horse traders were also asked by the
raja to help him in the managament of the estate.lO& For their
services the Brahma~as, Karans and Muslims etc. were granted some
maufi or rent-free lands and villages. Thirty six such villages
and 100 plots were granted maufi to different service holders
during the rule of Udit Pratap Deo, 1853-1881.109 Further, 34
villages and 14 plots were given to different deities and
temples, called debottar grants.llO .. Debot;-t:ar grants "do not
connote anything more than the diety taking the place, through
the agent or marfatdar, of a zamindar or kh~rposhdar or the
village headman".lll With the establishment of new palaces and
capitals, new temples were also constructed in the 19th century.
This phenomenon was prevalent in other parts of Orissa also.ll2
The burden of the revenue fell upon the peasants because,
previous to 1905, the revenue settlement in Kalahandi was
107 . .QfB, correspondence from Commissioner, Chhatisgarh to Chief Commissioner, C.P.Nagpur dt 14.9.1881, Report of 1880-81, MPRR, Nagpur.
108. F.Deo, 1984, "Tribal non-tribal interaction with special reference to Nawapara Sub-division, Kalahandi district, in Western Orissa", M.Phil dissertation, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, p.143.
109. ED£, C.P., March 1884, MPRR, Nagpur.
110. Th.i.s;l.
111. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., pp.18-19.
112. H.Kulke, 1976, "Kshatriyaization and Social Change", S.D. Pillai (ed), Aspects of Changing India, Bombay, p.403.
207
irregular.ll3 Gaotia or thekedars paid their annual lease amount
to the raja and they themselves were free to distribute the
burden amongst the peasants of their village.ll~ The gaotia
enjoyed bh~gra or rent-free land for his maintenance, generally
the best lands of the village.llS Other than that, the gaotia had
absolute control over the wasteland, and was free to bring it
under cultivation and lease it out to others.ll8 Gaotia had no
right to transfer the raiyati land but had the power to allot
wasteland, and the lands accruing from failure to pay land
revenue or from emigration to new persons.ll7
During such allotment, the gaotia collected salami or .
presents from the new settlers.l18 This was a good source of
income for the gaotia. He also exacted the services .of hal, or
two bullocks with a plough and a man, at the time of sowing and
da-bhetti, or gift of labour with sickle, at the time of reaping,
from the peasants of his village.ll9 This system was advantageous
113. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, Chapter XI, Revenue Administration, pp.267-301.
114. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., pp.l1-12.
115. lJU..d.
116. ~- p.l3.
117 . .llilii.
118. lhl..d.
119. Orissa. District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, p.272. Da-bhetti means gift of labour with sickle but actually it is a form of forced labour.
208
for the non-tribal aaotia, who came to Kalahandi with prior
knowledge of cultivation, in exploiting the peasants to the
fullest extent.120 These gaotias. became very influential and
powerful later. On the other hand, the traditional Kandh gaotias
could not develop such a system of exploitation.of their own
people.l21 So the raja preferred the non-tribal as gaotia or
headman so as to be able to meet his new expenses.l22
For the construction of the new palaces and temples, the
people of Kalahandi had to carry an additional burden of bethi or
forced labour.12S
Further, some tribal gaotias had to borrow money from
money-lenders, especially from the Kultas, by mortgaging their
lands,124 in order to retain their gaotiaship and to meet the
demands of the raja. Not only the tribal gaotias but the Kandh in
general suffered in this system.125 They mortgaged their land to
the money-lenders and failed to recover these.128 Later they
120. F.Deo, op.cit., 71-72.
121. !hid.
122. FPP (Pol), July 1882 , no.1882 no.396/429, NAI, New Delhi.
123. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., p.30.
124. FDP <Pol), July 1882, no.523/26, NAI, New Delhi; IDf C.P, 1882, Dt.27.7.1882. MPRR, Nagpur; EDf C.P., 1884, March, MPRR, Nagpur.
125. lQid.
