Ehrman-The New Testament. a Historical Introduction to the Early Christian Writings, 2nd Ed

THE NEW TESTAMENT

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Bart D. EhrmanUniversity of North Carolina,

Chapel Hill

New York OxfordOxford University Press

2000

THE NEW TESTAMENTA HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION

TO THE EARLY CHRISTIAN WRITINGS

Second Edition

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Oxford University Press

Oxford New YorkAthens Auckland Bangkok Bogot Buenos Aires Calcutta Cape Town

Chennai Dar es Salaam DelhiFlorence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi

Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico CityMumbai Nairobi Paris So Paulo Singapore

Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw

and associated companies inBerlin Ibadan

Copyright 2000 by Bart D. Ehrman

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016

http://www.oup-usa.org1-800-334-4249

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may bereproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in

any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior

permission of Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataEhrman, Bart D.

The New Testament: A Historical Introduction to the EarlyChristian Writings / Bart D. Ehrman. 2nd ed.

p.cm.Includes biographical references and index.

ISBN 0-19-512639-4 (pbk. : alk paper)1. Bible. N.T.Introductions I. Title

BS2330.2.E36 2000255.67dc21 9922360 CIP

Printing (last digit): 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1Printed in the United States of America

on acid-free paper

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To David R. Adams

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BRIEF TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter 1 What Is the New Testament? The Early Christians and Their Literature . . . . . .1Chapter 2 The World of Early Christian Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16Chapter 3 The Traditions of Jesus in Their Greco-Roman Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43Chapter 4 The Christian Gospels: A Literary and Historical Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . .55Chapter 5 Jesus, the Suffering Son of God: The Gospel according to Mark . . . . . . . . . . .60Chapter 6 The Synoptic Problem and Its Significance for Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . .76Chapter 7 Jesus, the Jewish Messiah: The Gospel according to Matthew . . . . . . . . . . . . .84Chapter 8 Jesus, the Savior of the World: The Gospel according to Luke . . . . . . . . . . . .103Chapter 9 Lukes Second Volume: The Acts of the Apostles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .122Chapter 10 Jesus, the Man Sent from Heaven: The Gospel according to John . . . . . . . . .141Chapter 11 From Johns Jesus to the Gnostic Christ:

The Johannine Epistles and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162Chapter 12 Jesus from Different Perspectives: Other Gospels in Early Christianity . . . . . .179Chapter 13 The Historical Jesus: Sources, Problems, and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194Chapter 14 Excurus: The Historian and the Problem of Miracle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .208Chapter 15 Jesus in Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .213Chapter 16 Jesus, the Apocalyptic Prophet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .229Chapter 17 From Jesus to the Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .252Chapter 18 Paul the Apostle: The Man and His Mission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .260Chapter 19 Paul and His Apostolic Mission: 1 Thessalonians as a Test Case . . . . . . . . . .276Chapter 20 Paul and the Crises of His Churches: 1 and 2 Corinthians,

Galatians, Philippians, and Philemon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .290Chapter 21 The Gospel according to Paul: The Letter to the Romans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .319Chapter 22 Does the Tradition Miscarry? Paul in Relation to Jesus, James,

Thecla, and Theudas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .332Chapter 23 In the Wake of the Apostle: The Deutero-Pauline and Pastoral Epistles . . . .341Chapter 24 From Pauls Female Colleagues to the Pastors Intimidated Women:

The Oppression of Women in Early Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .363Chapter 25 Christians and Jews: Hebrews, Barnabas, and Later Anti-Jewish Literature . .375Chapter 26 Christians and Pagans: 1 Peter, the Letters of Ignatius,

the Martyrdom of Polycarp, and Later Apologetic Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . .392Chapter 27 Christians and Christians: James, the Didache, Polycarp,

1 Clement, Jude, and 2 Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .410Chapter 28 Christians and the Cosmos: The Revelation of John,

The Shepherd of Hermas, and the Apocalypse of Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .425Chapter 29 Epilogue: Do We Have the Original New Testament? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .442Glossary of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .451Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .461

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Maps, Timelines, and Diagrams . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xviiiPreface to the Second Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xixPreface to the First Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxiNotes on Suggestions for Further Reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxiiiAcknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxvCredits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxvii

Chapter 1 What Is the New Testament? The Early Christians and Their Literature . . .1

Box 1.1 The Canon of Scripture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2 The Diversity of Early Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2

Box 1.2 The Hebrew Bible and the Christian Old Testament . . . . . . . . . . .4 The New Testament Canon of Scripture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8

Box 1.3 The Common Era and Before the Common Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8Box 1.4 The Layout of the New Testament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10

Summary and Implications for our Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12 Some Additional Reflections: The Historian and the Believer . . . . . . . . . . .13

Chapter 2 The World of Early Christian Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

The Problem of Beginnings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16 One Remarkable Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .17

Box 2.1 Pagan and Gentile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18Box 2.2 The Greco-Roman World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19

The Environment of the New Testament: Religions in the Greco-Roman World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20

Box 2.3 Divine Rulers as Savior Gods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25Box 2.4 The Roman Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27Box 2.5 Christianity as a Mystery Cult . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Judaism as a Greco-Roman Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .33Box 2.6 Other Jewish Miracle-Working Sons of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .40

Chapter 3 The Traditions of Jesus in Their Greco-Roman Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43

Oral Traditions behind the Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43Box 3.1 Orality and Literacy in the Ancient World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .48

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Box 3.2 Differences between Mark and John on the Time of Jesus Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .51

Some Additional Reflections: The Authors of the Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . .52

Chapter 4 The Christian Gospels: A Literary and Historical Introduction . . . . . . . . .55

The Question of Genre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .55 Biography as a Greco-Roman Genre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .56

Box 4.1 Plutarch on Biography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .57 The Gospels as Ancient Biographies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .58

Chapter 5 Jesus, the Suffering Son of God: The Gospel according to Mark . . . . . . . .60

The Beginning of the Gospel: Jesus the Messiah, the Son of God Who Fulfills the Scripture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .60

Box 5.1 The Jewish Messiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .61 Jesus the Authoritative Son of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .63 Jesus the Opposed Son of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .63

Box 5.2 Jewish Scribes, Pharisees, Herodians, Sadducees, and Chief Priests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .64

Jesus the Misunderstood Son of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .67 Jesus the Acknowledged Son of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .67

Box 5.3 The Messianic Secret in Mark . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .68 Jesus the Suffering Son of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .69

Box 5.4 Son of God and Son of Man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .70 Jesus the Crucified Son of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .71

Box 5.5 The Charge of Blasphemy according to Mark . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .71 Jesus the Vindicated Son of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .72 Conclusion: Mark and His Readers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .74

Chapter 6 The Synoptic Problem and Its Significance for Interpretation . . . . . . . . . .76

Methods for Studying the Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .76 The Synoptic Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .76

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Box 6.1 Ironing Out the Problems: One Potential Difficulty in Marks Account . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .80Box 6.2 The Contents of Q . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81

The Methodological Significance of the Four-source Hypothesis . . . . . . . . .82

Chapter 7 Jesus, the Jewish Messiah: The Gospel according to Matthew . . . . . . . . . .84

The Importance of Beginnings: Jesus the Jewish Messiah in Fulfillment of the Jewish Scriptures . . . . . . . . .85

Box 7.1 Matthews Scheme of Fourteen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .87Box 7.2 The Women in Matthews Genealogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89

Jesus and His Forerunner from Matthews Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .90 The Portrayal of Jesus in Matthew:

The Sermon on the Mount as a Springboard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .92Box 7.3 The Golden Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .95

Jesus and the Jewish Cultic Practices Prescribed by the Law . . . . . . . . . . . . .96 Jesus Rejected by the Jewish Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .97

Box 7.4 Gentiles in Matthews Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .98 Matthew and His Readers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101

Box 7.5 Was Matthew a Jew? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101

Chapter 8 Jesus, the Savior of the World: The Gospel according to Luke . . . . . . . .103

The Comparative Method and the Gospel of Luke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .103 A Comparative Overview of the Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .105 The Preface to Lukes Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .105

Box 8.1 Apologetic Literature in Early Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .106 Lukes Birth Narrative in Comparative Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .108

