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EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN THE
BHUTANESE EDUCATION SYSTEM
Zinpai Zangmo
Master of Education: Curriculum and Instruction [UNB, Canada]
Master of Lifelong Learning: Policy and Management [UCL, UK]
Dr. Radha Iyer: Principal Supervisor
Dr. Donna Tangen: Associate Supervisor
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Education (Research)
Faculty of Education
Queensland University of Technology
2018
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System i
Keywords
Educational policy borrowing, educational policy learning, comparative education,
globalisation, localisation, policy practices, policy analysis, discourse analysis
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System ii
Abstract
This research aimed to study how educational policy borrowing practices
emerged as a field of practice and the various influences that have contributed to this
in the Bhutanese education system. This study was conducted through a qualitative
interpretivist approach by examining three education policy documents of Bhutan
through James Paul Gee’s (1999) discourse analysis.
With the introduction of Western/modern education in Bhutan in 1961 through
the visionary leadership of His Majesty, the third King of Bhutan, Jigme Dorji
Wangchuck, Bhutan was finally moving forward towards modernisation and
development. Modern education was established with the help of India which allowed
Bhutan to borrow the entire education system with English as the medium of
instruction along with teachers, curriculum and teaching-learning materials.
Since then, in the 57 years of modern education in Bhutan, there has been much
change and development in the educational policies Bhutan borrows and the influences
that have contributed to these continuous borrowing practices. One such influence is
the phenomenon of globalisation and the comparative education concept that allowed
international education systems to compare their systems and successes. Through the
identification of ‘reference societies’, education systems worldwide continue to strive
towards creating an education system that is internationally recognised. This
comparison has induced countries to borrow educational policies as they try to follow
successful trends from successful education systems. Similarly, Bhutan has borrowed
policies and looks towards international education systems for educational policy
solutions.
The analysis of three education policy documents from 1988-2017 identified
several recurrent discourses. The two most prominent the discourse of loyalty/national
identity and the discourse of globalisation/localisation, are studied in greater detail
using two of Gee’s features of discourse analysis, which are his six building blocks
and five tools of inquiry.
Several findings emerged from the two discourses. The discourse of
loyalty/national identity was strongly evident in all three education policy documents.
The social language used to emphasise the significance of the discourse was assertive
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System iii
and confident. The discourse of globalisation/localisation was also evident in all three
policy documents. The need for globalisation along with respect for localisation was
well-balanced. The findings indicated a positive impact of educational policy
borrowing (EPB) in Bhutan which indicated that the practice of educational policy
borrowing will continue as modern education continues to evolve in the global sphere.
However, educational policy borrowing practice has led to the development, learning
and implementation of educational policy learning (EPL).
Educational policy learning was manifested through the Gross National
Happiness (GNH) ideology which was introduced into the Bhutanese education
system in 2010. The Gross National Happiness ideology an authentic Bhutanese
response to educational reform, was introduced into the schools through ‘Green
schools for Green Bhutan’.
This thesis contributes to understanding educational policy borrowing in
Bhutanese education and how localisation agendas can be honoured at the same time,
and also provides information on the values that the Bhutanese accord to education in
general.
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System iv
Table of Contents
Keywords .................................................................................................................................. i
Abstract .................................................................................................................................... ii
Table of Contents .................................................................................................................... iv
List of Figures ........................................................................................................................ vii
List of Tables ........................................................................................................................ viii
List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................. ix
Statement of Original Authorship .............................................................................................x
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. xi
Chapter 1: Introduction ...................................................................................... 1
1.1 INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................1
1.2 BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................1
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION ..............................................................................................5
1.4 KEY TERMS: DEFINITIONS .......................................................................................6
1.4.1 Comparative Education ..................................................................................................6
1.4.2 Policy Borrowing ............................................................................................................6
1.4.3 Globalisation ...................................................................................................................7
1.5 GLOBALISATION AS A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .......................................8
1.6 OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH METHOD .....................................................................9
1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROPOSED STUDY ........................................................10
1.8 POSITIONING THE RESEARCHER .........................................................................11
1.9 THESIS OUTLINE ......................................................................................................12
Chapter 2: Literature Review ........................................................................... 13
2.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................13
2.2 POLICY: DEFINED .....................................................................................................14
2.3 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING .............................................15
2.4 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY LEARNING .................................................17
2.5 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING AND COMPARATIVE EDUCATION .18
2.6 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN THE GLOBAL ARENA ...................20
2.7 THREE SIGNIFICANT ARTICLES ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING
INFLUENCING BHUTAN ..........................................................................................23
2.8 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING LITERATURE IN BHUTAN ................30
2.9 SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................31
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework ................................................................. 33
3.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................33
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System v
3.2 GLOBALISATION ......................................................................................................33
3.3 DEFINITIONS OF GLOBALISATION ......................................................................36
3.4 THE FOUR DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALISATION AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON
EDUCATION ...............................................................................................................38
3.4.1 Economic Dimension....................................................................................................38
3.4.2 Political Dimension ......................................................................................................40
3.4.3 Socio-Cultural Dimension ............................................................................................41
3.4.4 Technological Dimension .............................................................................................43
3.5 GLOBALISATION AND EDUCATION ....................................................................45
3.6 GLOBALISATION INFLUENCES THROUGH TRANSNATIONAL
ORGANISATIONS ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES .............................................47
3.7 LOCALISATION/GLOCALISATION ........................................................................50
3.8 IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN
BHUTAN ......................................................................................................................51
3.9 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS THEORY ..............................................................53
3.10 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK EXPLAINED ........................................................56
3.11 SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................57
Chapter 4: Research Design .............................................................................. 59
4.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................59
4.2 THE INTERPRETIVIST APPROACH........................................................................60
4.3 DATA COLLECTION METHOD ...............................................................................63
4.4 DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ...........................................................................................65
4.5 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (1999) ...................................................................66
4.6 CODING DATA ...........................................................................................................68
4.7 THEMATIC ANALYSIS .............................................................................................71
4.8 FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY ........................................................................................73
4.9 CREDIBILITY OF THE RESEARCH APPROACH ..................................................78
4.10 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ..................................................................................79
4.11 LIMITATIONS ............................................................................................................79
4.12 SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................80
Chapter 5: Analysis ............................................................................................ 83
5.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................83
5.2 BACKGROUND TO THE 1ST QUARTERLY EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES
AND INSTRUCTIONS (QEPGI, 1988) ........................................................................84
5.3 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE 1ST QEPGI .........................................87
5.4 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE ...................................................91
5.5 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE ...............................................100
5.6 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................110
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System vi
5.7 BACKGROUND TO 30TH EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND
INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI), 2012 ..................................................................................111
5.8 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ..........................................................................112
5.9 LOYALTY/IDENTITY DISCOURSE ......................................................................115
5.10 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE ...............................................126
5.11 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................135
5.12 BACKGROUND TO THE 31ST EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND
INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI) 2017 ...................................................................................136
5.13 INITIAL ANALYSIS OF THE 31ST EPGI ...............................................................138
5.14 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE .................................................142
5.15 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE ...............................................152
5.16 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................160
Chapter 6: Conclusions ................................................................................... 163
6.1 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................163
6.2 FINDINGS FROM THE DATA ANALYSIS ............................................................164
6.3 FINDINGS THROUGH GEE’S (2011) FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY ......................165
6.4 OVERALL FINDINGS ..............................................................................................171
6.5 WHAT SENSE DO I MAKE FROM THE FINDINGS? ...........................................173
6.6 NEW INSIGHTS GAINED FROM THE PHENOMENON UNDER
DISCUSSION .............................................................................................................175
6.7 LIMITATIONS ..........................................................................................................178
6.8 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH .............................................178
6.9 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................181
References ............................................................................................................... 183
Appendices .............................................................................................................. 203
Appendix A 1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services
Thimphu: Bhutan ..................................................................................................................203
Appendix B 1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services
Thimphu: Bhutan ..................................................................................................................207
Appendix C 30th EPGI 2012: Ministry of Education ............................................................217
Appendix D 31st EPGI 2017: Ministry of Education ............................................................233
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System vii
List of Figures
Figure 2-1. Trajectories of educational change and Policy Transfer (Adapted
from Johnson, 2006) ....................................................................................... 25
Figure 2-2. Phillips and Ochs (2003) Educational policy borrowing in
education: composite processes. .................................................................. 28
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System viii
List of Tables
Table 1-1. Bhutanese education policies chosen for analysis ..................................... 5
Table 3-1 Support for education development in Bhutan (Adapted from Dorji,
2016) ............................................................................................................ 41
Table 4-1 The Interpretivist approach for the study .................................................. 62
Table 4-2. Coding according to Gee’s six building blocks ........................................ 71
Table 4-3. Categorising themes according to Gee’s six building blocks ................... 73
Table 5-1. Gee’s 6 building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation
discourse ...................................................................................................... 90
Table 5-2 Sample Table: Loyalty/National Identity discourse through Gee’s six
Building blocks........................................................................................... 112
Table 5-3 Sample Table: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for
globalisation/localisation discourse .......................................................... 114
Table 5-4. Words taken out of the 30th EPGI 2012 .................................................. 117
Table 5-5. Table sample: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for
globalisation/localisation discourse .......................................................... 141
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System ix
List of Abbreviations
BBS Bhutan Broadcasting Service
BEB Bhutan Education Blueprint
ECCD Early Childhood Care and Development
EFA Education for all
EPB Educational Policy Borrowing
EPGI Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions
EPL Education Policy Learning
GNH Gross National Happiness
IE Inclusive Education
MoE Ministry of Education
OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
PISA Programme for International Student Assessment
QEPGI Quarterly Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions
RGoB Royal Government of Bhutan
SEN Special Educational Needs
WB World Bank
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System x
Statement of Original Authorship
The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet
requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best
of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or
written by another person except where due reference is made.
Signature:
Date: 30.10.2018
QUT Verified Signature
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System xi
Acknowledgements
A sincere thank you to all who were involved in making my participation in the
Master by Research programme a success.
First, to my two wonderful and patient supervisory team: Dr. Radha Iyer and Dr.
Donna Tangen. The writing and the completion of this thesis was possible only due to
your constant guidance and support. Lopen Namey Samey Khadrinche la (My teachers
I thank you from the earth up to the sky).
To my panel members who read my confirmation document and my final oral
and who provided me with enriching comments to further enhance this thesis. I thank
you sincerely too.
I would also like to thank Dr. Yoni Ryan for proofreading and editing my
document at such short notice. Thank you very much for the excellent work done on
my document. My gratitude to Dr. Martin Reese who took a final look at all the last
minute changes.
Lastly, to my husband and my children. Thank you for always being there for
me. For weaving wonderful memories into the tapestry of my life as we travel the
world while I pursue an education and you all support me financially and emotionally.
Thank you all very much. I am blessed and grateful for everything.