126. ~-
209
became bahabandha or bonded servants of the moneyed man.127 Their
womenfolk became the menial servants. Gradually, the Kandhs
·became labourers on what had been their own land.128
Other than the invited non-tribal groups, there was also a
larger scale immigration of Kandh to Kalahandi from adjoining
Patna estate between 1859 and 1870128 due to the oppressive
action against the Kandhs by Patna Zamindar.130 Consequently,
there was · strong competition for land. It helped the raja of
Kalahandi to increase his revenue because the bids at successive
auctions were higher.l31 By 1870, the revenue rate in Kalahandi
was higher than that in any other part of Raipur district.l32
In 1870, Patna state was taken under the direct management
of British government and the local Kandh Zamindars of Patria were
restored.l38 These Zamindars invited those Kandh who had migrated
to Kalahandi during the oppressive rule of Patna Zamindar to
reutrn.l34 So there was a reverse flow of population after 1871.
127. .lhi5i. Bahabandh!, a local term·. (baha means hands and bandh~ means mortgage)
128. .l.l;Wl.
129. IDf, May 1875, No.1585 dated 11.5.1875, MPRR, Nagpur.
130. .l.l;Wl.
131. .l.b.iJl.
132. .ll;Wi.
133. FDP (Pol), C.P, June 1875 approved vide British government letter no.1835 dated 10.10.1870, MPRR, Nagpur.
134. EDR CPol), C.P., May 1875, MPRR, Nagpur.
I 1
:r
210
Since taxes were growing in Kalahandi at this time, even the
Kandh of Kalahandi, now migrated to Patna state.l36 It had its
impact on the Kandhs who remained. Land continued to be given by
auction. The thekedars' level of bidding remained high. This high
level was distributed over a relatively small number of peasants . left in the villages. So each of them had to pay more than
before. Land revenue on those who remained in Kalahandi became
greater year by year. Here it may be recalled that the revenue
of a village was fixed for three years. It was the reponsibility
of the gaotia/thekedar to collect the same from his village.
While the peasants of Kalahandi were over-burdened and
suffering under the exploitative order, nature was also cruel.
There was a heavy flood in 1872 followed by a draught the next
year, 1873; both of these damaged crops.l37 The troubles of the
people were aggravated by a rise in the price of rice.
While the people in general and Kandhs in particular were
suffering the raja went on increasing the revenue to meet
extravagant expenses. He put a tax on everything which was
'susceptible
135. .IQlii.
136. .llWi.
137 . .Th..1Jl.
of taxation' .138 He borrowed money from the
138. FDP (Pol), July 1882, no.396/429, NAI. letter no.2027 dated 10.6.1882, NAI, New Delhi. U.P.Deo imposed 12 new magan or subscriptions {cesses levied by Raja for special purposes).
211
moneylenders and adjoining estates. By 1881, he had already
borrowed Rs.70,000/-. The financial condition was precarious but
he carried on the construction of the new palace.l39 He spent
Rs.30,000/- on the marriage of his relative in Patna estate.140
His dewan, Sadashiva Nanda, was instrumental in this policy.l41
Nanda was virtually the de facto ruler of Kalahandi between 1875
and 1881 because Udit Pratap Deo, the raja, was suffering from
rheumatic gout which developed into an ulcer.142 In 1875, he
was completely crippled, unable to move his hand, and unable to
talk.l43 He could manage to attend the Delhi durbar in 1877 when
there was a slight improvement in his health, but after 1877 he
was virtually confined to bed. Sadashiva Nanda, the dewan, could
therefore, continue his oppressive rule unabated.144 He was
shrewd enough to suppress the opposition through intrigue and
force, as we shall .see below, so this opposition did not dare to
express itself publicly. So the British civil officers who paid
their annual visit to Kalahandi were kept in the dark till
139. ~ (Report), September 1881, letter dated 14.9.1881, MPRR, Nagpur.
140. .I.l;ilil.
141. FDP (Pol), July 1882 no 396/4-29 letter no. 2027/118 dated 10.6.1882, NAI, New Delhi.
142. Ibid, Also FDP, 1875, MPRR, Nagpur.
143. ED£, C.P., May 1875, MPRR, Nagpur.
144. FDP (Pol), July, 1882, no.396/429, NAI.
212
1881.145 But the discontent was very serious, as was seen later.
When Udit Pratap Deo became the Raja in 1853, the
assessment of Kandh villages was Rs.22,000/-; it had been raised
to Rs.1,27,500/- by 1881.146 In achieving this, the Kandh were
ousted and their villages given to moneylenders, Kultas, and the
position of the Kandh Umrao and Majhi was lowered.147 The Kandhs
were systematically beaten down to the level of "helpless
drudges".148 These reports and judgement will be considered
later.