Box 8.2 Historical Problems with Lukes Birth Narrative . . . . . . . . . . . .109Box 8.3 The Virgin Birth in Matthew and Luke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .110

From Jew to Gentile: Lukes Portrayal of Jesus the Rejected Prophet . . . . .112 Lukes Distinctive Emphases throughout His Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .114

Box 8.4 Jesus Bloody Sweat in Luke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .115Box 8.5 Jesus as a Righteous Martyr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .116Box 8.6 The Institution of the Lords Supper in Luke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .119

Conclusion: Luke in Comparative Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .120

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Chapter 9 Lukes Second Volume: The Acts of the Apostles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .122

The Genre of Acts and Its Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .122Box 9.1 The Book of Acts: An Ancient Novel? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .124

The Thematic Approach to Acts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .124 From Gospel to Acts: The Opening Transition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .125

Box 9.2 Lukes Mysterious Two Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127 Lukes Artistry as a Storyteller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .128 Themes in the Speeches in Acts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .129

Box 9.3 The Death of Judas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .130Box 9.4 Christianity before Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .136

In Sum: Prominent Themes of Luke-Acts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .137 The Author of Luke-Acts and His Audience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .137

Chapter 10 Jesus, the Man Sent from Heaven: The Gospel according to John . . . . . .141

The Gospel of John from a Literary-Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . .142Box 10.1 Jesus Signs in the Fourth Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .143Box 10.2 The Jews in the Fourth Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .144

The Gospel of John from a Thematic Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .144 The Gospel of John from a Comparative Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145

Box 10.3 Signs and Faith in the Fourth Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .148Box 10.4 Jesus and the I Am Sayings in John . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .149

The Gospel of John from a Redactional Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .149 The Socio-Historical Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .153

Box 10.5 The Death of the Beloved Disciple in the Johannine Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .154

The Gospel of John from a Socio-Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . .155Box 10.6 Johns De-Apocalypticized Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .160

The Author of the Fourth Gospel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .160

Chapter 11 From Johns Jesus to the Gnostic Christ: The Johannine Epistles and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162

The Questions of Genre and Author . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162Box 11.1 A Letter from Greco-Roman Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .163

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The New Testament Epistolary Literature and the Contextual Method . . .164Box 11.2 The Gospel and Epistles of John: Some Thematic Similarities .165

The Johannine Epistles from a Contextual Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .166 Reflections on the Contextual Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .168 Beyond the Johannine Community: The Rise of Christian Gnosticism . . .170

Box 11.3 House Churches in Early Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .170Box 11.4 How Do You Know a Gnostic When You See One? . . . . . . . . .173Box 11.5 Gnostics and the Jewish Scriptures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .174

Gnostics and the Johannine Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .177

Chapter 12 Jesus from Different Perspectives: Other Gospels in Early Christianity . .179 Narrative Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .180

Box 12.1 The Gospel of the Ebionites and Early Gospel Harmonies . . . .181 Sayings Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .185

Box 12.2 Judas Thomas as Jesus Twin Brother . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .186Box 12.3 The Older Sayings of the Gospel of Thomas . . . . . . . . . . . . . .189

Infancy Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .190 Conclusion: The Other Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .192

Chapter 13 The Historical Jesus: Sources, Problems, and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194

Problems with Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194 Non-Christian Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .195

Box 13.1 Christianity as a Superstition in the Roman World . . . . . . . . .196Box 13.2 The Testimony of Flavius Josephus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .198

Christian Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .198 Using Our Sources: Some of the Basic Rules of Thumb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .201 Specific Criteria and Their Rationale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .202

Box 13.3 Aramaisms as a Criterion of Authenticity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .203 Conclusion: Reconstructing the Life of Jesus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207

Chapter 14 Excursus: The Historian and the Problem of Miracle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .208

Miracles in the Modern World and in Antiquity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .208 The Historian and Historical Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .210

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Chapter 15 Jesus in Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .213

Political Crises in Palestine and Their Ramifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .213 The Formation of Jewish Sects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .215

Box 15.1 Divine Revelation in the Dead Sea Scrolls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .219 Popular Modes of Resistance to Oppression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .222 An Ideology of Resistance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .225

Box 15.2 Prophecy and Apocalypticism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .227 Jesus in His Apocalyptic Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .228

Chapter 16 Jesus, the Apocalyptic Prophet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .229

Considering the Rules of Thumb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .229 Considering the Specific Criteria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .230 The Beginning and End as Keys to the Middle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .232 The Apocalyptic Deeds of Jesus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .233

Box 16.1 Explaining Away the Apocalyptic Traditions:Seeking the Lost . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .234Box 16.2 Explaining Away the Apocalyptic Traditions:Setting a Date . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .235Box 16.3 Was Jesus a Cynic Philosopher? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .236Box 16.4 The Temple Incident as an Enacted Parable . . . . . . . . . . . . . .237

The Apocalyptic Teachings of Jesus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .241Box 16.5 The Cosmic Deliverer of Israel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .244Box 16.6 Jesus and Family Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .246

The Apocalyptic Death of Jesus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .247Box 16.7 Jesus and Judas, the Betrayer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .249

Chapter 17 From Jesus to the Gospels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .252

The Beginning of Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .252 Jesus Resurrection from an Apocalyptic Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .253

Box 17.1 Jesus, the Messiah, and the Resurrection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .254 Jesus Death, according to the Scriptures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .255 The Emergence of Different Understandings of Jesus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .256

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Box 17.2 Vicarious Suffering in Jewish Martyrologies and Other Greco-Roman Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .257

Chapter 18 Paul the Apostle: The Man and His Mission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .260

The Study of Paul: Methodological Difficulties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .261Box 18.1 The Pauline Corpus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .262Box 18.2 Other Sources for the Life of Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .265

The Life of Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .266Box 18.3 Paul on the Road to Damascus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .269

Chapter 19 Paul and His Apostolic Mission: 1 Thessalonians as a Test Case . . . . . . .276

The Founding of the Church in Thessalonica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .276 The Beginnings of the Thessalonian Church:

A Socio-Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .282Box 19.1 Rules for a Private Association . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .283

The Church at Thessalonica after Pauls Departure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .284Box 19.2 Charges against the Christians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .287Box 19.3 The Thessalonians Perplexity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .288

Conclusion: Paul the Apostle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .288

Chapter 20 Paul and the Crises of His Churches: 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, and Philemon . . . . . . . . . . .290

1 Corinthians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .290Box 20.1 Possibilities of Existence in the Afterlife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .296

2 Corinthians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .299Box 20.2 The Partitioning of 2 Corinthians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .301

Galatians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .303Box 20.3 The Logic of the Opponents Position in Galatia . . . . . . . . . . .306Box 20.4 Cephas and Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .307

Philippians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311Box 20.5 The Christ Hymn of Philippians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .314Box 20.6 Was Paul Contemplating Suicide? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .315

Philemon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .316

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Chapter 21 The Gospel according to Paul: The Letter to the Romans . . . . . . . . . . . .319

The Occasion and Purpose of the Letter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .319Box 21.1 The Beginnings of the Roman Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .320

The Theme of the Epistle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .321Box 21.2 Pauls Gospel to the Romans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .323

Pauline Models for Salvation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .324Box 21.3 Two Paths of Salvation in Paul? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .325Box 21.4 Judicial and Participationist Models of Salvation in Paul . . . . .328

The Flow of Pauls Argument . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .328Box 21.5 Other Models of Salvation in Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .330

Conclusion: Paul and the Romans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .331

Chapter 22 Does the Tradition Miscarry? Paul in Relation to Jesus, James, Thecla, and Theudas . . . . . . . . . . . . . .332

Paul in Relation to What Came Before . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .332Box 22.1 Jesus and Paul: Some of the Similarities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .335Box 22.2 Jesus and Paul: Some of the Differences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .336

Paul in Relation to What Came After . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .336 Conclusion: Pauline Christianities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .340

Chapter 23 In the Wake of the Apostle: The Deutero-Pauline and Pastoral Epistles .341

Pseudonymity in the Ancient World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .341Box 23.1 Pauls Third Letter to the Corinthians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .343