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this study was to investigate educational policy borrowing in
relation to K-12 education policies in Bhutan. The study specifically addresses
educational discourse within the education documents of Bhutan to explore how these
reflect globalisation, localisation and national identity. This research argues that
policies reflective of standard nation-state discourse have become invested in
discourses that have a global, neoliberal flavour that promotes ‘best practices’ duly
borrowed from other countries. Over the years, through the impact of globalisation,
Bhutan has borrowed education policies from several different countries and
international agencies. While there are studies elsewhere on educational policy
borrowing by developing nation-states, there is little to no work on this issue in the
context of Bhutan. This study aims to fill the void that exists by investigating aspects
of educational policy borrowing of K-12 education policies in Bhutan.
This chapter provides a background to the purpose of the current study in Section
1.2. Section 1.3 describes how the current research idea developed and the research
question and the sub-questions that guided the study are identified. In Section 1.4 key
terms that put the study into perspective are discussed. In Section 1.5 a brief
introduction to the theoretical framework is provided. In Section 1.6 the research
methods are described. Section 1.7 describes the significance of the study. In Section
1.8 the researcher positions herself in the research, sharing her concerns about
education in Bhutan. In Section 1.9 the thesis outline is provided.
1.2 BACKGROUND
Bhutan is a small country in geographic size and population situated in the
Eastern Himalayan region. It is sandwiched between two huge nations: China in the
north and India in the south. It occupies a total land area of 38,394 km2 (14,824.0 sq.
mi) and has a total population of 781,168 as of January 2016. Bhutan is linguistically
very diverse and has around 19 spoken languages. In 1971, Dzongkha was officially
selected as the national language of the country. Very little was known about the
Chapter 1: Introduction 2
country in the outside world before the 1960s as the country’s self-imposed policy of
isolation strongly defended its sovereignty and distinct identity.
Before 1961, Bhutan had a monastic system of education for the few which
included the study of the Buddhist religion, liturgy, astrology, philosophy and the fine
arts (Gyamtsho & Dukpa 1998). In the 1960s, Bhutan was moving away from self-
imposed isolation and embarking on a new venture of economic development. At this
time the establishment of modern compulsory education as a significant
developmental investment was deemed necessary and established. In 1961 the first
five-year developmental plan was introduced and with it a mass/western style
education system (Dolkar, 1999). Mass education system was Bhutan’s first step in
policy borrowing.
In its first iteration of policy borrowing, Bhutan imported its education system
from outside. Due to its proximity and good political ties with India, Bhutan borrowed
its educational policies directly from India, instead of developing educational policies
of its own for several reasons. In those early years, Bhutan suffered a lack of modern
(read western) educational expertise, resources, textbooks and teaching/learning
materials. Therefore, to begin its change in education, in the first iteration of policy
borrowing, the Indian curriculum was transferred into the Bhutanese education system.
The transfer of a ‘modern’ education system into Bhutan from an outside country
brought several challenges with it. Some of these challenges include implementing and
teaching a foreign curriculum with foreign teachers and the use of English as a medium
of instruction. These challenges are described below.
In the initial phase of modernising the Bhutanese education system through a
borrowed curriculum, teachers were brought from India to teach this new curriculum.
Bhutan recruited teachers from India for two main reasons. First, the teachers from
India were already familiar with the curriculum and teaching resources. Second,
Bhutan did not have a qualified teacher workforce. Therefore, teachers had to be
recruited from India to teach the curriculum. As well as teaching, the teachers from
India were in charge of senior assessment, which was conducted at the University of
Delhi for the senior classes of Class X and Class XII with little input from Bhutanese
educators.
Another challenge in setting up a modern education system came in 1962 when
the government took a landmark decision to use English as the medium of instruction
Chapter 1: Introduction 3
for schooling in Bhutan. According to Dorji (2016) the decision to choose the English
language was considered necessary and the right choice for three reasons. First,
English was emerging as the global lingua franca; second, English was adopted to
maintain links with other nations for socio-economic purposes; and third, it was
believed that English was necessary to fulfil the educational needs of the citizens in a
modern nation-state. However, up to this time, English was an unknown language to
most people in Bhutan.
The introduction of an Indo-Western education system in Bhutan has positioned
Bhutan as a borrower. Being a borrower has implied that there is the introduction of
mainly western educational approaches, western philosophies and the introduction of
English as the medium of instruction that was previously unknown to Bhutan. Since
the 1960s Bhutan has continued to expand its borrowing practices of many educational
policies from other international education systems and international organisations to
enhance the teaching and learning in Bhutanese schools. It is anticipated that the
practice of educational policy borrowing will continue for many more years to come
(Dorji, 2016).
Bhutanese scholars have argued that the intensification of policy borrowing over
time is due to the phenomenon of globalisation and Bhutan’s desire to improve its
education system to facilitate its aspiration of being a part of the global community
(Dorji, 2005; Rinchen, 2012; Thinley, 2012). With this commitment, Bhutan has
sought out various strategies to provide an education for its citizens that allows them
to participate with confidence within the global environment. Keeping this in view, the
educational policy borrowing trends seem to indicate three things. First, the Ministry
of Education (MoE) of Bhutan has tried to include a broad range of international
perspectives as contexts for teaching, thereby aligning with the comparable aspects of
education in what is learned and experienced in education (Yates, 2011, p. 20). Second,
Bhutan participated for the first time in the Program for International Student
Assessment (PISA-Development) in 2017, which is under the auspices of the
Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This participation
in March 2017 (Bhutan Broadcasting Service, Media Services, 2017) included a
preliminary assessment of all Class IX and X students on the three core subjects of
English, science and mathematics to prepare them for the PISA-D testing in November
2017. Educators wanted to know where students needed support in their learning so
Chapter 1: Introduction 4
that they could compete at an international level. When these assessment results came
in educators could compare and assess the Bhutanese standard of education against
those of other developing nations and target specific areas in need of support.
Third, the accelerated speed of globalisation has provided a great challenge for
national education systems around the world as they exert pressure to mould students’
skills and attributes so that they fit into the knowledge-based global economy. Like
other developing nations, Bhutan, too, has been caught up in this endeavour to become
a part of the global education system. However, in spite of the education system in
Bhutan taking up the above initiatives, no studies have been conducted to determine if
education policy borrowing has brought about significant changes for the better in the
education system since the 1960s. Hence, Bhutan’s education system and the
educational policy borrowing practices it has engaged in over the years needs to be
investigated to understand the current position of the K-12 curriculum. The current
research explores how the language of policy has evolved as Bhutan continues to take
its place in the modern education system. A more thorough exploration of the influence
of globalisation on the practice of Bhutanese educational policy borrowing is provided
in Chapter 3 of this thesis.
In the current research, such an investigation was undertaken by analysing three
Bhutanese education documents that demonstrate the influence of policy borrowing
over time. These documents include the 1st Quarterly Policy Guidelines and
Instructions (1988); 30th Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (2012); 31st
Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (2017). Below (Figure 1.1) is a brief
outline of the policies and justification for choosing them for analysis:
Chapter 1: Introduction 5
Table 1-1. Bhutanese education policies chosen for analysis
1st Quarterly Policy,
Guidelines and
Instruction
30th Education Policy
Guidelines and
Instruction 2012
31st Education Policy
Guidelines and
Instructions 2017
The first education policy
document for Bhutan
Introduces new policies
included after the Annual
Education Conference
(AEC) held in 2011
Reintroduced after four
years; includes new
policies
Traces the evolution of
educational policy
borrowing since its
documentation
Provides information on
how policies should be
enacted in schools
Provides information on
how policies should be
enacted in schools
Reason for analysis:
To understand the types of
policy borrowed and how
they were implemented in
the schools.
Reason for analysis:
Understand the kind of
help and support offered
to school leaders and
teachers.
Reason for analysis:
Understand the progress
and evolution of policies
over the years.
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION
The aim of the proposed study can be expressed as a general research question
which serves to frame the line of inquiry (Creswell, 2012). This general question is:
What are the influences of educational policy borrowing practices on the
Bhutanese education system?
This general question is further broken down into two more specific research questions
which have informed the data collection and the process of data analysis. These
specific research questions are:
1. How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of
practice in the Bhutanese education system?
2. What are the key influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in
Bhutan?
Chapter 1: Introduction 6
1.4 KEY TERMS: DEFINITIONS
1.4.1 Comparative Education
Comparative education means the study of different national education
systems. Kandel (1933), a pioneer in the field of comparative education defines it as a
process that goes beyond describing and comparing education systems for their
administrative, curricular and instructional practices. According to Kandel (1933),
comparative education means being aware of the socio-political milieu as this exerts a
greater impact on school practices of different education systems than do educational
theories. Kandel (1933) argues that comparative education is the study of how different
educational systems address educational problems in the context of their respective
social, political and cultural traditions.
The field of comparative study developed in the early nineteenth century along
with national education systems; as Noah and Eckstein (1969) state comparative study
focused on the national education system. Furthermore, while comparative education
continued to evolve as a discipline, educational leaders started to learn and borrow
from other education systems which they considered better and more effective. This
trend created what is known as the reference societies (Schriewer & Martinez 2004).
The meaning of reference societies around the globe has now evolved
differently for different countries based on the country’s needs and wants; however,
the meaning is constituted of education and learning from other school systems which
are seen to have better policies (Phillips & Ochs 2004; Steiner-Khamsi, 2004).
England, for example, was a reference society for Australia, while England looked
west to the US for education ideas and policy (Sellar & Lingard 2013). The US, on the
other hand, looked to Japan for educational lessons (Takayama, 2010). Therefore,
comparative education presents a continual flow of ideas and has had a sustained
history over time. The concept of comparative education in relation to policy
borrowing is further explored in Section 2.4 of this thesis.
1.4.2 Policy Borrowing
One main idea or major component of comparative study through the
development of reference societies is the practice of educational policy borrowing.
According to Philips (2005), “policy borrowing is conscious adoption in one context
of policy observed in another” (p. 24). The term indicates that ideas from elsewhere
Chapter 1: Introduction 7
can be borrowed which will then have an impact on the borrower’s system. As Philips
(2005) observes, the process is one of identification, introduction and assimilation of
an outside policy into a local educational context. According to Schriewer (1990)
policy borrowing from one education system to another education system has always
been an important process for internalising external policy production. It has also been
a method of justifying and legitimising the domestic educational reforms that many
countries undertake. Waldow (2012), while agreeing with Schriewer (1990), describes
externalisation as ‘a discursive formation that can become relevant in the context of
borrowing, and lends itself easily to the purpose of producing legitimacy’ for national
reforms in education (p.418). Schriewer (2000) highlights the ‘semantics of
globalisation’ (p. 330), whereby nations are compelled to look at other nations to
compare their education performance at a global level. Alongside this, policymakers
at the international and national level are now becoming more cognisant of the roles
they play in educational policy borrowing and the effects such borrowing can have on
their nations. The current study acknowledges these aspects of educational policy
borrowing in examining Bhutan’s K-12 education policy documents through a critical,
analytic lens.
1.4.3 Globalisation
A deeply debated term, globalisation is used to refer to the inter-link between
nation states and to the interconnectedness between places, ideas, services, values, and
to the movement of goods, technology and labour across national boundaries.