DEATH OF THE RAJA AND CONTROVERSY OVER SUCCESSION
The
behind a
issueless,
raja of Kalahandi died on 19th April, 1881, leaving
controversial question of succession.l49 He was
so he had adopted Ram Bhadra Singh in 1865, but in
1874 he disowned him on the. charge of the latter's illicit
involvement with Urmila, a cuncubine of the raja.l50 Later, on
12th April, 1881, seven days before his death, he adopted Ram
Mohan Singh (later identified as Raghu Keshari Deo), a minor, and
wrote to the British authority asking for his recognition as
145. ~.
146. !hid.
147. IQid.
148. IQid.
149. lhid.
150. FDP (Pol), July 1881, no.6-9-NAI, New Delhi.
213
heir.161 The British government recognised the minor son as the
raja of Kalahandi, with Asha Kumari Devi, the widow Rani, as his
guardian.152
Ram Bhadra Singh complained to the British authority that
he was a victim of intrigue by the dewan, and the charges
levelled against him were false.153 But the British did not
listen. He and his followers now supported the dissatisfied
Kandhs who had been deprived of their power, position and land.
They promised to restore the old Kandh system in case Ram Bhadra
Singh was restored as the raja of Kalahandi.154 They further
reminded the Kandhs that Raghu Keshari was made ruler of
Kalahandi by the Sarkar ignoring the Kandh tradition.155
In the meantime, Rani Asha Kumari also complained that her
husband had been murdered by the dewan.l56
KANDH GRIEVANCES
In June 1881, some Kandh delegates went to Sambalpur to
151. ~.
152. Ibid.
153. !hid, Ram Bhadra Singh's statement, recorded by M.M.Bowrie, Officiating Deputy Commissioner.
154. EDf (Pol), June 1882, no 396/429, NAI; Ellf, C.P., July 1882, dated 27.7.1882, MPRR, Nagpur.
155. ~. Report of 8th December 1881.
156. !hid, Rani's letter to Commissioner, Chhatisgarh, dated 7th Nov., 1881.
214
complain before the Deputy Commissioner against the atrocities of
the dewan and the gaotias.157 In October 1881, the Commissioner
of Chhatisgarh received news that \there was considerable
commotion amongst the Kandh' and he requested the British
government to appoint a special officer to enquire into the
charges leveled against the dewan and to investigate the
grievances of the Kandhs.158
The Kandhs refused to pay the revenue.l59 Twenty-four Kandh
headmen representing 121 villages went as far as Raipur to
present a petition to the Chief Commissioner against enhancement
of assessment and the exaction of nazrana.160 These leaders also
complained that Ram Bhadra Singh had been deprived of his throne
by a plot of the dewan.l61 They appealed to the Chief
Commissioner to order an enquiry on the spot and look into the
condition of the people.l62 Mr.Ismay, the Assistant Commissioner,
was deputed to enquire into the grievances. He reached Kalahandi
on 28.1.1882 and arrived at Bhawanipatna, the capital of
Kalahandi state, on 30.1.1882. A large gathering of Kandhs gave
157. .lJllii.
158. ll2.i.d.
159. .llllii.
160. .lhl._d.
161. .l.Qi.d.
162. l..lll.d.
215
him 96 petitions relating to 749 villages.163
The complaints alleged loss of old rights and privileges,
ejection from villages, and enhancement of revenue.!64 They also
recommended the restoration of Ram Bhadra Singh. Ismay conveyed
to them the government's decision not to restore Ram Bhadra
Singh.16S On 31st January 1882, the Kandhs plundered 85 villages
in daylight;l88 police, pXik and officials became silent
spectators. Perhaps they were afraid of the Kandhs. Later another
65 villages were plundered.167
Immediately, Ram Bhadra Singh's supporters were imprisoned,
and Kalahandi was taken under direct management (Court of Wards)
by the British government.l68 The police force were reinforced
from Sambalpur, Raipur, and Ganjam.169
Kandhs were approached through their Majhis. They were
assured of a reduction in assessment.l70 The colonial rulers
163. l.bid, Report of 7.2.1882.
164. l.bid.