The Deutero-Pauline Epistles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .344Box 23.2 The Resurrection of Believers in Paul and Colossians . . . . . . .349Box 23.3 The Household Rules in Colossians and Ephesians . . . . . . . .350Box 23.4 The Vocabulary of Salvation in Paul and Ephesians . . . . . . . . .352

The Pastoral Epistles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .354 The Historical Situation and Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles . . . . . . . .357

Box 23.5 Church Hierarchy in Ignatius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .361 Conclusion: The Post-Pauline Pastoral Epistles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .361

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Chapter 24 From Pauls Female Colleagues to the Pastors Intimidated Women: The Oppression of Women in Early Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .363

Women in Pauls Churches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .363 Women Associated with Jesus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .364

Box 24.1 Mary Magdalane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .365 Pauls Understanding of Women in the Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .367 Women in the Aftermath of Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .368

Box 24.2 Similarities between 1 Tim 2:11-15and 1 Cor 14:34-35 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .369

Ancient Ideologies of Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .371 Gender Ideology and the Pauline Churches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .372

Chapter 25 Christians and Jews: Hebrews, Barnabas, and Later Anti-Jewish Literature 375

Early Christian Self-Definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .375Box 25.1 Disparate Views of Christians and Jews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .377

Continuity and Superiority: The Epistle to the Hebrews . . . . . . . . . . . . . .378Box 25.2 Divergent Views of Christ in Hebrews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .380

Discontinuity and Supremacy: The Epistle of Barnabas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .384Box 25.3 Six Thousand Years and Counting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .386Box 25.4 Gematria in Early Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .387

Conclusion: The Rise of Christian Anti-Judaism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .388Box 25.5 Melitos Passover Sermon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .389

Chapter 26 Christians and Pagans: 1 Peter, the Letters of Ignatius, the Martyrdom of Polycarp, and Later Apologetic Literature . . . . . . . . . .392

The Persecution of the Early Christians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .392Box 26.1 The Christian Disruption of the Family: The Case of Perpetua 395

Christians in a Hostile World: The Letter of 1 Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .397Box 26.2 The Spread of Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .398

Christians Sentenced to Death: The Letters of Ignatius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .402Box 26.3 An Alternative View of Christian Martyrdom . . . . . . . . . . . . .404

Christians before the Tribunal: The Martyrdom of Polycarp . . . . . . . . . . . .405 Christians on the Defense: The Later Apologetic Literature . . . . . . . . . . . .407

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Chapter 27 Christians and Christians: James, the Didache, Polycarp, 1 Clement, Jude, and 2 Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .410

The Epistle of James . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .411 The Didache . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .412

Box 27.1 The Development of the Lords Prayer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .414 Polycarps Letter to the Philippians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .415

Box 27.2 Polycarp and the Early Christian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .417 1 Clement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .417

Box 27.3 Other Problems in the Corinthian Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .419 Jude . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .420 2 Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .421

Box 27.4 Peter, the Smoked Tuna, and the Flying Heretic . . . . . . . . . . .422 Conclusion: Conflicts within the Early Christian Communities . . . . . . . . .423

Chapter 28 Christians and the Cosmos: The Revelation of John, The Shepherd of Hermas, and the Apocalypse of Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . .425

Introduction: The End of the World and the Revelation of John . . . . . . . .425 The Content and Structure of the Book of Revelation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .426 The Book of Revelation from a Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .427 Apocalyptic Worldviews and Apocalypse Genre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .428

Box 28.1 The Book of Revelation as Underground Literature . . . . . . . . .430Box 28.2 The Author of Revelation in the Early Church . . . . . . . . . . . .431

The Revelation of John in Historical Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .431Box 28.3 Futuristic Interpretations of the Book of Revelation . . . . . . . .434

The Shepherd of Hermas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .437Box 28.4 The Shepherd of Hermas and the Muratorian Canon . . . . . . .438

The Apocalypse of Peter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .440

Chapter 29 Epilogue: Do We Have the Original New Testament? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .442

The Manuscripts of the New Testament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .442 Changes in the New Testament Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .443

Box 29.1 Citing Chapter and Verse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .444

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Criteria for Establishing the Original Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .447 Conclusion: The Original Text of the New Testament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .449

Glossary of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .451

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .461

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MapsFrontmatter The Roman Empire: Central and Eastern Provinces xxviiiFigure 2.2 The Journeys of Alexander the Great 20Figure 2.6 The Spread of Roman Rule 29Figure 3.2 Christian Churches in Existence by 100 C.E. 45Figure 5.2 Palestine in New Testament Times 66Figure 9.1 Pauls Missionary Journeys According to the Book of Acts 126Figure 16.1 Jerusalem in the Days of Jesus 238Figure 18.2 Places associated with Paul in the New Testament 273Figure 20.4 Galatia and the Rest of Asia Minor 304Figure 26.1 The Distribution of Christianity by 300 C.E. 401Figure 28.1 The Seven Churches of Asia Minor 426

Time Lines and DiagramsFigure 2.3 The Divine Pyramid 22Figure 2.8 Time Line of Keys Events in Hellenistic and Roman Times 32Figure 3.1 Time Line of the Early Christian Movement 44Figure 6.1 The Four-Source Hypothesis 77Figure 10.3 Sources in the Farewell Discourse 153Figure 15.2 Time Line of Key Events in the History of Palestine 216

MAPS, TIMELINES, AND DIAGRAMS

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I have received numerous comments, both solicit-ed and unsolicited, from readers of the first editionof this textbook, and would like to express myappreciation to everyone who has come to my aid.In particular I would like to thank John R. Lanciat Stonehill College, and my friends Dale Allisonat Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, AlexandraBrown at Washington and Lee University, HarryGamble at University of Virginia, Sue Garrett atLouisville Theological Seminary, Amy-Jill Levineat Vanderbilt, Jeff Siker at Loyola Marymount, andJudy Siker, also at Loyola Marymountall of themfine scholarsfor their sustained, detailed, andinsightful remarks. Ive done my best, at theirprodding, to make useful modificationsaddingimportant background material at an earlier stageof the book (esp. on the parties of early Judaism,now discussed briefly in Chapter 2, as well as morefully, as originally done, in Chapter 15), rearrang-ing material (e.g., consolidating the two treat-ments of the book of James and focusing more onthe history of Palestine by giving it a chapter of itsown, [Chapter 15]), and supplementing key dis-cussions (especially on the historical Jesus). Ivealso added bibliography here and there and pro-vided a number of additional boxes throughout(Something to Think About and Some MoreInformation). Moreover, Ive added a specialcolor insert, The New Testament in Pictures:Illuminated Manuscripts of the Middle Ages,designed to show, if only briefly, how the New testament came to be cherished, illustrated andmost importantly for the purposes of this bookinterpreted by Christians of later periods.

One matter that has been widely raised by col-leagues who use the book (or at least have givenpassing thought to using it) involves the issue offaith and history. Most readers are grateful that Ibroach the matter and are struck by how poignant-ly it comes to the fore when one adopts, even withbeginning students, a rigorously historicalapproach to the New Testament. But a number ofreaders wish that I would not only raise the issuebut also help students resolve it.

In the first edition, I quite consciously decidednot to do so. My decision was based on a numberof interrelated factors: first, that people of faithhave different kinds of faith, and there is not onesolution to the problem of how history relates tothem; second, that despite the claims of somemodern-day apologists among us, there is not a his-torical solution to the problem of faith and history,but only faith solutions, and since this introduc-tion is historically rather than confessionally ori-ented, to suggest a particular solution (or even aparticular range of solutions) would be to compro-mise its historical character; third, and perhapsmost importantly, some problems are more prof-itably raised than resolved. That is to sayas isthe case even with a number of historical condun-drumsit can be useful and productive to raise anintractable problem and urge students to resolve itas they see fit. Wrestling with a problem is some-times far more fruitful than learning the answer(or even than being asked to choose from among aset of possible answers, as if the question of faithand history were part of a multiple choice exam).