Following on from the space-time compression that results from accelerated
technological links and movement of goods and ideas, globalisation is also the
precursor to ideas that are associated with neo-liberal agendas and the power that
comes with it (Held et al., 1999; Spring, 2008). As Ball (2007, 1994) has observed a
neoliberal approach includes the mechanisms of a top-down performance management
where the choice of policy and curriculum at the local level are minimised, which is
evident in the practices of Bhutanese policy borrowing. There is greater
competitiveness and contestability (Ball, 2007), which can be seen in Bhutan’s new
focus on entering the international testing arena (Bhutan Broadcasting Service, Media
Services, 2017). The current study drew on the theory of globalisation with specific
reference to how it has an impact on policy borrowing as described below.
Chapter 1: Introduction 8
1.5 GLOBALISATION AS A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The principal theory adopted for the study is the theory of globalisation and the
associated concept of localisation.
Globalisation is neither a singular phenomenon nor a conflict-free term. It has
been variously defined as a “compression of the world and intensification of
consciousness of the world as a whole” (Robertson, 1992, p.8), or as “a set of processes
that operate simultaneously and unevenly on several levels and in various dimensions”
while Stiglitz (2006) describes it as a volatile concept. However, regardless, it is a
useful theory to examine and apply in the context of the current study as it enables us
to question how education policies are influenced by macro global practices and
provide a lens to examine how practices elsewhere have been adopted. Green (2003)
observes that since the 1970s, the processes of globalisation have rapidly increased
thereby impacting on education. The impact of globalisation is felt in the demand for
skills and qualifications with nation states competing for ideas, skills and knowledge
that contribute to economic advantage (Brown, Lauder & Ashton, 2008, p. 133). These
factors indicate that nations can no longer live in isolation as each one looks outward
to consider the impact one nation can have on other nations, which includes
consideration of borrowing educational policies that have worked elsewhere and may
work in their context too. Therefore, globalisation and comparative education are two
key factors that provide the impetus for educational policy borrowing practices to
occur in the areas of education and are of particular interest to this study.
1.1.1 Localisation
As indicated above, globalisation is focused on standardisation of skills and
qualifications that interlink places, values, goods, and labour across national
boundaries (Held et al., 2000). Localisation refers to products and services that are
adapted with a need to consider cultural differences, religious beliefs, languages and
economic development and where these aspects link with local communities
(Anastasiou & Schaler, 2010). Taylor (2004) describes localisation as the “freedom
for schools and local education authorities to adapt the curriculum to local conditions”
(2). The concern for those who advocate for more localisation as a push-back against
globalisation is the impact of external influences on the host country. Rizvi and
Lingard (2010) suggest that a danger in localisation is that it is geographically bound
Chapter 1: Introduction 9
but within these boundaries are competing identity categories. These authors suggest
that it is unclear how a nation is to relate to local initiatives without also working
against local economic control becoming exploitation. Rizvi and Lingard suggest that
localisation is a somewhat utopian idea about the ‘desirability of local policy control’
(p. 195) without acknowledging the role of globalisation that affects in areas such as
education policy. A further explanation of localisation is provided in Section 3.6 of
this thesis.
In alignment with the educational policy borrowing influences stated above,
Bhutan too is now a part of this global educational phenomenon. Over the years, the
education system in Bhutan, in its effort to provide an education which is world class
and recognised internationally, has borrowed numerous educational policies from
other countries. However, up until now, there has been no research undertaken on
education policy borrowing practices and the influence that has shaped policy
borrowing in Bhutan. Therefore, adopting the theory of globalisation, the proposed
research aims to fill this gap in understanding the influence of globalisation on
educational policy borrowing in Bhutan through the scrutiny of the global and the local
discourse that is present in the three K-12 policies described in Section 1.2.
1.6 OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH METHOD
The current study was conducted from an interpretivist qualitative perspective.
The interpretivist perspective focuses on the construction of knowledge about the
world around it. Interpretivists concur that knowledge does not exist by itself but is
created from our interactions with and meaning-making of the world (Bryman & Bell,
2007; Crotty, 1998).
Although drawing on the interpretivist methodology, the study did not draw on
the perspectives of human subjects through undertaking interviews or questionnaires.
Rather, it analysed public education policy documents that people within the education
system have developed to understand educational policy borrowing practices in
Bhutan. According to Myers (2009), data sources can be of various kinds. Apart from
observations and interviews, documents and textual materials can also be used as data.
Sprinthall, Schmutte and Surios (1991) state that written descriptions of people, events,
opinions, attitudes and environments or a combination of these can all be sources of
data. Denzin and Lincoln (2008), Domegan and Fleming, (2007), Henning, Van
Rensburg, and Smit (2004), and Richardson, (1995) all state that learning about the
Chapter 1: Introduction 10
actions of human beings is best achieved by using qualitative methods because the
more “viable the phenomenon under investigation the higher chance it has of being
understood better” (Guba, 1981, p. 76). While the study did not involve human
sources, it discusses human attitudes and ability to learning and teaching others
through the process of educational policy borrowing. Using an interpretivist
methodology, this study applies Gee’s (2011) method of discourse analysis to examine
the discourses and themes that are present in three Bhutanese K- 12 educational policy
documents.
Gee’s (2011) method of analysis provides analytic tools to examine the socially
situated meanings in texts with his six building blocks, namely: semiotic building
(signs and symbols, belief systems), world building, activity building, socio-culturally
situated identity and relationship building, political building, and connection building
which were used to probe deeper into the themes found in the policy documents. Along
with the six building blocks, his five tools of inquiry, namely, were used in the policy
analysis to strengthen the analysis. A further description of these six building blocks
and the five tools are provided in Section 4.3.4 of this thesis.
1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROPOSED STUDY
As mentioned earlier, this study aims to fill the gap that exists in the examination
of the impact of educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education. One
significance of the study is the overall contribution to the policy borrowing literature
through a study of a small nation state’s policy borrowing.
It is proposed that the findings of the study will be of interest and value to
scholars, stakeholders in the field of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan and in
the greater global community. As Merriam (1998) explains, any policy can directly
influence future policy, practice and also research in the field of policy borrowing. As
will be described in the literature review in Chapter Two, there is little to no research
on educational policy borrowing practices in Bhutan. There is a significant growing
body of literature in comparative education (Morris, 2012; Steiner-Khamsi, 2010),
globalisation (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton, 1999; Spring, 2008; Steger, 2009;
Stiglitz, 2006), globalisation and education (Burbules and Torres, 2000; Rizvi and
Lingard, 2010; Spring, 2009) and educational policy borrowing (Phillips and Ochs,
2003; Johnson, 2006; Steiner-Khamsi, 2016) but none have a specific reference to
Chapter 1: Introduction 11
policy borrowing in Bhutan. The current study hopes to fill this gap by adding to the
academic literature on education policy borrowing in Bhutan.
1.8 POSITIONING THE RESEARCHER
In 1991, I graduated with a B.Ed. in Secondary Education with a specialisation
in English and Geography education, from the National Institute of Education (NIE)
in Samtse, Bhutan. I was posted as a junior high school teacher in central Bhutan, and
thus I started my career teaching English to children from Classes IV to VIII. The
school I taught in was banded as semi-urban and had a little town about a kilometre
away from the school. Most of the parents of my students were farmers with little to
no education at all. So, parents played a minimal role in the education of their children.
I was a highly-motivated young teacher with energy and youth who wanted to
change the world. I wanted my students to speak good English and engage in
classroom lessons with enthusiasm. I wanted them all to get good grades. However, I
was not prepared for the shock I would face for the next six years. My assumptions
were contradicted by reality. Lessons were one-way lectures and boring. Students
could not write or speak good English in spite of it being their fifth, sixth or seventh
year learning it. Despite spending most lessons explaining things over and over again
to the students, they would say they did not understand anything. It was an uphill battle,
both for my students and me.
After a few years of teaching I was transferred to the Teacher Education College
where I taught for a year; after that, I was transferred to the Curriculum Division and
was made the Head of English for PP-XII. Academically, I was still very naïve and
did not understand the causes of my frustrations earlier on as a teacher of English.
However, I was still keen and motivated to improve the teaching of English in the
schools. During my time as the curriculum officer in charge of English education, a
major curriculum review was proposed. It was during this process that I came across
reading materials that introduced me to terms and concepts like cultural displacement,
post-colonial literacy, hegemony, impacts of modern education and more. In the years
that followed, very slowly it dawned on me that teachers’ work was controlled by the
policies we adopted and implemented. At that time, there was no research done by
Bhutanese scholars to confirm or refute my assumptions. However, there was research
at the international level that attributed and acknowledged the impact of educational
policy borrowing on other education systems, and I felt a strong responsibility to do
Chapter 1: Introduction 12
research in the area to understand if there were any interconnections and also to
understand the influences that educational policy borrowing could be having on our
education system in Bhutan.
1.9 THESIS OUTLINE
This thesis has six chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the purpose of the research,
the context, the research questions, and an outline of the research method, the
significance of the research and the limitation of the study.
Chapter 2 examines the relevant literature that exists in the field of educational
policy borrowing. It identifies the gaps in relation to understanding policy borrowing
in Bhutan and discusses how prior research has informed the choices of educational
policy borrowing in Bhutan.
In Chapter 3 the theoretical framework for the thesis is discussed. Globalisation
frames the inquiry to educational policy borrowing and global education. Therefore,
this chapter will discuss how this phenomenon of globalisation is situated within the
theoretical framework.
Chapter 4 outlines the methodology used in this proposed study. It will explain
the reasons for choosing the interpretivist approach within the qualitative method
paradigms that frame the research. The research design is discussed which includes
information on how the data will be collected and analysed. The chapter will also
provide information on the trustworthiness of the proposed research.
Chapter 5 analyses three education policy documents of the Ministry of
Education, Bhutan. These documents are the: 1st Quarterly Education Policy
Guidelines and Instructions (QEPGI, 1988) and the Education Policy Guidelines and
Instructions (EPGI) documents for 2012 and 2017. The analysis is done through Gee’s
(2011) discourse analysis with a focus on the six building blocks and the five tools of
inquiry. The data analysis is done mainly to draw out the two emergent discourses of
loyalty/national identity and the globalisation/localisation discourse.
Chapter 6 is the concluding chapter where the findings of the research are
discussed in depth. It also provides a recommendation for future research with the
globalisation and comparative education field for educational policy borrowing
Chapter 2: Literature Review 13
Chapter 2: Literature Review
2.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter examines the influences of global policy borrowing trends to
understand the nature of policy discourse in the policy documents of the Bhutanese
education system analysed for the current research. Increasingly, education in
developing countries like Bhutan has become a ‘transportable phenomenon’ where
knowledge and best practices from other countries have been borrowed, adopted and
transformed into a local product (McDonald, 2012). As Zymek and Zymek (2004)
observe, examining how policy borrowing happens is a relevant issue that is central to
comparative education studies. In response to the issue of examining policy borrowing,
the current study is positioned at the intersection of three fields of research which are:
policy and policy borrowing; comparative education; and Bhutanese education in the
context of globalisation.