165. .lillii-
166. .llWi-
167. .llWl.
168. lbi.d.
169. .lhlJi.
170. .lillii, Para 20.
l
216
tackled the dewan very carefully. They utilized the ability and
knowledge of the dewan but d~d not recognise him as dewan.l71 The
Kandh leaders of the movement, Khandu Majhi, Rajigaon Majhi and
Dugni Pradhani and nearly 100 Kandh Majhis were called by the
Commissioner, Chhatisgarh.l72 He issued a proclamation ordering
the restoration of plundered property and promising enquiry into
their grievances.l73 He moved round the country and found the
grievances of the Kandhs to be genuine.l74 He made a settlement
of their grievances and on 15th March, announced its terms in a
meeting of leading Kandhs.l75 Kandh leaders expressed their
satisfaction. Out of 150 villages plundered, the property of 77
villages worth Rs.51,037/- were surrendered by the Kandhs.l78 The
Commissioner appointed Mr.Berry, a British officer, as superin-
tendent of Kalahandi to manage the estate. He took the minor raja
with him to Raipur in March 1882.177
171. lQig
172. FPP<Poll July 1882, no.396/429, letter from officiating Secretary to Chief Commissioner Central Province to the Secretary to Govt. of India, Foreign Department, letter no.202q/118 dated 10.6.1882, para-3.
173. lhid
174. lQid, Para-9.
175. FDP(Pol), July 1882, no.396/429 Chief Commissioner's letter no.2027 dated 10 June 1882, Para 4.
176. ED£, July 1882, no.376/421, no.2027/118 dated lOth June 1882 para-8.
177. ~. para-4.
l
217
Berry visited the spot to enquire into the grievances.178
The Kandhs complained that "'Kultas are grinding them down to the
position of servants on their own land"'.l79 Kandhs further
justified their act of plunder by saying : "they had taken back
their own produce which had been appropriated by Kultas".l80
They wanted restoration of the Umraos and the Majhis to
their positions.18l They also complained that the Kulta with the
help of the Sarkar were demanding more than they had looted, so
the Kultas should leave their desh, for "tiger and goat cannot
live together" .182
In Boskadesh, Kalahandi, the Kandh objectd to the presence
of Kultas even as ryots because the latter abused and oppressed
them .18 3 ''Even as ryots Kul tas would be able to oust them again.
They did not want a Kulta village in their desh."l84
Kultas complained that "not only the Kandhs but also the
Doms and other low caste people had been subsisting on plunder
178. .ED,f, C.P, July 1882, Berry's report. MPRR, Nagpur.
179. .IQid, report of 16.4.1882.
180. .llllii.
181. .l.b.i,g' report of 11.4.1882.
182. l.J:U.d, report of 16.4.1882.
183. .l.J2i..d, report of 18.4.1882.
184. Ibid.
l
L
218
since the beginning of the disturbance."l85
On 22nd April, Berry threatened to use police force if the
Kandhs refused to restore the property of the Kultas.186 On 25th
April, the Kandhs of Boskadesh surrendered 320 cattles of Mandel
Gaotia but later on a Kandh named Magho Kandh captured 3 pairs of
bullocks out of this lot.l87 Berry immediately arrested Magho
Kandh. Kandhs demanded his release.l88 Between April 26 and May
11, Berry received fifty six petitions from Boskadesh, fourteen
from Dhamniadesh, seventeen from Kotbaksadesh, four from
Pradhanidesh, nine from Sangudesh and Garhatdesh, and twelve from
Majhidesh. In this area, the Kandh complained against the Teli,
Kumbhar and Gond gaotias in addition to Kultas.l89
KANDH MELI OF 1882 - VIOLENT PHASE
Let us describe the immediate circumstances which
transformed the Kandh movement into a violent struggle.
Berry arrested Jagat Gaur, who had participated in the
plunder of Iswar Gaotia of Asurgarh.190 Jagat was from a caste
group, was not a Kandh, but the Kandh came in a large number
under the leadership of Kamal Majhi to Berry's camp and demanded
185. lQig, report of 27.7.1882.
186. ~. report of 22.4.1882.
187. lhi.d, report of 27.4.1882.
188. .ll;W:l.
189. lhid, Reports between 26th April to 11th May 1882.
190. ~. Report of 2.5.1882.