Im still, for the most part, persuaded by thesearguments. And so, while Ive tried to clarify andsharpen the issues a bit (e.g., at the end of Chapter1 and in Chapter 14), I have not moved further toresolve them. I hope students will be driven todecide for themselves whether historical study ofthe New Testament is at odds with, compatiblewith, or even necessary to their own commitmentsof faith. If this were a matter of multiple choice,those would be the options. The real problem, ofcourse, is how to work any one of them out toones own satisfaction.

In conclusion, I should say that a number ofmy colleagues (some of whom teach at explicit-ly Christian colleges and seminaries) have com-mented on how they appreciate the consistentlyhistorical, nontheological, approach preciselybecause it frees them up in the classroom to dealwith the theological issues it raises. My peda-gogical heart is strangely warmed by thisresponse.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

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My particular thanks go to my editor at OxfordUniversity Press, Robert Miller, who has onceagain, with unusual editorial savvy, gone aboveand beyond the call of professional duty in help-

ing bring this new edition to fruition. I am grate-ful to my graduate student at UNC, StephanieCobb, for producing the index this second timearound.

xx PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

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With so many textbooks on the New Testamentfrom which to choose, it seems only fair for me tobegin by indicating some of the distinctive fea-tures of this one. While there are several out-standing introductory texts, most of themapproach the New Testament from a theologicalor literary perspective. I have no trouble withthese vantage points per se; they do not, however,happen to be mine. In this book, I am first andforemost interested in questions that pertain tothe history of early Christianity and to the earlyChristian writings both as they reflect that historyand as they helped to shape it.

I am interested, for example, in the life of thehistorical Jesus (a matter surprisingly leftuntouched in a number of introductory treat-ments), in the history of the traditions that circu-lated about him, in the ways that the authors ofour New Testament documents agreed and dis-agreed with one another (which I treat as a histor-ical question), in the missionary practices of theapostle Paul and others like him, in the ways earlyChristians differed from their Jewish and paganneighbors, in the rise of Christian anti-Judaism, inthe social opposition evoked by the earliestChristians, in the role of women in the earlychurch, and in a wide range of other questions thatlie more in the province of the historian than inthat of the theologian or literary critic.

My historical orientation has led me to situatethe early Christian literature more firmly than isnormally done in the social, cultural, and literaryworld of the early Roman Empire. Thus, for exam-ple, I do not discuss Greco-Roman religion, thesociopolitical history of Palestine, and other relat-ed issues merely as background (for instance, in akind of introductory appendix that is subse-quently forgotten about, as is commonly done). Ihave instead evoked the context of the earlyChristian writings at critical junctures throughoutthe book, as a way of helping beginning studentsto unpack the meaning and significance of thesewritings. Thus, for example, the discussion of reli-gion in the Greco-Roman world sets the stage for

reflections on the traditions about Jesus that werebeing circulated and sometimes modified withinthat world. The discussion of the social history ofPalestine is reserved for a later chapter on the his-torical Jesus, since knowing about first-centuryPalestinian Judaism is presumably of greatest rele-vance for understanding a first-century PalestinianJew. Reflections on the philosophical schoolsappear (principally) in the discussion of the mis-sionary activities of Paul, for which they are par-ticularly apropos. Justifications for these and otherdecisions are made en route.

Four other features of the presentation derivemore or less from its fundamentally historical ori-entation. First, since the books of the NewTestament represent only some of the writings pro-duced by the earliest Christians, I have takenpains to situate them within their broader literarycontext. Thus, students are introduced, at leastbriefly, to other surviving pieces of early Christianliterature through the early second century (e.g.,the Apostolic Fathers and some of the Gnostictexts from Nag Hammadi).

Second, I have taken a rigorously comparativeapproach to all of these texts. The discussions focusnot only on who wrote the various books of theNew Testament and on what they have to say butalso on how these authors relate to one another.For example, do Mark, John, and Thomas under-stand the significance of Jesus in the same way? DoMatthew, Paul, and Barnabas see eye to eye on theJewish Law? Do the authors of 1 Corinthians, 1Timothy, and Revelation share the same views ofthe end times? Do Jesus, Paul, and Luke all repre-sent fundamentally the same religion?

Third, unlike most authors of introductions tothe New Testament, I not only mention a varietyof methods for the study of ancient literature, Iactually model them. Students typically have dif-ficulty understanding how genre analysis andredaction criticism, to pick just two examples,actually work. I introduce and apply these and sev-eral other methods, explaining what I am doingalong the way, to show not only what we can know

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

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xxii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

about these ancient Christian writings but alsohow we can know what we know.

Finally, rather than simply state what scholarshave said about various critical issues involved inthe study of early Christian literature and history (anapproach that never makes for the most scintillatingreading), I have tried to engage the reader by show-ing why scholars say what they say. In other words, I

provide the evidence and mount the arguments thatstrike scholars as compelling and allow readers todecide for themselves whether or not they agree.

Teaching should engage students and readingshould stimulate them. Yet most textbooks, inmost fields, are so dreadfully boring. I hope thatthis, in particular, will not be among the faults ofthe present book.

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The bibliographical suggestions at the end of eachchapter are meant to guide beginning studentswho are interested in pursuing one or more of theissues raised in this book. To avoid overwhelmingthe student with the enormous quantity of litera-ture in the field, for most chapters I have limitedmyself to seven or eight entries (more for longerchapters, fewer for shorter ones). All of the entriesare books, rather than articles, and each is brieflyannotated. Some of the entries are more suitablefor advanced students, and these are indicated assuch. For most chapters I have included at leastone work that introduces or embraces a markedlydifferent perspective from the one that I present. Ihave not included any biblical commentaries inthe lists, although students should be urged to con-sult these, either one-volume works such as theHarpers Bible Commentary and the Jerome BiblicalCommentary or commentaries on individualbooks, as found in the Anchor Bible, Hermeneia,

Interpretation, and New International Com-mentary series.

For some of the issues that I discuss, there are noadequate full-length treatments for beginning-levelstudents to turn to, but there are excellent discus-sions of virtually everything having to do with theNew Testament in Bible dictionaries that are readilyavailable in most college libraries. Students shouldbrowse through the articles in such one-volumeworks as the Harpers Bible Dictionary and the MercerDictionary of the Bible. In particular, they shouldbecome intimately familiar with the impressive six-volume Anchor Bible Dictionary, which is destined tobe a major resource for students at all levels for yearsto come. (Just with respect to Chapter 1 of this text,for example, the Anchor Bible Dictionary presents full-length treatments, with bibliographies, of earlyChristianity, Christology, the Ebionites, Marcion,Gnosticism, Nag Hammadi, heresy and orthodoxy,and the New Testament canon.)

NOTES ON SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

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I have incurred piles of moral debt while writingthis book and here would like to acknowledge mychief creditors. First and foremost are my brightand interesting undergraduate students in NewTestament and Early Christianity at RutgersUniversity and the University of North Carolinaat Chapel Hill. They have kept my teaching achallenging and lively experience. I am particular-ly grateful, in ways they may not know, to my gift-ed and energetic graduate students at UNC andDuke, especially those who assisted me directly inmy research on this project: Judy Ellis, MarkGiven, and Kim Haines-Eitzen, three scholarsfrom whom you will be hearing more.

I am indebted to my erudite friends and col-leagues in the field, who have taught me a greatdeal and have always been eager to teach me agreat deal more. Along the way I have talked witha slew of scholars about this project, and here mustbeg their forbearance in not divulging all of theirnames, lest I inadvertently leave off one or two. Iwould, however, like to make special mention ofthree of my closest friends and dialogue partners:Beth Johnson of New Brunswick TheologicalSeminary, Joel Marcus of the University ofGlasgow, and Dale Martin of cross-town rivalDuke. These learned and insightful NewTestament scholars have read every word of mymanuscript and insisted that I change most of

them. Two other New Testament scholars haveselflessly provided advice, assistance, and support:Paul W. Meyer, my former teacher at PrincetonSeminary and now colleague and resident mentorat UNC, and Jeff Siker, my good friend and erst-while racquetball victim, backgammon foe, andconfidant.

I would also like to acknowledge my wife, Cindy,who suffered through a careful reading of a prelimi-nary draft of the manuscript and who went aboveand beyond the call of conjugal duty in making anumber of helpful suggestions and useful comments.