The primary focus of the literature review in this study centres on discussions
around educational policy borrowing in international education. It is in three main
parts. The first part discusses comparative education as the main avenue through which
educational policy borrowing has proliferated in the international education market.
The second area of discussion considers the phenomenon of globalisation working as
a catalyst in spreading the practices of educational policy borrowing far and wide.
Finally, the third review examines education system change through educational
policy borrowing, incorporating aspects of comparative education and globalisation.
In addition to the discussion above, gaps in the educational policy borrowing
literature will be identified and discussed through a review of three journal articles.
These articles consider educational policy borrowing from three different perspectives:
types of educational policy borrowing, a framework for educational policy borrowing
and the understanding and transfer of educational policy borrowing into a local
context. An in-depth review of these articles is undertaken because they highlight the
gaps that exist in the literature on policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education system.
The chapter begins by defining policy in Section 2.2 followed by a definition of
educational policy borrowing in Section 2.3 in relation to comparative education. A
Chapter 2: Literature Review 14
definition of educational policy learning is provided in Section 2.4. Comparative
education and the importance this play in educational policy borrowing practices
globally and the evolutionary changes it has undergone over time will be explored in
Section 2.5. In Section 2.6 educational policy borrowing as a global phenomenon will
be explored. Taking into account the notion that educational policy borrowing occurs
in multiple ways, such as through colonisation, or as Ochs and Phillips (2004) observe,
through voluntary acquisition, it is important to discuss how policy is borrowed in
context. Therefore, to explain how policy borrowing occurs in the context of Bhutan
three studies are reviewed in Section 2.7. Section 2.8 discusses the gap in the literature
for Bhutanese educational policy borrowing practice. Finally, Section 2.9 provides a
summary of the chapter. The overall purpose of this chapter is to establish the
influence of policy borrowing in the K-12 policy documents in the development of the
Bhutanese educational framework.
2.2 POLICY: DEFINED
There are no singular ways of defining policy and, as Ozga (2000) and Ball
(1994) note it often depends on the study and/or the researcher’s context that
determines how it is defined. Hogwood and Gunn (1984) describe policy as any
framework that is developed by government institutions, which in the case of the
current study is the Ministry of Education, Bhutan. According to Ball (1994), the
policy could be a text, a discourse or a process of both “text and action or words and
deeds; it is what is enacted as well as what is intended” (p.10). It should be noted that
policy goals are not always achieved in practice. According to Rizvi and Lingard
(2010) policy depends on the intent and position of the person/s defining and analysing
it. The policy provides direction for action without “ever being sure of the practices it
might produce” (p.5). Therefore, the language of the policy is important as it represents
the perspectives of those who write policy and their intentions for change. According
to Ball (1994) policy contributes to developing a ‘social’ meaning in areas such as
education. Policies are part of a social history of “organisational and already-existing
practices” (Ball, 1994, p. 10).
Dye (2002) described policy as a decision that the government or other agencies
of power take to do or not to do something. Decisions are made by designated people
or publicly elected agencies in the interest of the public. Rizvi and Lingard (2010)
suggested that educational policy is often a response to a perceived problem and that
Chapter 2: Literature Review 15
writers of policy have the intent to address social, cultural or economic issues
perceived as problems, but construct these from a point of view which, indeed, may
be at odds with wider empirically or theoretically based views of what is needed to
resolve problems. For Ball (2007, 1994), policy texts are framed by broader discourses
about how the world is conceptualised. Policy text refers to the written language on
paper that signifies certain meanings, whereas policy discourse is the broader language
we need to understand to interpret written policy.
Bell and Stevenson (2006) stated that Ball’s (2006) approach underpins the
notion that policy is both “product and process” and through this lens “policy can …be
seen as not only the statements of strategic, organizational and operational values
(product) but also the capacity to operationalize values” (p. 18). Drawing on these
authors, the current study understands policy to be “both the identification of political
objectives and the power to transform values into practice through organisational
principles and operational practices” (Bell & Stevenson, 2006, p. 18). A definition
adopted for this study is derived from Bell and Stevenson (2006) who view the policy
as guidelines that are assisting in setting the goals and objectives in this study for
educational policy.
The current study posits that policies borrowed, as in the case of Bhutan, are
invested with values from elsewhere, while also projecting local principles. At
present, however, there are no studies that have undertaken a detailed and closer
examination of the values, principles, ideas and ideologies that are invested in the K-
12 educational policy documents on Bhutan because of policy borrowing. The next
section defines the term, policy borrowing and how it has been conceptualised in
comparative education.
2.3 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING
Comparative education scholars such as Philips and Ochs (2004) and Zymek and
Zymek (2004) have used a variety of terms to define and describe policy borrowing.
Philips and Ochs (2004), for example, described it by various terms such as
appropriation, importation, and transfer to indicate the movement of ideas from one
region to another. Raffe (2011) described policy borrowing as extracting what is
perceived to be best practices from one country and transferring them back to a home
country. Ritzer (2000) related policy borrowing to a community learning from global
influences and even compared education to McDonald’s, describing policy borrowing
Chapter 2: Literature Review 16
as the “McDonaldization” of education. The term borrowing as noted by Stone (1991)
“is a way to indicate how the transfer of knowledge about policies, administrative
arrangements and institutions is used across time and space in the development of
policies, administrative arrangements and institutions elsewhere” (p.51). According to
Lawn and Lingard (2002), the term policy borrowing indicates the conscious “cross-
national process where the successful practices of one or multiple countries are
voluntarily adopted by other countries that identify them as good practices that are
transferable” (p. 93).
In their review of policy transfer (borrowing) literature, Dolowitz and Marsh
(1996) explored who is engaged in policy borrowing, why there is policy borrowing
and what lessons can be drawn from studies about policy borrowing. They described
the key players in the process to include elected officials, political parties,
bureaucrats/civil servants, pressure groups, policy entrepreneurs and experts, as well
as supra-national institutions who provide a wide range of possible reasons why policy
borrowing occurs. Dolowitz and Marsh (1996) described that some policy borrowing
is a voluntary transfer where the host nation perceives there is a problem and that the
solution to the problem can be found in successful policies enacted elsewhere. Such
borrowing of policies can be one way for a political party to legitimise decisions
already made, for example, turning to international experts to be part of the global
educational movement. For other nations, there can be a coercive trend of policy
borrowing where there can be a direct imposition of policy on a nation. This kind of
trend has occurred recently with organisations such as the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund providing loans to developing nations with a stipulation
that certain policies have to be implemented for the loan to be granted. This kind of
transfer of policy and its effect on developing countries is explored in greater detail in
Chapter 3.
The current research adopts the Haplin and Troyna’s (1995) view of policy
borrowing as being “the appropriation of identifiable aspects of another country’s
policy solutions, including ways of implementing and administering them” (p. 307).
Phillips (2004, 2005) suggested that policy borrowing is the consequence of learning
from and understanding what is happening “elsewhere” in education and creates
conditions that make possible the search for examples of successful approaches
elsewhere when one nation feels that they have no immediate solutions to perceived
Chapter 2: Literature Review 17
problems (Phillips, 2004, p. 54). From Phillips’s perspective of policy borrowing,
policymakers look elsewhere to compare how others have resolved similar problems
and borrow what they perceive will fix their problem, sometimes without considering
the new context for the policy.
In the context of Bhutan, the first iteration of policy borrowing practice occurred
in 1961 when the then king of Bhutan introduced ‘modern’ education to the country.
Before 1961, Bhutanese education was mainly religious education for monks and nuns
only. Since there was no modern education system then, some Bhutanese were sent to
India (Kalimpong and Darjeeling) to study in English medium schools. In 1961, the
education policy was borrowed in whole (policy, resources, and teachers) from India,
although records from this period are difficult to access. Most of the education policies
were mandates provided through circulars by the Ministry of Education. It was not
until the late 1980s that consolidated education policies written by Bhutanese officials
began to emerge. A history of the global influences shaping Bhutanese education
policies is described in greater detail in Chapter 3. In studying these policies, critical
to the current research is exploring the effects of policy borrowing on Bhutanese
education. The following section explores how policy borrowing leads to a process of
policy learning.
2.4 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY LEARNING
Some scholars (Dale, 1999; Lange & Alexiadou, 2010; Lingard, 2010) distinguish
between policy borrowing and policy learning observing that while borrowing only
indicates best practices that are transferable, policy learning is inclusive of
international practices that are accessed and then designed to contextual requirements.
Educational policy learning is an extension of educational policy borrowing; however,
it is a practice that provides more independence to the borrowing country, is mindful
of the country’s own social, cultural practices and its educational history. According
to Dale (1999), educational policy learning is “complex and more instructive” (p.56)
as it takes many different forms. Educational policy learning according to Lange et al.
(2010) constitutes “governance mechanism usee effect policy change” (Lange et al.,
2010, p 445). Mabbett (2007) defines it as different “social processes involved in
learning” (p.77) which includes “facilitating, deliberating, developing networks and
enabling actors to share good practices and compare results” (p.78). There is an
agreement in the three definitions of policy learning as all of them describe it as
Chapter 2: Literature Review 18
something that is instructive, and which involves processes and mechanisms. Bennett
and Howlett (1992) sum up the all-embracing term of policy learning as “learning
about the organisation, learning about programs and learning about policies” (p. 289).
Educational policy learning, therefore, extends beyond the practice of educational
policy borrowing. In direct educational policy borrowing, the aspect of learning
through the process of borrowing does not feature however in policy learning a
platform is created for a learning process to happen through the practice. Hence the
borrowing country is provided with some independence and flexibility to choose a
policy which the country wants. According to Dale (1999) with policy learning,
countries can “imitate, emulate or copy bilaterally from each other” (p.56). Since the
decision to engage in policy learning is taken consciously by the borrowing country,
the outcome is better suited to the country’s context and social, economic and cultural
needs. In this study, the terms policy borrowing, and policy learning are
simultaneously used to indicate how there are practices that are transferred as well as
there are practices that are tailored to suit the national approach to education that takes
into account its history, society and culture.
2.5 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING AND COMPARATIVE
EDUCATION
Educational policy borrowing is a key area of study in the subfields of
comparative and international education as well as educational policy studies (Perry
& Tor, 2008). Noah and Eckstein (1969) described five historical phases of policy
borrowing which they detail as: travellers’ tales; travellers with a specific educational
focus; understanding of one nation in comparison to another; the study of a national
character; and the quantitative research phase. According to Noah and Eckstein (1969)
the first phase, which took place roughly between antiquity to 1817, is characterised
by two kinds of travellers: a tourist-like traveller who observes things that are different
and then on their return home shares these novel ideas as stories. The other traveller
observes things in other countries and then shares these observations upon returning
home with the intent of improving society to match the perceived advanced society
elsewhere. The latter group of travellers, who included such scholars as Xenophon,
Plato, Cicero and Marco Polo have left behind a rich description of how ideas from
one nation can be incorporated into other nations.