219
Jagat's release.191 Berry refused· to release him and took him to
Mohangiri under police protection.182 Kandhs asked Iswar Gaotia
to proceed to Mohangiri to ask Berry to release Jagat.
Accordingly, Iswar reached Mohangiri and appealed to Berry to
release Jagat.183 Be a;I.so. informed Berry that "in case Jagat was
not released the Kandhs were definitely going to kill him."l94
Berry did not take the words of Iswar Gaotia seriously and
refused to release Jagat.185 Iswar became the first victim of the
Kandhs on his return empty handed.186
Kandhs collected the head, flesh and liver of Iswar Gaotia
and circulated these through out Kalahandi as a message of the
beginning of a meli.l97 The Doms, a low-caste group, were the
messengers of the Kandhs to spread the message.198
191. lhid.
192. .lhi.d.
193. ~' Report of 17.5.1882.
194. .llU.d.
195. .llWl.
196. !hid, Report of 19.5.1882.
197 . .llU.d.
198. FPP<Pol) July, 1882, no.396/421 letter no.2027/118 dated 10.6.1882, para 19. Also a Kandh folk song :
Kandh song
Pargana gana dhaela ganda dhaele Kandh atharagana.
English translation
The Ganda or the Kandh desh message, Kandh ber assembled.
Dom went round to spread the in large num-
220
Kamal Majhi issued an order to 32 Kandhan tracts
Sahib (Berry) had taken possession of Raja's tent and elephants and imprisoned Jagat Gaur and the Babus, imprisoned with Brida Patra's son [one of the supporters of Ram Bhadra Singh] and you are the servants of that. Sahib (Berry) gave ryot right to Kulta. So the Kulta be removed ... Sahib arrested Jagat. If he will not release he [Jagat] should be freed by force.l99
199. Berry's report, op.cit., dated 17.5.1882. A folk song depicts the role of Kamal Majhi and other Kandh leaders ·
Kandh song
Sajna, dekh Kandh melir bhabna age chaligala khanda taruari pache pache tar bhabna. Beska chake padla dak, Asurgadar beskechak Kamal Majhir hak, chair dik ke dal patar bulai Kandh ke dak.
Beska chakara jhalia ganja gabder gade dake, Kultiake kati balte Kandhara tangi pak pake.
Pargana gana dhaela gana dhaele Kandh athargana.
Bajala meria baja, Gubria bhai tekara sal dhariche udaijajha, Milkideshara Khand Majhi muchh mudi mudi aase, Palakia Jura Bhoi Balaspure mise, Gadam chakar Aendra Jani Aaele bahaduni dhuni hate tangi dhera Beska maru dak diyachhesusta, kete meli kera.
English translation
Sajana ! see the philosophy of Kandhmeli.
Sword and weapon went, call came from Beska desh.
The message of Kamal Majhi began from Asurgarh, Beska desh Branches and leaves were spread to four directions as message to raise a revolt.
The axes of the Kandh are dancing to cut the Kulta.
Ganda went to four directions to spread the message, Kandh in large number assembled.
Meriah instrument was played; (at the time of meriah sacrifice the Kandh play drum and pipe)
from Gabridesh Tekarsai came, from Milkidesh Kandh Majhi came, Jura Bhoi of Palkiadesh joined them at Balaspur, Aendra Bhoi of Gadamdesh came with his axe waving. They came when the invitation of Beskadesh reached them.
Collected from: Budhipadar, Kotbaksa, Gigina, Dhamniadesh, Kalahandi.
221
The uprising spread to other areas of Kalahandi. 400 Kultas
were killed, 200 142 villages plundered.20l On 5th may 1882,
nearly 600 Kandhas proceeded to Bhawanipatna to attack the
treasury but were stopped by the Tahsildar.202 Berry took
suppressive measures to stop the rising. British forces burnt
down Kandh villages, Kandh leaders were arrested and publicly
flogged, and seven leaders were instantly hanged without the
approval of.the Commissioner. 203 In this way the Kandh movement
was ruthlessly crushed in 1882 by British might.