I am grateful to the University of NorthCarolina at Chapel Hill for a semester researchleave that allowed me to work full-time on theproject, and to my colleagues in the Department ofReligious Studies who have always been support-ive in the extreme.

I am indebted to my two Oxford editors:Cynthia Read, who suggested the project in thefirst place and cajoled me into taking it on, andRobert Miller, who assumed editorial duties mid-stream and with uncommon skill made the passagehome extraordinarily smooth.

I have dedicated the book to my teacher, DavidR. Adams, a great New Testament scholar whoinfected me, and all of his graduate students, witha passion for teaching and who, above all else,taught us how to think.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In addition to these personal notes, I would like toacknowledge my gratitude to previous scholarswhose labors make such introductory textbookspossible.

Most of the quotations of the Bible, includingthe Apocrypha, are drawn from the New RevisedStandard Version. Some, however, represent myown translations. The quotation from Plutarch inChapter 4 is from Louis Ropes Loomis, Plutarch:Selected Lives and Essays (Roslyn: N.Y.: Walter J.Black, 1951). Quotations from the Gospel of Peterand the Gospel of Thomas in Chapter 12 are takenfrom David R. Cartlidge and David L. Dungan,

Documents for the Study of the Gospels(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980). Quotations fromTacitus in Chapter 13 are from Henry Bettenson,ed., Documents of the Christian Church, 2d ed.(New York: Oxford University Press, 1963). Thereconstruction of the Testimonium Flavium inChapter 13 comes from John Meier, A MarginalJew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus, vol. 1, AnchorBible Reference Library (New York: Doubleday,1991), p. 61. Quotations of the Dead Sea Scrollsin Chapter 15 are drawn from Geza Vermes, TheDead Sea Scrolls in English, 2d ed. (New York:Penguin, 1975).

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The correspondence between Paul and Senecain Chapter 18 is taken from Edgar Hennecke, NewTestament Apocrypha, ed. Wilhelm Schneemelcher,trans. R. McL. Wilson, vol. 2 (Philadelphia:Westminster Press, 1965). The material fromFronto in Chapter 19 comes from The Octavius ofMarcus Minucius Felix, ed. and trans. G. W. Clark(Mahway, N.J.: Newman, 1974); the inscriptionfrom the Lanuvium burial society, also in Chapter19, comes from N. Lewis and M. Rheinhold,Roman Civilization, vol. 2 (New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press, 1955). The quotations fromMelito of Sardis in Chapter 25 are from Gerald

Hawthorne, A New English Translation ofMelitos Paschal Homily, in Current Issues inBiblical and Patristic Interpretation, ed. G. Hawthorn(Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1975).Quotations from Tertullian in Chapter 26 are takenfrom Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, TheAnte-Nicene Fathers, revised by A. Cleveland Coxe,vol. 3 (reprint, Edinburgh: T & T Clark; GrandRapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1989). In Chapters2728 some of the translations of Polycarp,Ignatius, and the Didache are from Cyril C.Richardson, ed., Early Christian Fathers (New York:Macmillan, 1978); others are my own.

xxvi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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CREDITS

Fig. 1.1: British Library. Fig. 2.1: Numismatic Museum, Athens/Hellenic Republic Ministry of Culture. Fig.2.4: Forum, Pompeii/Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 2.5: Louvre/Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 2.7:Scala/Art Resource, NY. Fig 2.9: Ritmeyer Archaeological Design, England. Fig. 2.10: Bart Ehrman. Fig.3.3: Archaeological Museum, Piraeus/Foto Marburg/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 4.1: Cathedral Treasury,Aachen/Foto Marburg/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 5.1: Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 5.3: British Museum. Fig.7.1: British Museum. Fig 7.2: Foto Marburg/Art Resource, NY. Fig 8.1: Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig 8.2:Staatsbibliothek, Munich/Foto Marburg/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 8.3: Hirmer Verlag Mnchen. Fig. 9.2:Andr Held. Fig 9.3: Giraudon/Art Resource, NY. Fig 10.1: Hirmer Verlag Mnchen. Fig. 10.2:Giraudon/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 10.4a: Museo Lateranense, Vatican Museums/Alinari/Art Resource, NY.Fig 10.4b: Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 11.2: Institute for Antiquity and Christianity, Claremont, CA.Fig. 11.3: Soprintendenza Archeologica per lUmbria. Fig. 12.1: Institute for Antiquity and Christianity,Claremont, CA. Figs. 13.1 and 13.2: Andr Held. Fig. 14.1: Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme,Rome/Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 14.2: Corinth excavations, American School of Classical Studies,Athens; photos by I. Ioannidou and L. Bartziotou. Fig. 15.1: British Museum. Fig. 15.3: Israel Museum,Jerusalem. Fig. 15.4: Robert Miller. Fig. 16.2: Andr Held. Fig. 16.3: Grotte, St. Peters Basilica, VaticanCity/Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 17.1: Vatican Museums/Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 18.1: Universityof Michigan. Fig. 19.2: Mostra Augustea, Rome/Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 19.3: C. M. Dixon. Fig. 19.4:Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 20.1: Andr Held. Fig. 20.2: Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 20.3 AndrHeld. Fig. 20.5: Robert Miller. Fig 20.6: Petit Palais, muse des-Beaux Arts de la Ville de Paris. Fig 21.1:Mostra Augustea, Rome/Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 21.2: Photo by Fred Anderegg. Fig. 22.1: ErichLessing/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 23.1: British Library. Fig.23.2: Andr Held. Fig. 23.3: Alinari/Art Resource,NY. Fig 24.1: Scala/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 24.2: Robert Miller. Fig. 24.3: Catacomb of Priscilla,Rome/Scala/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 25.1: Alinari/Art Resource, NY. Fig. 25.2: British Museum. Fig 26.2:Roger Wood. Fig. 26.3: Mnzen & Medaillen AG, Malzgasse 25, CH-4002 Basel (Switzerland). Publishedin Walter Niggeler Collection, Part II, No. 792. Fig. 27.1: British Library. Fig 28.2: Hirmer Verlag Mnchen.Fig. 28.3: Andr Held. Fig. 28.4: Robert Turcan. Fig. 29.1: Photo courtesy of Bruce Metzger: Manuscripts ofthe Greek Bible, Oxford University Press, 1981. Fig. 29.2: Rylands Library, University of Manchester.

Color Insert: The New Testament in Pictures (between pages 146 and 147)Fig. 1: By Permission of the British Library. Cott. Nero.D.IV f. 211. Fig. 2: The Pierpont Morgan Library,New York. M. 777, f. 3v. Fig. 3: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. M. 777, f. 24v. Fig. 4: ThePierpont Morgan Library, New York. M. 777, f. 37v. Fig. 5: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. M.777, f. 58v. Fig. 6: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. M. 306, f. 63v. Fig. 7: The Pierpont MorganLibrary, New York. M. 781, f. 83v. Fig 8: M. 710, f. 10v. Fig. 9: The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. Fig. 10:The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. Fig. 11: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. M. 1000, f. 151v.Fig. 12: The Pierpoint Morgan Library, New York. M. 644, f. 207r. Fig. 13: The Pierpont Morgan Library,New York. M. 638. f. 28v. Fig. 14: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. M. 23, f. 122.

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N0 100 200

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M E D I T E R R A N E A N

The Roman Empire: Central and Eastern Provinces.

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Christianity in the modern world is a richly diversephenomenon. Ask any Pentecostal preacher whohas attended a Roman Catholic mass, or GreekOrthodox monk who has happened upon a Baptisttent revival, or Episcopalian nun who has visited aJehovahs Witness prayer meeting. There is, to besure, common ground among many Christiangroups, but when you compare the beliefs and prac-tices of an Appalachian snake handler with those ofa New England Presbyterian, you may be morestruck by the differences than the similarities.