Chapter 2: Literature Review 19
The second phase of comparative education (1817 to 1900) occurred through
many tumultuous world changes such as the French revolution, the industrial
revolution, the agrarian revolution and the processes of colonisation. According to
Noah and Eckstein (1969), this phase is characterised by its focus on educational
reforms in emergent nation-states. During this period nations were willing to borrow
educational policies from other countries when other nation’s policies were considered
ideal. This was a prominent time when European countries also ‘borrowed’ their own
policies which they then imposed on conquered nations to exert power over the
countries they were colonising (Noah & Eckstein, 1969). This period is also considered
to be the starting point of comparative education, often attributed to Marc Antoinne
Jullien De Paris' (Fraser, 1964) work Plan and Preliminary Views for Work of
Comparative Education. According to Sobe (2002), Jullien attempted to conceptualise
comparative education (and the study of educational borrowing) within the social
science institution of modernity, where policy borrowing was perceived to be a sign
of progress. Jullien’s observations of schools in Switzerland led him to state that
‘borrowing from one another...is good and useful [for] institutions’ educational policy
development (Sobe, 2002, p.46) and therefore, is a good and progressive movement
for the education system and the country. Morris (2012) described how in the
nineteenth century, researchers like Demegeot and Matthew Arnold travelled to
different countries to observe and to learn from each other’s education systems.
Similarly, in the 1860s the Isakawa delegation from Japan (Shibata 2004) visited eight
different countries over 18 months to identify salient features of modern education
policy and practices in (western) societies. These visits later resulted in the
publications of materials that analysed the various policy categories and policy
principles that could be transferred to the Japanese education system.
Noah and Eckstein’s (1969) third and fourth phases of comparative education
mainly focus on data collection and the significance of policy borrowing. In these
phases, as the authors observe, nations becoming interested in understanding the
impact of policy borrowing wanted to understand the influences policy borrowing had
on shaping the national educational institutions in the country. The fifth phase, the
most recent phase is described as the quantitative research phase where countries
started to analyse the outcomes of their educational policy borrowing and the ‘global
education phenomena’ to provide explanations and improve their educational
Chapter 2: Literature Review 20
performance. This practice has generated examination of data in different countries
which has been used to explain educational provisions and identify strengths and gaps
in the different national school systems. Noah and Eckstein’s (1969) five phases of
comparative education development are important in the current research in helping to
understand when and how the concept and practice of policy borrowing entered the
field of comparative education in Bhutan.
Several factors have influenced educational policy borrowing over time which
has caused new trends in educational policy borrowing to originate. Grek (2009)
argued that educational reforms are usually proposed when systems or countries are
compared against each other, and an educational policy/feature in one country is
deemed successful. An example of this is when a country that does not have the desired
policy/feature introduces it in their country to improve the education system. Steiner-
Khamsi (2004) suggest that countries refer to existing models which are international
and adopt the language that is used in the borrowed models. This assists policy-makers
to justify their reasons for new educational reforms which otherwise is mostly
contested and not accepted. She proposed that within this context educational policy
borrowing can be used by national/local agencies and governments as a strategy to
reform and to justify the proposed reform. The following section looks at proposed
trends and ideas of policy borrowing globally, followed by closer scrutiny of policy
borrowing in Bhutan.
2.6 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN THE GLOBAL ARENA
Research into educational policy borrowing as a field within comparative
education has intensified at the global level as more researchers engage in this area of
study. Halpin and Troyna (1995), for example, studied the impact of Britain’s
borrowing educational policy from America in the 1980’s. These authors posit that
educational policy borrowing occurs best when there is a ‘synchrony’ between the two
educational systems and dominant political ideals about education. In the 1980’s there
was some alignment in political ideologies between the two nations, with a ‘shared
interpretation of the state’s role in improving education’ (p. 304). The result was a
trend for Britain to borrow educational policy from America to improve their education
system, but also their political position globally. The politics in the two countries has
now evolved in different directions, therefore, according to Halpin and Troyna (1995),
this kind of educational policy borrowing by Britain is not likely to continue.
Chapter 2: Literature Review 21
Rappleye, Imoto and Horiguchi’s (2011) study in Japan showed that educational
policy borrowing is not confined to cross-national borrowing arenas but is now
possible from a supra-national environment to the local level whereby a local Japanese
university borrowed a language policy from Europe without having to seek the
approval from the Japanese Education ministry. Rappleye and his team did an
ethnographic field study using the conceptual framework provided by Ochs and
Phillips (2003) to help them understand the process of educational policy borrowing.
The study did not elaborate on the success or failure of such a venture. Also, there was
no data available on how the interviews were conducted so there was no way to
understand the outcome of the educational policy borrowing practice that the Japanese
university engaged. This gap in information makes the reader wonder whether this
type of educational policy borrowing is possible or not. The study does, however,
provide some insight into the type of educational policy borrowing practices that can
be implemented.
Educational policy borrowing is often considered to flow from the more
successful education systems in developed countries to countries that are developing
their education systems. However, this perception of reference (developed) societies
is contested by Lingard and Stellar (2013), Sahlberg (2011) and Takayama (2008) who
suggest that this flow of educational policy borrowing is not a prerogative of Western
countries. Countries in the East have now started to emerge with good education
policies and are performing well, as depicted in the international league tables such as
PISA (Program for International Student Assessment), the TIMSS (Trends in
International Mathematics and Science Study) and the PIRLS (Progress in
International Reading Literacy Study). The new trend to look east, especially to
countries like Korea, China, Hong Kong and Japan to borrow educational ideas is
changing the notion of reference societies. Sahlberg (2011) notes that in earlier times
Finland was once the ‘poster boy’ for its excellent performance in international testing.
Now, however, nations in the Asia-Pacific region have overtaken Finland in
international educational performance. In the 2015 PISA results, for example,
Singapore outperformed all other countries in science where over 24% were above
average in achievement. More than one in four students in China, Hong Kong,
Singapore and Chinese Taipei were top performing in mathematics (OECD, 2016).
Chapter 2: Literature Review 22
Similarly, results on the TIMSS 2015 were achieved with Singapore
outperforming all other countries with one in four students in China, Hong Kong,
Singapore and Chinese Taipei ranking in as the top performing students (Mullis,
Martin, & Loveless, 2016). Takayama (2008) observed that Shanghai’s upset of the
league tables with its better performance led to an initial shock around the world. High
achievement scores in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Korea have led to educational policy
borrowing practices moving both from West to East and vice-versa depending on the
educational policy that a country wants to borrow.
An overview of the league tables shows that equal effort is put in by countries
both in the West and the East to bring education to global recognition (OECD, 2016).
Kell and Kell (2014) suggest that data from the league tables have begun to influence
policy development in developing nations that may be economically or politically
challenged, such as Bhutan. As indicated in Chapter 1, Bhutanese students completed
a preliminary exam in preparation for the PISA-D tests to be held in November 2017
(Bhutan Broadcasting Service, 2017).
One of the greatest challenges to educational policy borrowing today is that it
has a shorter lifespan than before due to new ideas and practices developing at a rapid
pace. As cross-national and international educational policy borrowing matures,
established policies are replaced by new ones. Cowen (2009) describes that
educational policy borrowing is a dynamic process that changes as it moves from place
to place; it is not static, and there are several factors that come into play and influence
the changes and adaptations which take place. Auld and Morris (2014) describe that
the evaluation of educational policy borrowing is no longer the ‘reserve of specialised
academics’ (p. 129). Today everyone has access to the league tables online where it
becomes immediately apparent which countries are doing well and which are
struggling. It could be suggested that countries who appear to be struggling
academically may be the ones feeling pressure to borrow policy to reach higher global
educational standards.
One of the interesting features noted by Cowen (2009) is the concept of mobility
of the migrant population. Cowen observes that as the migrant population moves, it
takes educational practices with them. In an example, Cowen described how after
World War II Europeans who moved to Canada took their educational practices with
them and consequently changed the Canadian education system in parts of the country
Chapter 2: Literature Review 23
where they settled. Another example of the impact of mobility is where societies that
are agrarian turn into industrial nations. In this process of transition, education is a
deliberate part of the ‘transitological process’ (p.319). Cowen’s (2009) study assists in
understanding the changing trends of educational policy borrowing through the
perspective of migration of people and through changes of national identity.
In relation to the situation in Bhutan, Cowan’s (2009) study can help to
understand Bhutan’s practices of educational policy borrowing as a phenomenon that
is influenced by several global factors. Further, it can help to understand how
education has undergone changes and adaptations through global interactions.
Changes and adaptation in educational policy borrowing may be inevitable. It may
provide countries with positive motivation for adoption of certain policies; however,
Stenier-Khamsi (2005) cites “scholars who warn against analysing education out of
context and against using comparison to transplant educational reforms from one
country to another” (p. 153); scholars argue that such analysis and comparisons are a
means to homogenise education systems (Gidney 2008; Lingard and Rizvi 1998;
Rinne 2008; Rizvi and Lingard 2009). Researchers remind us that each nation is
different, and each is governed by educational needs which are specific to their
country’s context and goals.
In the end, educational policy borrowing has no solution that would be a perfect
fit because policy borrowing is often defended through very complex reasons. The
intended policy that a country wants to borrow may be deeply embedded with the
ideology of the host country and so may not be wholly relevant to the borrowing
country. Burdett and O’Donnell (2016) express that “the impetus for educational
policy change is not always linked solely to educational reasons and outcomes, but
instead is heavily influenced by the surrounding socio-political milieu” (p. 113). Given
the complexities that surround the concept of borrowing, I examine three seminal
articles on policy borrowing to assist in illustrating how the notion of policy borrowing
that can be applied to an analysis of Bhutan’s situation.
2.7 THREE SIGNIFICANT ARTICLES ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY
BORROWING INFLUENCING BHUTAN
The following section describes three articles selected that together provide a
platform for understanding how to analyse education policies borrowed by Bhutan.
The literature suggests that each nation’s political, historical and economic
Chapter 2: Literature Review 24
circumstances are unique in their decision to borrow educational policies from other
countries (Johnson, 2006; Phillips & Ochs, 2003). In most cases, developing countries
are monetarily bound to donor organisations to receive aid (Johnson, 2006). Examples
of this are the contractual arrangements with organisations such as the World Bank,
United Nations agencies, international and bilateral aid programs such as Action-Aid
International (McDonald, 2012). Bhutan falls into this category of a policy borrowing
nation dependent on aid; for example, Bhutan has had an association since 1981 with
the World Bank in relation to receiving aid and support in its educational reforms.
More detailed information on Bhutan’s international agreements in relation to policy
borrowing is provided in Section 3.4.2 of this thesis. The three articles reviewed in this
section provide a framework for analysing Bhutan’s education policies borrowed from
other countries.
The first article is Johnson’s (2006) Comparing the Trajectories of Educational
Change and Policy Transfer in Developing Countries. In this article, Johnson claims
that there is little documented analysis of major educational policy shifts, particularly
in developing countries. In addition, each borrowing country’s historical, political and
economic trajectories are unique which disallows a clear comparison of different
situations. Without clear reference points to compare different trajectories for policy
borrowing decisions Johnson has proposed a set of metaphors to understand policy
borrowing. These metaphors will be outlined by the researcher in suggesting where
Bhutan might fit in the development of its policy borrowing trajectories and in large
part respond to the overarching research question of the current research: What are the
influences of educational policy borrowing practices on the Bhutanese education
system?