RATURB OF UPRISIRG
Let us now assess the Kandh aeli of Kalahandi in the light
of the above information. The recognition of the Raja of Karonde
as a feudatory chief by the British gave him the backing of
latter's power, and this upset the relationship between
200. FDP <Pol> July 1882, no. 396/429, NAI, Telegramme no. 405 .dated 3. 5. 1882.
201. mf_. C. P. , 1882, From H. L. E. Ward, Additional Commissioner, Kalahand~ Affairs to Secretary to Chief Commissioner C.P., dated 5.8.1882.
202. Berry's report, op.cit., dated 22.5.1882.
203. FOP <Pol A), July 1882, no.523/26 letter dt 30.8.1882, ,HAL
One folk song also depicts :
Kandh song
Meli · uthe bhabi sumina Saheba sanyadhariasi akaraprakare bedhile deshara palatana chaparasije hasti. ghoda sahite nali, khanda, bandhuka kete je.
Rnglish translation
Saheb came with his paltan (force) and ohaprasi (chowkidar) and surrounded the desh (Kalahandi) within a night.
• (Contd.) ..
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222
the raja and the Kandhs. The relation of the Kandh and the raja
gradually collapsed, and the raja became more and more the
collector of rent and revenue. Colonial rulers could not
understand the peculiarity of patrimonial head, at least until
the Kandh meli of 1882. Under the protection of the colonial
rulers, the raja invited peasants, thekedar~, and money-lenders
from outside, and the latter grabbed tribal land; the traditional
Kandh leaders, Umraos and Majhis, were replaced. The raja
introduced a series of magan or subscription or cess, not less
than twelve in number, by 1881.
cultivators suffered.
Ref. no. 203 Contd.
Chhinna chhinna kari desa madhye gheri maele hoi nisoka gramegrame pasi aagni jali dele, deshe padigala daka, kehi maranati pasi, bane dianti phasi je, Kahaku bandhanti pathara ladina jale pakanti
Balu ganti dei maile Kandhaku ke pariba taku kali, thoke palai le jhok parabate jai luchile, desha Majhi mana sabui bandhi darinele.
Kalapani kete jamidaranela Raipura abasti noile, prani sarbe hoile nasa tabu santi lavila desh je.
Kandh leaders as well as
Sahib came with horse, elephant, sword, gun, cannon etc. they entered the villages, burnt down the houses captured the Kandhs, hanged them on the trees, killed them.Some of the Kandh were thrown into the water with big stones tied to their neck. How many kandh were killed, it is very difficult to count.
Some khands fled to jhad and parbat(forest and mountain) some kandh leaders were sent to kalapani (banished) some were taken- to Raipur as prisoner. At last peace prevailed~
(Collected from Bagpur, Kotbaksa, Kalahandi.)
l
223
The regular revenue payment and the introduction of
thekedari system changed the relatively egalitarian tribal
structure, associated with the traditional shifting cultivation,
to one of increasing landlordism in 1840s and 1850s. The
introduction of colonial law and order and the opening of roads
to the tribal hinterland had a direct impact on the Kandh : the
sense of freedom associated with shifting cultivation had to give
way to the constraints of settled cultivation and to the
obligations to thekedars. ·
Unaccustomed to making regular revenue payment; the Kandh
began to mortgage their land and themselves to talien' Kultas,
who came from Sambalpur, to money-lenders, and to horse traders.
The raja invited experienced men, for managing the
elaborate administrative apparatus of the estate, and moneyed
men, to meet the high costs of maintaining his new status of
feudatory chief. This accelerated the process of immigration of I
non-tribals, especially Brahmanas, Kultas, Karans and Muslims to
Kalahandi from the 1840s onwards. These incoming groups gradually
became gaotia/thekedar, replacing Kandhs. It altered the terms of
existence for the Kandh population. Of course, the non-tribal
immigration to Kalahandi began much earlier, but the population
had been sparce then, and the forest plentiful; the immigration
did not make much difference then. Moreover, the incoming groups
in the earlier phase had accepted the Kandh system and had
224
respected the Kandh Umrao and Manjhi and their deity. They became
active participants in Kandh ceremonies, festivals, and material
culture. The Kandhs also accepted these groups : Gonds as sons
of mother's sister", Nagavamsis as juanpila or son-in-law, Dom
as sahankar or friend, Gaud as mita or service performing
brother. The Kshatriyaised section of the Kandh and the
immigrants were found places in the Kandh social order.
The 19th century immigrants came in a totally different
context one of the commercialisation of land and agriculture.