Is this kind of rich diversity a modern develop-ment? Many people appear to think so. For them,Christianity was originally a solid unity, but withthe passing of time (especially since the ProtestantReformation) this unity became fractured andfragmented. Historians, however, recognize thatin some ways Christian differences today pale incomparison with those that existed among believ-ers in the distant past. If we turn the clock back1,850 years to the middle of the second century,we find people calling themselves Christian whosubscribe to beliefs that no modern eye has seen orear heard, Christians who believe that there are 2different gods, or 32, or 365, Christians who claimthat the Old Testament is an evil book inspired byan evil deity, Christians who say that God did notcreate the world and has never had any involve-ment with it, Christians who maintain that Jesusdid not have a human body, or that he did nothave a human soul, or that he was never born, orthat he never died.

Of course, many people today would argue thatsuch views could not be Christian. What is strik-ing to the historian, though, is that people whobelieved these things claimed to be Christian.Moreover, these believers invariably maintainedthat their ideas were taught by Jesus himself. Inmany instances, they could appeal to written proof,for they all possessed documents allegedly pennedby Jesus own apostles.

The New Testament also contains books thatwere thought to have been written by Jesus ownapostles. These books, however, do not teach thatthere are several gods, or that the creator of theworld is evil, or that Jesus did not have a real body.Are there historical grounds for thinking that theNew Testament books actually were written byJesus apostles and that books supporting contraryviews were forgeries? Indeed, how is it that somebooks claiming to be written by the apostles wereincluded in the New Testament, but others werenot? Moreover, even if the books that made it intothe New Testament agree on certain fundamentalpoints (for example, that there is only one God),is it possible that they might disagree on others(such as who Jesus is)? That is to say, if Christiansin the second century, a hundred fifty years or soafter Jesus, held such a wide range of beliefs, is itnot possible that Christians of the first century(when the books of the New Testament werebeing written) did as well? Did all of the earlyChristians agree on the fundamental points oftheir religion?

What Is the New Testament? The Early Christians and Their Literature

CHAPTER 1

1

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These are some of the issues that we will con-sider as we begin to examine the earliest Christianwritings. They are not, of course, the only issues.There is an extraordinarily broad range of impor-tant and intriguing questions that readers bring tothe New Testamentabout where it came from,who its authors were, what their messages wereand many of these will occupy us at considerablelength in the pages that follow. But the issue ofChristian diversity is a good place for us to beginour investigation. Not only can it provide a usefulentre into important questions about the earlystages of the Christian religion, starting with theteachings of Jesus, it can also enlighten us aboutthe nature of the New Testament itself, specifical-ly about how and why these various books came tobe gathered together into one volume and accept-ed by Christians as their sacred canon of scripture(see box 1.1).

THE DIVERSITY OF EARLY CHRISTIANITYAs I have intimated, Christian diversity is some-what easier to document in the second century,after the books of the New Testament were writ-ten, than in the first. This is because, quite sim-ply, there are more documents that date to thisperiod. Virtually the only Christian writings thatcan be reliably dated to the first century are foundin the New Testament itself, although we know

that other Christian books were produced at thistime. We begin our investigation, then, by exam-ining several examples of later forms ofChristianity, before seeing how these are relevantto the study of the New Testament.

Jewish-Christian AdoptionistsConsider first the form of religion embraced by agroup of second-century Jewish Christians knownto be living in Palestine, east of the Jordan River.These believers maintained that Jesus was aremarkable man, more righteous in the Jewish Lawthan any other, a man chosen by God to be hisson. Jesus received his adoption to sonship at hisbaptism; when he emerged from the waters of theJordan, he saw the heavens open up and the Spiritof God descend upon him as a dove, while a voicefrom heaven proclaimed, You are my son, today Ihave begotten you.

According to these Christians, Jesus wasempowered by Gods Spirit to do remarkable mir-acles and to teach the truth of God. Then, at theend of his life, he fulfilled his divine commissionby dying as a willing sacrifice on the cross for thesins of the world, a sacrifice that put an end to allsacrifices. Afterwards God raised him from thedead. Jesus then ascended into heaven, where hepresently reigns.

There may seem to be little that is remarkableabout these beliefsuntil, that is, one probes a bitfurther into the details. For even though Jesus waschosen by God, according to these Christians, he

The English term canon comes from a Greek word that originally meant ruler ormeasuring rod. A canon was used to make straight lines or to measure distances. Whenapplied to a group of books, it refers to a recognized body of literature. Thus, for example,the canon of Shakespeare refers to all of Shakespeares authentic writings.

With reference to the Bible, the term canon denotes the collection of books that areaccepted as authoritative by a religious body. Thus, for example, we can speak of the canonof the Jewish Scriptures or the canon of the New Testament.

SOME MORE INFORMATION

Box 1.1 The Canon of Scripture

2 THE NEW TESTAMENT: A HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION

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CHAPTER 1 WHAT IS THE NEW TESTAMENT? 3

was not himself divine. He was a righteous manbut nothing more than a man. In their view, Jesuswas not born of a virgin, he did not exist prior tohis birth, and he was not God. He was adopted byGod to be his son, the savior of the world. Hencethe name bestowed upon this group by others: theywere adoptionists. For them, to call Jesus Godwas a blasphemous lie. For if Jesus were God, andhis Father were also God, there would be twoGods. But the Jewish Scriptures emphaticallystate otherwise: Hear O Israel, the Lord our God,the Lord is one (Deut 6:4).

According to these Christians, this one Godchose Israel and gave it his Law (in the JewishScriptures). Furthermore, Jesus taught that his fol-lowers must continue to obey the entire Law(except the law that required animal sacrifice) inall its detailsand not just the Ten Command-ments! Those who were not born Jews must firstbecome Jews in order to follow Jesus. For men,this meant being circumcised; for men andwomen, it meant observing the sabbath and keep-ing kosher food laws.

On what grounds did these Christians advancethis understanding of the faith? They had a sacredbook written in Hebrew which they claimed con-tained the teachings of Jesus himself, a book thatwas similar to what we today know as the Gospelof Matthew (without the first two chapters).What about the other books of the NewTestament, the other Gospels and Acts, the epis-tles, and Revelation? Odd as it might seem, theseJewish Christians had never heard of some of thesebooks, and rejected others of them outright. Inparticular, they considered Paul, one of the mostprominent authors of our New Testament, to be anarch-heretic rather than an apostle. Since, intheir opinion, Paul blasphemously taught thatChrist brought an end to the Jewish Law, his writ-ings were to be rejected as heretical. In short,these second-century Christians did not have ourNew Testament canon (see box 1.1).

Marcionite ChristiansThe Jewish-Christian adoptionists were by nomeans unique in not having our New Testament.Consider another Christian group, this one scat-tered throughout much of the Mediterranean in

the mid to late second century, with large numbersof congregations flourishing especially in AsiaMinor (modern-day Turkey). Their opponentscalled them Marcionites because they subscribedto the form of Christianity advanced by the sec-ond-century scholar and evangelist Marcion, whohimself claimed to have uncovered the true teach-ings of Christianity in the writings of Paul. Insharp contrast to the Jewish Christians east of theJordan, Marcion maintained that Paul was the trueapostle, to whom Christ had especially appearedafter his resurrection to impart the truth of thegospel. Paul, according to Marcion, had begun as agood Jew intent on obeying the Law to the utmost,but the revelation of Christ showed him beyonddoubt that the Jewish Law played no part in thedivine plan of redemption. For him, Christ himselfwas the only way of salvation. Marcion argued thatPauls writings effectively set the gospel of Christover and against the Law of the Jews, and that theapostle had urged Christians to abandon the JewishLaw altogether.

For Marcion and his followers, the differencesbetween the religion preached by Jesus (and hisapostle, Paul) and that found in the JewishScriptures were plain to see. Whereas the JewishGod punishes those who disobey, they claimed, theGod of Jesus extends mercy and forgiveness; where-as the God of the Jews says an eye for an eye and atooth for a tooth, the God of Jesus says to turn theother cheek; and whereas the Old Testament Godtells the Israelites to conquer Jericho by slaughter-ing its entire populationmen, women, and chil-drenthe God of Jesus says to love your enemies.What do these two Gods have in common?According to the Marcionites, nothing. For them,there are two separate and unrelated Gods, the Godof the Jews and the God of Jesus.