The second article reviewed is Phillips and Ochs’ (2003) Processes of
Educational policy borrowing in Education: some explanatory and analytical devices.
In this article, Phillips and Ochs propose four stages that illustrate the educational
policy borrowing process. The four stages include the cross-national attraction to
borrow policy, the decision to borrow, the implementation of borrowed policy and the
internalisation of the policy as practice. The authors suggest that the four stages
provide a structure to investigate cross-national policy borrowing in education and this
structure has been used to analyse Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing.
Understanding this structure responds to the first sub-question of the current research:
Chapter 2: Literature Review 25
How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of practice in the
Bhutanese education system?
The third article reviewed is Steiner-Khamsi’s (2014) Cross-national
educational policy borrowing: understanding reception and translation. In this article,
Steiner-Khamsi explores two key stages of educational policy borrowing, which are
reception and translation. These stages are important to explore in the current research
in understanding the enactment expectations of borrowed policies. This article
responds to the second sub-question of the current research: What are the key
influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in Bhutan? The next section
reviews Johnson’s article and describes how it will be used to understand educational
policy borrowing by Bhutan.
Johnson (2006) compared the trajectories of educational policy borrowing of
Madagascar, Mauritius, Ile de la Réunion and South Africa. As described above,
because there is little documentation of trajectories in most developing countries
around policy borrowing practices, Johnson discusses educational policy borrowing
through 5 metaphors (Figure 2.1) and how these five metaphors define the type of
educational policy borrowing various countries undertake. These metaphors “describe
the political and economic forces that shape the educational policy trajectories of
developing countries are: telling, rebelling, compelling, selling and gelling” (p. 680).
Figure 2-1. Trajectories of educational change and Policy Transfer (Adapted from
Johnson, 2006)
The first metaphor which is the politics of telling is an imposed educational
transfer. This kind of educational policy borrowing happened mostly during the
Chapter 2: Literature Review 26
colonial period where colonial powers determined the educational policies of the
territories that they occupied. The second metaphor is the politics of rebelling that
occurred mostly in developing countries in relationship with their coloniser. Often, the
rebellion was a way for the colonised country to exercise its freedom and the right to
choose what they wanted as they strove for and gained independence. The level and
extent of rebellion varied from nation to nation, from forms of review which were
milder to forms that totally rejected the imposed policy. The third metaphor, which is
the politics of compelling, is aligned with developing countries who are heavily in debt
and therefore have to negotiate with the donor community.
The fourth metaphor is the politics of selling. This metaphor discusses
developing countries which have more freedom and power over their policy practices.
Countries that fall under this metaphor can select, choose and buy different policies
promoted by developed countries. The policies are usually advocated as practices that
can ensure according to Tan (2010) “economic growth and global competitiveness.”
(p.465). In the politics of compelling, countries under this metaphor have little to no
say in choosing. The policy is usually imposed on them, so they do not have autonomy,
like the countries who can choose to buy policies.
Finally, the politics of gelling includes countries who can combine indigenous
policies with international sources of knowledge which can manifest into a new
economy of knowledge by doing this the country’s knowledge is strengthened and
gelled. This mainly happens due to the involvement of various interest groups which
includes the government, industry and educational institutions. As a result, they foster
new agendas for education by combining the global and local. As Tan (2010) observes
“gelling represents a country’s goal of combining various sources of knowledge
through collaboration with different interest groups, rather than achieving that goal.
Often, the politics of gelling is accompanied by tensions, conflicts, and challenges
from internal and external sources” (p.467).
Although Johnson’s (2006) article is based on the study he conducted in four
societies in the South-West Indian Ocean, it resonates with the educational policy
borrowing practices in many nations. The current researcher posits that the metaphor
that Bhutan fits into presently is the politics of compelling. Bhutan has been moving
through the first three metaphors, but it is not in the position where it is free from all
financial dependency with a well-established education for the metaphors of selling
Chapter 2: Literature Review 27
and gelling to be applied. As with many developing nations heavily dependent on
donors for financial and manpower aid, there is little room for Bhutan to engage in
educational policy borrowing which it is not compelled to adopt (McDonald, 2012;
Steiner-Khamsi, 2014). However, such application of the metaphor can be a difficult
task while trying to comprehend the educational policy borrowing trends of Bhutan.
These problems are discussed below.
A primary problem for Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing trends does not
only include ‘best practices’ of educational policies borrowed through donor funds but
also an uncritical adoption of policies that are often unsuited to the needs of the
country. An example of this uncritical adoption can be seen, as described earlier, in
relation to the language of education policies. The education policies borrowed by
Bhutan use English as the language of instruction; however, English has no origins in
Bhutan. Unlike borrowing policies from neighbouring countries for economic and
trade purposes, there are no language representations of the neighbouring countries of
India and China in Bhutan’s education policies; that is, Hindi and Chinese are not
taught in schools. Instead, there is a significant focus on English in the formal/official
Bhutanese education system. In this, Johnson’s (2006) metaphor of selling seems to
be operative, particularly due to the uncritical forms of language borrowing that are
occurring. As Johnson argues, the ‘selling’ metaphor illustrates the impact of
globalisation and international markets’ (p.680) on educational policy in Bhutan.
At a broader level, these metaphors described by Johnson (2006) share
similarities with Phillips and Ochs (2004) descriptors of educational policy borrowing.
What Phillips and Ochs call 'imposed' Johnson describes as ‘telling’. The descriptor
that Philips and Ochs call 'negotiated under constraint' Johnson calls ‘compelling’.
However, Johnson goes further than these two descriptors and includes three others to
show how education has expanded globally and how the emergent concept of the
‘knowledge economy’ is widely accepted.
The second article is Phillips and Ochs’ (2003) Processes of Educational policy
borrowing in Education: some explanatory and analytical devices. This study is
significant for the proposed research as these scholars provide a conceptual framework
on how educational policy borrowing is enacted through a series of stages. Philips and
Ochs conceptualised a four-stage foundation model that includes cross-national
attraction, decision, implementation and internalisation/indigenisation to represent the
Chapter 2: Literature Review 28
continuous cyclic process by which educational policy borrowing occurs (Figure 2.2).
Phillips and Ochs’ educational policy borrowing theoretical framework/cycle provides
a foundation for how educational policy borrowing can occur in a country’s
educational system.
Figure 2-2. Phillips and Ochs (2003) Educational policy borrowing in education:
composite processes.
The first stage of Phillips and Ochs’ model is where the cross-national attraction
creates the motivation behind what educational policy practice the country wants to
borrow. The next stage is the decision-making stage. Here stakeholders, from various
agencies and departments have several rounds of meetings to decide on the rationale
for borrowing. These conversations help with the policy selection and lay the
foundation for a plan to be drawn up to proceed to the next stage. At the
implementation stage, the policy is put to practice with all the proper checks and
balances in place. At the final stage which is the assessment phase, an evaluation is
conducted to study how the borrowed policy is internalised. However, whether a
Chapter 2: Literature Review 29
cyclic/organisational structure has been used in Bhutan to inform educational reforms
is still unclear, as described below.
The four-stage theoretical framework provides a foundation for engaging in
examining educational policy borrowing procedures. In the proposed research it will
be important to examine how educational policy borrowing has occurred over time in
Bhutan. However, the model needs to be applied judiciously because for countries that
are donor dependent on financial aid this cycle, especially stage one: cross-national
attraction and stage two: decision making, may not be feasible, as most of the policies
that come from the donor countries are pre-packaged, removing the possibility of the
host country making further decisions. Nevertheless, applying this model to the
educational policy borrowing context of Bhutan will assist in examining the cycle of
educational policy borrowing as well as giving some indication about whether there
are any checks and balances used in adopting policies from elsewhere.
The third article selected is Steiner-Khamsi’s (2014) Cross-National educational
policy borrowing: Understanding reception and translation. Steiner-Khamsi’s focus
is mainly on two key stages of educational policy borrowing which are reception and
translation. In her article, Steiner-Khamsi describes that at a very basic level, reception
is educational policy borrowing from the global context in which the borrowing
country will choose an educational policy that is closest to the borrowing (host)
country’s political agenda. The host country will borrow the policy and then attach
local meaning to a global policy. Steiner-Khamsi states that policy reception is more
layered than this simple view, claiming that several political, socio and economic
agendas that influence the reception of policy needs to be considered.
Translation, according to Steiner-Khamsi (2014) happens when the local
education body takes the global education policy and adapts this policy to the local
needs, keeping in mind the multiple factors that affect the local translation of the
policy. Steiner-Khamsi advises that one must remain cognisant of the impact of such
translation while engaging in educational policy borrowing, as a scholarly
investigation of the “dual processes of policy reception and translation are the key for
advancing the theory of the policy process” (166). It is important to “apply a bifocal
lens that simultaneously looks at the local context as well as at transnational patterns”
(166) in the building of policy studies.
Chapter 2: Literature Review 30
Steiner-Khamsi’s (2014) concepts of reception and translation will be
considered through the eyes of the Bhutanese education system. What are some factors
that the Bhutanese educators look at while educational policy borrowing? How is this
translated into the Bhutanese educational context? How well are these policies
received and translated? Although reception and translation of Steiner-Khamsi’s
model may be interpreted differently by the different stakeholders such as the
government, educationalists, teachers and students, this aspect is not described in depth
in Steiner-Khamsi’s article. The proposed research will focus on examining how
reception and translation is interpreted differently by the government and by
educational institutions in Bhutan
The three articles mentioned above explore themes and discuss different types
of educational policy borrowing contexts and provide a framework needed to position
Bhutan in the wider field of comparative education and educational policy borrowing.
Although the above papers are not specific to the Bhutanese education system, together
they provide an insightful and applicable model and metaphors that can be drawn upon
to examine the educational policy borrowing situation in Bhutan.
2.8 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING LITERATURE IN BHUTAN
Historically, educational policy borrowing as indicated in the literature is a
practice whereby everything from one system can be borrowed and applied to another
in various ways. There are hard and soft, direct and indirect borrowing that occurs
(Phillips & Ochs, 2003; Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000). The literature also states that the
impetus for most borrowing occurs when there is an internal dissatisfaction in the
home country’s education system (Phillips & Ochs, 2002, 2003; Beech, 2006, Steiner-
Khamsi, 2006), and in order to settle and resolve these educational problems and
concerns, the countries borrow solutions from elsewhere (Halpin & Troyna, 1995). In
this way, Bhutan has engaged in educational policy borrowing since that time modern
education entered Bhutan. Various kinds of educational policies have been borrowed
from different global education systems, transnational and donor agencies and the
changes in the education system have experienced several developmental stages.
However, as a topic of discussion very little is written about educational policy
borrowing in the Bhutanese educational context. Furthermore, no policy analysis of
any educational policy documents have been attempted so far.