The new system of taxation, and the commutation of feudal dues
and service into rent, monetized the economy.204 Triennial
revenue settlement and reassessment were made, taxes on liquor
imposed, commercialisation of forest initiated, police stations
opened, and the Khand practice of. meriah sacrifice banned. The
Kandh could sense their loss of grip over their own environment
in the 19th century.
After the suppression of Kandh meli, the Chief Commissioner
reported to the British Government :
204.
In October 1853, the late Raja succeeded to Chiefship. At
that time the assessment of Kandh villages was Rs.22,000/-,
but on chief's death in 1881 it had been increased to
Even upto 1856 monetisation had not developed in Kalahandi. C.Eliot writes, "No money passes in the country not even cowries and during my tour it has been found necessary to pay the coolie in grain", Eliot report, 28 July 1856, reprinted in Orissa District Gazetteers, Kalahandi, p.468.
l
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225
Rs.1,27,500. In order to do this the chief ousted the
Khonds and gave their villages to the more industrious
• Kultas, lowered the position of their headman or Umrao and
he· put on a tax on everything which was susceptible of
taxation and he systematically strove to beat down the
Khonds to the level of hopeless drudges.
In the policy he was abetted, if not instigated by the
Dewan ....
All this time, i.e., during the rule of the late chief, the
Khonds were much discontent but being a very timid people
they were afraid to complain. One or two who ventured to do
so were imprisoned by the chief and his Dewan.
Consequently, the civil authority were quite ignorant
regarding discontent. About June 1881, complaints began to
be made to the Deputy Commissioner Sambalpur but he merely
sent them to the Rani for report.205
The above report correctly assessed the excesses of the
raja and dewan but wrongly observed that "the civil authorities
were quite ignorant regarding discontent." As early as 1875, the
Deputy Commissioner of Raipur had reported to the Commissioner,
Chhatisgarh, about the discontent of the gaotias, the raja's
205. EDf(Pol) July 1882 no 396/429, NAI, New Delhi, Report of the disturbance in the feudatory state of Kalahandi, by Chief Commissioner Central Province, vide letter no.2027 and 2028 dated 10.6.1882.
226
state of failing health, and the role of the subordinates of the
raja in concealing the facts from the raja and their mischief. He
observed that tharm has been done' and unless remedial measures
were taken immediately, further harm would go on unabated.208
No remedial step was taken; rather, the raja was presented.
by the British government with an armlet with a precious stone as
a token of appreciation for his work. In 1877 at Delhi durbar he
was received with a nine gun salute and the Governor General
presented him a gold medal and a sword.207
Therefore, the Kandh meli of Kalahandi (1882) was directed
against the raja-sarkar-thekedar nexus. It was the result of the
steady pressure· on the Kandhs described above.
The Kandh meli was put down by the strength of British arms
and Kalahandi was taken under its direct management. Settlement
work was begun, and wherever the Kandh could prove their right
over land and village, these were restored. The British
government refused to revive the old Umrao system of Kandhs
because they feared that the recognition of Umraos, men of
traditional influence, would be dangerous as their loyalty to the
206. ,1 1r
ED£, C.P, 1875, MPRR, Nagpur. Report of 5.5.1875 from M.M. Bowrie, Deputy Commissioner Sambalpur to Commissione!r, Chhatisgarh.
207. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalabandi, p.60.
227
British was doubtful.208 They found the rajas, the zamindars,
and the gaotia/thekedars as loyal and faithful allies.
From the information available regarding Kandh meli of
Kalahandi in 1882, the following points emerge clearly. The
movement was broad based. Though the deprived·traditional Umraos
and Majhis organised it, the Kan~hs in general and the lowly
placed service-performing caste group Ganda, Ghansi and Gaud
participated .in it actively.aos It was above ethnic differences
and was directed against land grabbers and exploiters, that is
the thekedar-raja-sarkar nexus. Both tribal and non-tribal land
grabbers, the British and the raja's agents and officials were
attacked. Out of the 142 villages plundered, 98 belonged to
Kultas and "rest belonged to wealthiest and most prosperous
group", including 12 Gond villages. 21 o The grievance·s of the
Kandh were that, earlier, the raja had done injustices to them,
that later the dewan appointed a raja without their consent in
the form of their involvement in coronation ceremonies, and·that
the Kultas were always demanding gr~ins and saying that "they
will make Khond their slave and Khond women menial servants." The
208. ED£, C.P. March 1884, Report of F.C.Berry, Political Agent, Bhawanipatna to Commissioner, Chhatisgarh, MPRR, Nagpur.