Marcionite Christians maintained that Jesusdid not belong to the wrathful and just God of theJews, the God who created the world and choseIsrael to be his special people. In fact, Jesus cameto save people from this God. Moreover, sinceJesus had no part in the Creator, he could have no real ties to the material world that the Creator-God made. Jesus therefore was not actu-ally born and did not have a real flesh-and-bloodbody. How, then, did Jesus get hungry and thirsty,how did he bleed and die? According to

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The terms Jewish Scriptures and Hebrew Bible both refer to the collection of booksconsidered sacred in the religion of Judaism, books that were written almost entirely inHebrew. Many of these writings were regarded as holy even before Jesus day, especially thefirst five books of Moses, known as the Torah or Law.

About a century after Jesus, the collection of books into the Hebrew Scriptures was more or less fixed. Altogether, the collection comprised twenty-four different books. Because of adifferent way of counting them, they number thirty-nine books in English translation (the twelveminor prophets in English Bibles, for example, count as only one book in the Hebrew Bible).

Christians have long referred to these books as the Old Testament, to set them apart fromthe books of the New Testament (the new set of books that reveal Gods will to his people).Throughout our study, I will use the term Old Testament only when referring explicitly toChristian views; otherwise, I will call these books the Jewish Scriptures or Hebrew Bible. (Evenwithin Christianity there are different numbers of books included in the "Old Testament." TheRoman Catholic Church, for example, accepts an additional twelve books [or parts of books]including such works as Tobit, Judith, 1 and 2 Maccabeeswhich they call "Deuterocanonical"[meaning that they came into the canon at a later time than the books of the Hebrew Bible].Protestant Christians usually call these books the "Apocrypha." Since they did not form part ofthe Hebrew Bible, I will not be including them in this chart or discussing them at any length.)

The Hebrew Bible

The Torah (5 books)GenesisExodusLeviticusNumbersDeuteronomy

The Prophets (8 books)Former Prophets

JoshuaJudgesSamuel (counts as 1 book)Kings (counts as 1 book)

Later ProphetsIsaiahJeremiahEzekielThe Twelve (count as 1 book)

HoseaJoelAmosObadiahJonah


Box 1.2 The Hebrew Bible and the Christian Old Testament

The Christian Old Testament

The Pentateuch (5 books)GenesisExodusLeviticusNumbersDeuteronomy

Historical Books (12 books)JoshuaJudgesRuth1 and 2 Samuel1 and 2 Kings1 and 2 ChroniclesEzraNehemiahEsther

Poetry and Wisdom Books (5 books)JobPsalmsProverbsEcclesiastesSong of Solomon


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Marcionites, it was all an appearance: Jesus onlyseemed to be human. As the one true God him-self, come to earth to deliver people from thevengeful God of the Jews, Jesus was never born,never got hungry or thirsty or tired, never bled ordied. Jesus body was a phantasm.

The contrasts between the Jewish Christians andthe Marcionites are stark. One group said that Jesuswas totally human and not divine, the other saidthat he was totally divine and not human. Onegroup staunchly maintained that there was only oneGod, the other asserted that there were in fact two.One said that the true God created the world, calledIsrael to be his people, and gave them the Law, theother said that the true God had never had any deal-ings with the world or with Israel. One group urgedthat believers must follow the Law, the other arguedthat they should reject it altogether. Both groupsconsidered themselves to be the true Christians.

Most significantly for our purposes here, thesegroups did not appeal to the same authorities fortheir views. On the contrary, whereas the JewishChristians rejected Paul as a heretic, theMarcionites followed him as the greatest of theapostles. Moreover, instead of adhering to a ver-sion of Matthews Gospel, the Marcionites used a

truncated version of something like our Gospel ofLuke, along with ten of Pauls letters (all of thosefound in the New Testament, with the exceptionsof 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus). Even these werenot exactly the letters as we have them today,however. Marcion believed that earlier hereticshad willfully modified these books by insertingpositive references to the God of the Jews, his cre-ation, and his Scriptures; accordingly, he excisedthese passages, giving his followers a form of theBible strikingly different from that used byChristians today: eleven books, all of them short-ened, and no Old Testament.

Gnostic ChristiansThe Jewish-Christian adoptionists and theMarcionites were not the only two Christiangroups vying for converts in the second century.In fact, there were many other groups supporting awide range of other beliefs on the basis of a widerange of other authorities as well. Some of thebest known are the various sects of ChristianGnostics, so named because of their claim thatspecial gnosis (Greek for knowledge) is neces-sary for salvation.

MicahNahumHabakkukZephaniahHaggaiZechariahMalachi

The Writings (11 books)JobPsalmsProverbsRuthSong of SolomonEcclesiastesLamentationsEstherDanielEzra-Nehemiah (1 book)Chronicles (1 book)

Prophetic Books (17 books)Major Prophets

IsaiahJeremiahLamentationsEzekielDaniel

Minor ProphetsHoseaJoelAmosObadiahJonahMicahNahumHabakkukZephaniahHaggaiZechariahMalachi


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We know that Gnostic Christians were locatedin major urban areas throughout much of theMediterranean during the second and third cen-turies, especially in Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, Rome,and Gaul. Gnostics were themselves wildly diverse,with different groups believing radically differentthings (see Chapter 11). Some Gnostics agreedwith Marcion that Jesus was totally divine and notat all human, and for much the same reason that hedid: Jesus represented a different God from the onewho created this world. Others, however, claimedthat Jesus Christ represented two distinct beings, thehuman Jesus and the divine Christ. These Gnosticsagreed with the Jewish-Christian adoptionists thatJesus was the most righteous man on earth and thatsomething special had happened at his baptism.They did not think, though, that God adopted himto be his son; instead, they maintained that his bap-tism was the moment at which the divine being, theChrist, came into the man Jesus, empowering himfor his healing and, especially, teaching ministry. Atthe end of Jesus life, immediately before his death,the Christ then departed from him once again toreturn to heaven. This is why Jesus cried out in suchanguish on the cross, My God, my God, why haveyou left me behind? (cf. Mark 15:34).

Who, though, was this divine Christ? For manyGnostics, he was one of the deities that made up thedivine realm. Unlike the Jewish Christians whowere strict monotheists (believing in only one God)or the Marcionites who were strict ditheists (believ-ing in two), Gnostics were polytheists (believing inmany). In some of the Gnostic systems that weknow about there were 32 different gods; in othersas many as 365. Moreover, for all of these systems,the true God was not the God of the OldTestament. Unlike Marcion, however, Gnostics didnot believe that the Old Testament God was simplyvengeful and righteous, a God who had high stan-dards (the Law) and little patience with those whodid not meet them. For many of them, the creatorGod of the Old Testament was inherently evil, aswas this material world that he created.

Gnostics felt a sense of alienation from thisworld and knew that they did not belong here.They were spiritual beings from the divine realmwho had become entrapped in the realm of matterby the evil God and his subordinates. Salvation

meant escaping from this material world. Thus agod from the divine realm entered into the manJesus, and left him prior to his death, so that hecould impart to the imprisoned spirits the knowl-edge (gnosis!) that is necessary for escape.

This was secret knowledge not divulged to themasses, not even to the mass of Christians. It wasmeant only for the chosen, the elect, the Gnosticsthemselves. They did not deny that Jesus taught thecrowds publicly, but they believed he reserved thesecret teachings that led to salvation only for the electwho were able to act upon them. The Gnosticspassed on this teaching by word of mouth andclaimed that it could be discovered through a carefulreading of the writings of the apostles. It lay therehidden beneath the surface. Thus, for the Gnostic,the literal meaning of these texts was not what mat-tered; the truth necessary for salvation could be foundonly in the secret meaning, a meaning exclusivelyavailable to Gnostic interpreters, those in the know.

Since Gnostic Christians were not tied to theliteral meaning of their texts, they were not as com-pulsive as other Christians about collecting a groupof books and ascribing special authority to them (incontrast, for example, to the Marcionites). VariousGnostics nonetheless did have their own favorites.We know that many of them were especially drawnto the Gospel of John and that others cherishedGospels that most modern people have never heardof: the Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Mary, theGospel of Philip, and the Gospel of Truth. Some ofthese books have only recently been discovered byarchaeologists. Each of them was thought to con-vey the true teachings of Jesus and his apostles.