Chapter 2: Literature Review 31
There are however, a number of academic articles by Bhutanese and
international authors on the topics of transition in education (Dukpa, 2016; Namgyal
& Rinchen, 2016; Ueda, 2016), Gross National Happiness (Sherab et.al, 2016;
Tshomo, 2016) and continuing education (Powdyel, 2016; Wangchuk et.al, 2016).
Robles (2016) for example, in her book, Education and Society in Bhutan: Tradition
and Modernisation discusses the curriculum that is borrowed from foreign education
systems as a barrier to learning, but does not discuss it from an educational policy
borrowing perspective. Other scholars have looked at education policy mainly in
multigrade education (Ninnes et al., 2007) inclusive education (Dorji & Schuelka,
2016) and Early Childhood Care and Development (Wangmo & Brooks, 2016). These
articles are informative as they provide information on various aspects of education in
Bhutan; however, the information on educational policy borrowing which is the main
resource that is needed for understanding the process of education is not available.
The biggest gap in the literature is, therefore, the unavailability of research
completed in Bhutan on educational policy borrowing which limits the scope of critical
comparative evaluation with other international systems. Due to this, this study relies
heavily on international research to understand educational policy borrowing in
Bhutan.
2.9 SUMMARY
As this research is focused on educational policy borrowing in Bhutan since the
advent of modern education in 1961, it is important to understand how Bhutan’s
educational policy borrowing trends and practices are located within international
practices and Bhutan’s aims for improving education quality. Trends of educational
policy borrowing are happening due to the rapid impact of globalisation. Countries
everywhere around the world face several common challenges within the global
economy. Some significant challenges are in information sharing, educational
networks and evaluation systems through PISA (Crossley & Watson 2003; Meyer &
Benavot 2013).
This literature review has provided information about the unprecedented growth
of comparative, transnational policy borrowing (Lingard, 2011). The review has
considered three articles (Johnson, 2006; Phillips & Ochs, 2003; Steiner-Khamsi,
2014) specifically to provide an overarching framework for analysing educational
policy borrowing by Bhutan. The analysis of educational policy borrowing is helpful
Chapter 2: Literature Review 32
to researchers and educationalists specifically to understand the types of educational
policy borrowing and the impact it can have on nations that borrow policies. Where
does Bhutan stand in the educational policy borrowing arena? Does it have a
contribution it can make in better understanding comparative education and
educational policy borrowing in particular? There is very little research done on
educational policy borrowing and the changes that have happened within the education
system in Bhutan; therefore, this study is timely as it will put Bhutan’s educational
policy borrowing practices into perspective as Bhutan prepares to assess the end of its
eleventh five-year plan in 2018 and the educational achievements it has mandated. The
following chapter provides the conceptual framework for the research
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 33
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The conceptual framework of globalisation frames this inquiry to explore the
impact of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan. This conceptual framework
highlights how there are significant global incursions into education policy and
practice that then has led to glocal (global and local) recreations of education systems.
This framework also provides insight into the nuances of policy as well as the
inconsistencies and imbalances that characterise it, illustrated through both the
priorities that are foregrounded and the gaps that exist within it.
This chapter explores the phenomenon of globalisation and how it contributes to
shaping education in Bhutan. The chapter begins with an overview of the development
of globalisation in Section 3.2, followed by a description of the complexity of defining
globalisation in Section 3.3 with the inclusion of a working definition of globalisation
as it pertains to policy borrowing in Bhutan. After that, the four dimensions of
globalisation: economic, political, socio-cultural and technological are described in
Section 3.4 to contextualise how globalisation has had an impact on education in
Section 3.5. The influences of transnational organisations on developing and
implementing educational policy in Bhutan are explored in Section 3.6, followed by
an exploration of the global and local connections of globalisation in education in
Section 3.7. The chapter further discusses the impact of globalisation on Bhutanese
education in Section 3.8. Gee’s discourse theory which highlights how globalisation
and policy borrowing effects Bhutanese education is discusses in Section 3.9. The
theoretical framework which guides this research is discussed in Section 3.10, and
finally, the chapter is summarised in Section 3.11.
3.2 GLOBALISATION
Defining globalisation is fraught with challenges as there are multiple ways of
defining it as it has contextual and topical meanings attached to it. A definition check
on the internet shows a wide variety of context-specific definitions; as Amin (2002)
observes, globalisation consists of new spatialities that are networks that reach beyond
a geographical boundary. Therefore, the various meanings that are attached to the term
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 34
fall short when considering the effects of globalisation on the Bhutanese educational
context, particularly in relation to policy borrowing. Rather one must take into account
the diverse modes that form globalisation, such as the economic dimensions, political
dimensions, socio-cultural dimensions and the technological dimensions that provide
a holistic and substantial understanding of the term (Burbules & Torres, 2000;
Giddens, 1990; Lauder & Brown., 2006; Nissanke & Thorbecke, 2007; Steger, 2009).
This notion will be explored further in Section 3.4.
Historically, globalisation as a phenomenon began through colonial influences.
Rizvi (2007) and Scholte (2000) argue that countries with power exploited distant and
lesser known communities to expand their prestige and economic power. These
colonial powers sought to rule these communities through a single political space,
which was controlled and coordinated by them. However, with the establishment of
several transnational organisations that financed developing nations in areas such as
education, also strengthened the term globalisation and it acquired a new meaning
(Held, McGrew, GoldBlatt & Perraton, 1999; Spring, 2009). In 1985, Theodore Levitt
(economist) identified this process as ‘globalisation’. Spring (2008) described it as
“changes in global economics affecting production, consumption and investment” (p.
331). This form of globalisation has steadily grown in intensity and has had an impact
on shaping the education and educational policy borrowing worldwide, including
Bhutan.
According to Sampath-Kumar (2007, p 71) globalisation “is the most compelling
phenomenon”, with many faces and so cannot be given a single definition and
characterisation. Lingard and Rizvi (2010) state that globalisation does not only mean
changing patterns in transnational economic activities it also encompasses the changes
seen in a political and cultural configuration which has been shaped mainly by the
super advances made in information technologies (pp. 22-23). Lingard and Rizvi
observe that globalisation also includes the “social imaginary of how we human beings
‘interpret and imagine the possibilities of our lives’ (p.23). Social imaginary according
to Rizvi and Lingard (2010), Steger (2008) and Taylor (2004) is a way of thinking
about the things that matter to us in society and provides us with the possibilities to
practice these meaningfully. According to Taylor (2004), social imaginary legitimises
our communal practices and allows us to have a sense of shared identity. Through the
shared identity of globalisation, many different cultures have encountered each other
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 35
(Edwards & Usher, 2008). This contact is further enhanced through access to
information technologies, travelling to other parts of the world, migrating to other
countries and through the media. Held (1993) describes that globalisation has
reordered both time and space and shrunk the globe.
In normative terms, the phenomenon of globalisation is perceived to have both
a positive and negative influence on the world. Positively it has brought a new source
of optimism. Scholte (2000) says that globalisation has been associated with the three
P’s of progress, prosperity and peace. Negatively, however, it can be associated with
the three D’s of deprivation, disaster and doom (p.14). Sach, Yang, and Zhang (2000)
define globalisation as a fundamental method of integrating economy through all
nations with no meaning for boundaries this eventually affects people and countries
through the sharing of knowledge, ideals and practices. Ball, Dworkin and Vryonides
(2010, 524) define globalisation as a ‘multifaceted social phenomenon” which impacts
a lot of things in different ways especially in the lives of human beings everywhere in
the world. However, despite globalisation being a pervasive phenomenon, Bottery
(2010) suggests that the effect it has on different communities is never similar.
Globalisation does not have one fixed pattern or pathway. It has several pathways
which are all aspects that include cultural circumstances within a context (Glenn,
2007). Rizvi and Lingard (2010) agree that individuals, communities and nations
experience globalisation differently as there is no common pattern of engagement,
neither is there a similar outcome.
From the discussion, it can be stated that the phenomenon of globalisation can
be approached from many different angles and perspectives. However, three themes
seem to emerge. The first is that globalisation is a complex, multifaceted process that
has a diverse influence on people and society; it includes a social, cultural
understanding of how people comprehend. The next theme that emerges is that
scholars and researchers are responsible for creating a perception of how the
phenomenon of globalisation is conceived by people and nations. Lastly, the scholars
and researchers, despite disagreeing on some issues, do still concur that globalisation
enhances worldwide connectedness. Through globalisation, nation-states are now able
to pick and choose education policies from around the world that can enhance national
education systems.
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 36
3.3 DEFINITIONS OF GLOBALISATION
Globalisation is a highly contested term (Bagnall, 2010) although it is widely
regarded as a transformational process, Friedman (2004) succinctly defines
globalisation as an “integration of markets, nation-states and technologies to a degree
never witnessed before - in a way that is enabling individuals, corporations and nation-
states to reach around the world farther, faster and deeper than ever before” (p.7), there
are other definitions and interpretations which look at globalisation from different
perspectives. Giddens (1999), for example, looks at globalisation from a socio-cultural
perspective and defines it as a worldwide intensification of interpersonal interaction
and exchange. From a political perspective, it has been defined as the marginalisation
of nation states and “the rise of a borderless world” (Amin, 2002, p 386). Some
scholars look at globalisation from an economic point of view and define it as a process
of economic reform and “to make the market imperative…the hegemonic
legitimisation of institutional reform” (Swyngedouw, 2004. p 40). Other scholars who
are widely quoted like Held, Mcgrew, Goldblatt and Perraton (2000) define
globalisation as:
a process (or set of processes) which embodies a transformation in the spatial
organisation of social relations and transactions - assessed in terms of their
extensity, intensity, velocity and impact - generating transcontinental or
interregional flows and networks of activity and interaction and the exercise of
power (2000, p.73).
Over the years, the definition of globalisation has changed and increased as new ideas
and thoughts are added to it. There is still to this day not a single definition that
encapsulates a universal interpretation of this phenomenon.
Scholte (2000, p.49) observes that there are five definitions that are attached to
the term globalisation:
a) Globalisation as internationalisation that is used as a descriptor for cross-
border relations.
b) Globalisation as universalisation where the term global indicates the
worldwide accessibility of “objects and experience”.
c) Globalisation as liberalisation that indicates autonomous operation of
organisations, a process of removing government-imposed restrictions
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 37
d) Globalisation as westernisation that leads to notions of the modern state are
spread through capitalism and neo-liberalism
e) Globalisation as deterritorialisation that indicates how space gets reconfigured
through a diffusion of physical space over national boundaries.
Besides Scholte, globalisation has been variously described as scapes
(Appadurai, 1996) to indicate how the global flow of people, ideas, finance and
technology are presently situated. Castells (2000) observes how globalisation has
brought about a network society to indicate how such flows are interconnected and are
limitless by continuous expansion. Taking into consideration the viewpoints presented
above, the following definition from Held et al. (1995) defines globalisation for the
current research:
Globalisation is the increasing interconnectedness between people and places,
through the accelerated movements of goods and services, capital and labour -
this includes ideas, beliefs and values - across national and international borders.