209. EDf, C.P., 1882, Berry's report. Also FDP CPol-A), March 1888, _no.59-83.
210. ID£, C.P., 1882, letter dated 5.8.1882, from Additional Commissioner, Kalahandi Affairs to Secretary to Chief Commissioner, C.P., MPRR, Nagpur.
l
228
first sahib came and went making promises, the second sahib did
not do anything, and the third sahib gave ryot right to Kultas
and arrested Jagat Gaud. Berry notes the Khond as saying that
"If they [Khond] kill, they will be hanged, but their heirs will
. retain the land. In old thatch pieces of grass will always fall,
so it is better to remove the old thatch"U 1 .
This clearly indicates that if not a mature and fully
evolved class consciousness, we have here the point, in Ranajit
Guha's terms, "where ethnicity stopped and an incipient form of
class consciousness began".212
Another aspect of the movement was the role of the paiks or
raja's militia during Kandh meli of 1882. To colonial eyes, "at
Dadpur the paik behaved with down right treachery, at Narla they
made no attempt to resist the Khond, at Junagarh [the paika are]
charged with looting". 218 It is no cause for surprise that the
paiks, recruited from the local community, many being Kandhs,
unpaid for months, were *eluctant to act against their people,
and in many cases connived at or even assisted in the bloody
211. !Df., C.P., 1882, Berry's Report.
212. R.Guha, 1983, Elementary Aspects of Peaoant Insurgency in Colonial India. Oxford University Press, Delhi, p.23.
213. IDf, C.P., 1882, Letter from Additional Commissioner in Chhatisgarh to officiating Secretary to Chief Commissioner Chhatisgarh, dated 20.7.1882 and from officiating Secretary to Chief Commissioner C.P, to Additional Commissioner in Chhatisgarh dated 11.9.1882, MPRR, Nagpur.
229
scene.214 At Dadpur 60 plriks refused to obey the order of their
superior to use arms against Kandh.215
The attitude of the British officials and government
towards the Kandh, seen in relation to the movement, also merits
attention. Lucie Smith, Commissioner, Chhatisgarh Division,
opposing
knowledge
the imposition of excise tax, observed that 'our
of these people is imperfect' .216 Again he was
sympathetic towards the Kandh and observed on 26th November 1881
that "'the grievances of the Khond should be heard" .217 He was in
favour of reviving the old Khand system of desh and Umrao. On the
other hand, F.C.Berry, Political Agent, Kalahandi thought the
recognition of Umrao, men of influence, whose loyalty could not
be taken for granted, would be dangerous.218 He criticised the
policy of L.Smith.219 Berry believed in the use of force against
the Kandh, while Smith believed in persuasion. Berry was very
severe on the Kandh during the movement. His severity attracted
the attention of British press and British government.220 The
214. .I.Qi_g.
215. Berry's report, op.cit., dated 24.5.1882.
216. ED£, C.P., 1873, letter no.1421 dated 8.8.1872 MPRR, Nagpur.
217. ED£, C.P., 1881, dated 26.11.1881 MPRR, Nagpur.
218. ED£, C.P., 1882, dated 27.7.1882 MPRR, Nagpur.
219. .li2.lil.
220. FDP (Pol.A) July 1882 no 522 NAI, New Delhi.
230
Chief Commissioner o£ Central Provinces was asked by the British
government to institute a thorough and searching enquiry into
Berry's proceedings.221
The result of the enquiry reflects the colonial attitudes
towa~ds the Kandhs. Berry was praised for this presence of mind
and courage' .222 The burning of villages by Berry and the
flogging of Kandh was considered as a loss of ta few grass huts'
and tthe men flogged were the lowest of the low, semi-savages, to
whom the pain of the punishment appeals but who are not sensitive
to disgrace' .223 This remark reflects the British colonial,
racist attitude, and the logic behind their use of force.
221. lQiQ.
222. FDP (Pol.A-1) March, 1888, no.59-83.
223. Ibid.
\