How is it that most of these books cannot befound in our own New Testament? Or for thatmatter, how is it that the versions of Matthew,Luke, and Paul read by Jewish-Christian adoption-ists and Marcionites were not included? Why dothe views of these other groups not have equal rep-resentation in the Christian Scriptures? Theanswer can be found by examining the story of oneother group of second-century Christians.

Proto-Orthodox ChristiansThe proto-orthodox Christians represent the fore-runners (hence the prefix proto) of the group that

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became the dominant form of Christianity in latercenturies. When this group later acquired moreconverts than any of the others and stifled its oppo-sition, it claimed that its views had always been themajority position and that its rivals were, and alwayshad been, heretics, who willfully chose (theGreek root of the word heresy) to reject the truebelief (the literal meaning of orthodoxy).

We ourselves can use the term proto-ortho-dox only in retrospect, since the adherents of thisposition did not actually know that their viewswould become dominant, nor did they think ofthemselves as forerunners of believers to comelater; like all the other groups of their day, theysimply saw themselves as the true Christians. Thestory of their victory over their opponents is fasci-nating, but aspects of it are hotly debated amongmodern-day scholars. Some historians think thatthe proto-orthodox beliefs were original toChristianity, others maintain that they developedover time. Some scholars claim that the proto-orthodox had always been in the majoritythroughout Christendom, others think that otherforms of Christianity were predominant in manyparts of the Mediterranean (e.g., Jewish Christiansin parts of Palestine, Gnostics in parts of Egypt andSyria, Marcionites in Asia Minor). Fortunately,we do not need to resolve these thorny problemshere.

But there are aspects of the proto-orthodoxstruggle for dominance that are directly germaneto our study of the New Testament. To begin with,we can consider what these Christians believed incontrast to the other groups we have discussed.

Proto-orthodox Christians agreed with theJewish Christians who said that Jesus was fullyhuman, but disagreed when these people denied that he was divine. They agreed with the Marcionites who said that Jesus was fullydivine, but disagreed when they denied that hewas human. They agreed with the Gnostics who said that Jesus Christ taught the way of salvation, but disagreed when they said that he was two beings rather than one and when they claimed that his true teachings had beensecret, accessible only to the elect few. In short, proto-orthodox Christians argued that Jesus Christ was both divine and human, that he

was one being instead of two, and that he hadtaught his disciples the truth. They claimed thatthe apostles had written the teachings of Jesusdown and that, when interpreted in a straightfor-ward and literal fashion, the books that werepassed on from the apostles to their followersrevealed the truth necessary for salvation.

These views may sound familiar to readers whohave had any involvement with Christianity, forthe side that held these views won the debatesand determined the shape of Christianity up tothe present day.

The proto-orthodox position, then, attemptedto counteract the claims of the groups that theyopposed. In part, this meant that the proto-ortho-dox group had to reject some documents thatclaimed to be written by apostles but thatadvanced beliefs contrary to their own, for exam-ple, the Gospel of Peter, the Gospel of Philip, or theGospel of Thomas, all of which appeared to supportGnostic perspectives. Some of the writings usedby the opposing groups, though, were quite popu-lar among the proto-orthodox Christians as well.For example, the Gospel of Matthew was well-loved by Jewish Christians, and the Gospel of Johnwas a favorite of many Gnostics. Indeed, byaccepting and ascribing authority to both of theseGospels, the proto-orthodox believers were able tobalance the heretical claims that could be madewhen only one of them was taken to be the ulti-mate authority.

In other words, if Jesus appears to be fullyhuman in one Gospel and fully divine in another,by accepting both authorities as Scripture theproto-orthodox were able to claim that both per-spectives were right, and that an exclusive empha-sis on Jesus as only human, or purely divine, was aperversion of the truth. The development of thecanon of Scripture within proto-orthodox circlesis in large part an attempt to define what trueChristians should believe by eliminating or com-promising the views of other groups.

Because the proto-orthodox group representedthe party that eventually became dominant inChristianity (by at least the fourth century),Christians of all later generations inherited theircanon of Scripture, rather than the canons sup-ported by their opponents.

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Most students will be accustomed to dating ancient events as either A.D. (which does notstand for After Death, but for anno domini, Latin for year of our Lord) or B.C. (BeforeChrist). This terminology may make sense for Christians, for whom A.D. 1996 is indeed theyear of our Lord 1996. It makes less sense, though, for Jews, Muslims, and others for whomJesus is not the Lord or the Christ. Scholars have therefore begun to use a different set ofabbreviations as more inclusive of others outside the Christian tradition. In this book I willfollow the alternative designations of C.E. (the Common Era, meaning common to people ofall faiths who utilize the traditional Western calendar) and B.C.E. (Before the Common Era).In terms of the older abbreviations, then, C.E. corresponds to A.D. and B.C.E. to B.C.


Box 1.3 The Common Era and Before the Common Era

THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON OF SCRIPTUREThe purpose of this sketch is not to give a com-plete account of Christianity in the second centu-ry but simply to indicate how early Christianitywas extremely diverse and to show how this diver-sity led to the collection of books into a sacredcanon. The Christian Scriptures did not dropfrom the sky one day in July the year Jesus died.They were written by individual authors at differ-ent points of time, in different countries, to dif-ferent communities, with different concerns; theywere later read by an even wider range ofChristians and were eventually collected togetherinto what we now call the New Testament.Before launching into a study of these variousbooks, we should reflect further on how and whenthey (and not others) came to be placed in thecanon. We can begin with some preliminaryobservations concerning the shape of the canonas we now have it.

The New Testament: Some Basic InformationThe New Testament contains twenty-seven books,written in Greek, by fifteen or sixteen differentauthors, who were addressing other Christian indi-viduals or communities between the years 50 and120 C.E. (see box 1.3). As we will see, it is difficult

to know whether any of these books was writtenby Jesus own disciples.

The first four books are Gospels, a term thatliterally means good news. The four Gospels ofthe New Testament proclaim the good news bytelling stories about the life and death of Jesushis birth, ministry, miracles, teaching, last days,crucifixion, and resurrection. These books are tra-ditionally ascribed to Matthew, Mark, Luke, andJohn. Proto-orthodox Christians of the secondcentury claimed that two of these authors weredisciples of Jesus: Matthew, the tax collector men-tioned in the First Gospel (Matt 9:9), and John,the beloved disciple who appears in the Fourth(e.g., John 19:26). The other two were reportedlywritten by associates of famous apostles: Mark, thesecretary of Peter, and Luke, the traveling com-panion of Paul. This second-century traditiondoes not go back to the Gospels themselves; thetitles in our Bibles (e.g., The Gospel according toMatthew ) were not found in the original texts ofthese books. Instead, their authors chose toremain anonymous.

The next book in the New Testament is theActs of the Apostles, written by the same authoras the Third Gospel (whom modern scholars con-tinue to call Luke even though we are not certainof his identity). This book is a sequel to theGospel in that it describes the history of earlyChristianity beginning with events immediatelyafter Jesus death; it is chiefly concerned to show

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how the religion was disseminated throughoutparts of the Roman Empire, among Gentiles aswell as Jews, principally through the missionarylabors of the apostle Paul. Thus, whereas theGospels portray the beginnings of Christianity(through the life and death of Jesus), the book ofActs portrays the spread of Christianity (throughthe work of his apostles).

The next section of the New Testament com-prises twenty-one epistles, that is, letters writtenby Christian leaders to various communities andindividuals. Not all of these epistles are, strictlyspeaking, items of personal correspondence. Thebook of Hebrews, for example, appears to be anearly Christian sermon, and the epistle of 1 John isa kind of Christian tractate. Nonetheless, alltwenty-one of these books are traditionally calledepistles. Thirteen of them claim to be written bythe apostle Paul; in some cases, scholars havecome to question this claim. In any event, most ofthese letters, whe