It embodies a transformation in the spatial organisation of relations and
transactions and is facilitated by technological advances in mass communication.
It is a process enabled by the liberalisation of trade and deregulation of capital,
practices associated with neoliberal capitalist restructuring and new global
manifestations of power and authority (Held et al., 1995, p. 16).
Yet, as clichéd as it might seem, the globalisation phenomenon is like an epoch
in which the world is now rapidly sharing the notion that the world is shrinking into
social spaces which are triggered by economic and technological forces and
development and that this has a ripple effect on all nations around the world (Held et
al., 1999). Throughout the globalisation phenomenon people have also been convinced
through the turning of geography into history, or space into time that globalisation is
an evitable thing that happens to all nations only some earlier or later than the others
(McKenzie, 2012).
The above definition includes the four dimensions of globalisation (economic,
political, socio-cultural and technological), and the impact that these have had on the
world and individual nation-states, such as Bhutan. This definition also includes the
value systems that change and move across borders owing to certain practices and
power pressures. For a small nation like Bhutan, that is dependent on financial aid
from donors, the definition reflects and aptly describes the process of globalisation
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 38
from a Bhutanese perspective. So, whether as Sahlberg (2006) argues that
globalisation is a “cultural paradox” (p.262) or whether it is a natural phenomenon
created by modern times, the underpinning factors: political, economic, technological
and socio-cultural still play a major role in the process (Cheng, 2004; Green, 1997;
Held, 2004; Tikly, 2001; Waks, 2006). The following section describes these four
dimensions of globalisation and the influences they have, concerning the educational
policy borrowing practices in Bhutan.
3.4 THE FOUR DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALISATION AND THEIR
INFLUENCE ON EDUCATION
Giddens (1990) and Steger (2009) identify four dimensions of globalisation
which are: the economic dimension, political dimension, social and cultural dimension
and the technological dimension. As these scholars observe through these dimensions,
the transformation of global cultures and economies along with social change has been
immense. Ideas, values, beliefs, as well as images, taste and attitudes, have changed
and evolved at great speed and intensity (Donn & Al-Manthri, 2010).
3.4.1 Economic Dimension
The economic dimension is always listed first in the literature, due to the impact
it has on unifying and promoting the global economy (Green, 1999; Waks, 2006). The
economic dimension includes ideas such as a global economic process or activity
which is open and interdependent. It also means that the world economies are now
integrated thus allowing free trade or liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation of
trade (Amos, Keiner, Proske & Radtke, 2002), which can be attributed to the shift in
the world economy from a traditional Westphalian nation-state to nation-states which
are now dominated by different forms of organisations in the political and economic
arenas (Swyngedouw, 2004).
These new forms of economic domination impact severely on national education
systems worldwide. This is especially true when there are transitions in workplace
organisations, barriers in trade are reduced, and pressure on national and international
areas are exerted especially on the roles of the worker and consumer in society
(Slabbert, 2003, p. 6). Slabbert (2003) continues to argue that the economic aspect of
globalisation impact education heavily. Consequently, as is presently evident in the
case of Bhutan, it is the education sector that must cater to these changes. As Lingard
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 39
and Rizvi (2000) explain, governments are now reframing their approach to several
national policies, which includes education to ensure “competitiveness of the national
economy in the face of globalisation” (p. 421). They further state that the financial
markets can decide on the policy they choose depending on what they think is right or
wrong. The power the markets have now are unprecedented, and their influences can
be seen even in framing public policies as they the market is aware of the competing
global market shares that countries want to be part of (Lingard & Rizvi 2000).
National education systems are very cost-intensive and, therefore, become easy
targets mainly of neoliberal change agendas (Amos et al., 2002). With the neoliberal
context, education is the main factor in enhancing the economic edge of a nation (Dale,
2000). Due to this, national education objectives are directed to respond to the
economic aspect due to global competition (Usher & Edward, 1994). Amos et al.
(2002) acknowledge that educational programmes, curricula and institutional formats
at different levels of schooling are now required to use “efficiency guided innovation
and to align their priorities and practices with those of the global market” (p.195). It is
not surprising, therefore, that in Bhutan the economic dimension of globalisation has
a strong presence in the education sector. Not only do neoliberal agendas operate to
rework national education policies by adopting such discourse, but the neoliberal idea
of privatisation has also facilitated the country to borrow educational policies from
other nations and has allowed several privates schools, supported by international
organisations, to become operational in Bhutan. The first private school opened in
1986 (Dorji, 2016). Since then, the number of private schools offering all levels of
schooling in Bhutan has increased.
Bhutanese people like all people around the world understand that education is
necessary due to the significant role it plays in determining their future. It contributes
to their income since knowledge nowadays is harnessed to create a knowledge-
economy (Dorji, 2016). Dorji (2016) observes that Bhutanese mentality toward
education has changed over the years. In the beginning, Bhutanese people were not
fully aware of the outcomes of a modern system of education and the government was
obligated to conscript students to get them into schools (p.110); however, over time
there has been an exponential growth in the number of students and schools in Bhutan
and the number of outside agencies providing education.
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 40
3.4.2 Political Dimension
The political dimension takes into consideration interrelationship between nation
stated that have intensified globally. With this, the nation-state and its evolving state
has shifted to global governance with objectives set by global political systems (Donn
& Al-Manthri, 2010). Stiglitz (2002) argues that global changes in politics, society and
culture deeply affect education policies, practices and institutions. Rizvi (2004) states
that in the past governments have had exclusive rights to influence education in their
countries; however, now it is the process of globalisation that impact on education.
This has, in turn, transformed the sovereignty of the nation-state. Further, Held and
McGrew (2003) suggest that in the contemporary period governance operates not only
within but also transnationally. So now, policy and practise have become a shared
domain where the global and the local integrate to become the glocal.
The glocal concept was first used by Robertson in the early 1990s and continued
to garner attention through scholars like Hampton and Wellman (1999) and
Swyngedouw (2004). The glocal concept/trend has had a wide effect on business,
media and education. In education, global aspects like consultants, strategies, skills
and/or materials are used and adapted to meet local requirements. This increase in
resources allows teachers and students to expand their knowledge beyond the local
context. However, Edwards and Usher (2008) remind us that the global-local
discussion is a two-way traffic as each one influences the other:
…the local is as much a condition for globalisation as the global; space and place
are traversed by the global-local nexus of globalised space-time compression –
time-space distanciation, disembedding and reflexivity mean that complex
relationships develop between local activities and interactions across distances
(pp. 22-23).
In Bhutan, the concept of the glocal and the political influence it has on education
is largely manifested through the role of the donor agencies and their provisions of
educational support. Table 3.1 provides a brief history of how the Bhutanese education
system has been shaped through various international/global influences. It should be
noted that not all borrowed policies are presented. Table 3.1 provides an overview of
the range of countries and international organisations that have contributed to Bhutan’s
educational policy borrowing processes.
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 41
Table 3-1 Support for education development in Bhutan (Adapted from Dorji, 2016)
Dates Donor
Country
NGOs/Agencies Educational Support
1957
India Human Resource Development
(HDR) training, training teachers,
infrastructure, assessment and
certification models
1974+ United Nations
Children’s Fund
(UNICEF)
HRD, infrastructure, curriculum
development, school feeding
program
1980s World Bank,
UNICEF,
HDR, infrastructure development,
research, curriculum, ICT
development, library enrichment
1985+ Australia AusAid, Endeavour HRD, scholarships, volunteer
teachers, research, library
development, ICT development
1987 + Canada Canadian
International
Development Agency
(CIDA)
HRD, Teacher education,
curriculum development, library
enrichment, M.Ed programme;
training
1985;
1998
Switzerland Swiss Development
Cooperation (SDC):
Primary Education
Project (PEP);
Second Education
Project (SSB
Teacher education projects to take
infrastructure and scholarships for
the two education colleges
2008/9 Canada. United
Kingdom
CIDA; UNESCO,
UNICEF, United
Nations Development
Program (UNDP)
About 100 principals have
completed M.Ed programs; about
300 primary school principals have
completed Advanced Diplomas in
Education
2012 UNDP Achieved 100% gender parity in
primary school enrolment and gross
enrolment of 95% - two of the
millennium goals achieved ahead of
the target year 2015
3.4.3 Socio-Cultural Dimension
The socio-cultural dimensions mostly include discussions on how globalisation
affects people and societies at grass root levels. Slabbert (2003, p. 14) argues that
although “information and communication technologies” is pivotal in enhancing
“development is a two-edged sword” which needs to be carefully handled. It may allow
countries to jump stages of economic development by improving and modernising
their production, which allows them to gain a competitive edge. However, over time
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 42
these countries face two issues: adaptation and financial which cumulates into a lack
of progress.
Within the socio-cultural dimension, the focus is on population growth,
environmental issues, marginalised and vulnerable sectors such as the indigenous
population and social and cultural dilemmas for the least mobile indigenous cultures;
modernisation of agriculture, globalisation of learning and solidarity of civil societies.
A further focus is on media influences, globalisation of languages, and the
development of one global culture or homogenisation (Rizvi & Lingard, 2000). Along
with these, consumerism, and commodification of cultural heritage are also some
issues that continue to be debated within the spectrum of the socio-cultural dimension.
As Rizvi and Lingard (2000) elaborate that the “cultural other” is no more a thing of
the past and is no more exotic, remote or mystical, in fact, it is in the here and the now
as cultural diversity has become a cultural norm (p. 419).
In national education systems, the socio-cultural dimension can also be
observed through the influences of globalisation. Education systems nowadays cater
mainly to employment, which impacts the goals and objectives of education primarily
preparing students as future workers. The educational institution also has the purpose
of sustaining the economy through literacy and numeracy. It is important to note that
there might be enormous differences in resources and traditions in relation to
organisational efforts to serve purposes that are not specifically focused on the
borrowing country’s needs (Meyer et al., 1997). In education, for example,
mathematics and sciences coupled with English language instruction and skill
acquisition (Waitzberg, 2007) is a requirement for making school children more
employable at the national and international level, but do not consider the actual local
needs. Thus, Ramirez and Ventresca (1992) lament the spread of western schooling in
that:
mass schooling has developed and spread as an increasingly familiar set of
general ideological and organisation arrangements. Over historical time and
through diverse processed, features of modern schooling coalesced into one
normative institutional model that was increasingly linked to the ascendant of
the nation-state. (p.47)
This process of schooling has led to a standardisation of education and the
standardisation of outcomes and goals (Kamens, Meyer & Benavot, 1996). These
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 43
authors suggest that the standardised model of education homogenises cultures and the
local communities’ efforts at policy development and implementation.
In Bhutan, the socio-cultural dimension has brought an unprecedented change in
the lives of the students. Curriculum materials in schools which were brought in
through educational policy borrowing provide access to information of lifestyles and
cultures which are traditionally different to the local Bhutanese culture. Rinchen and
Namgyel (2016) maintain that school children in Bhutan have had no choice but to
learn about contexts that are different from their everyday lives, mainly due to the
borrowing of the Indian/British colonial curriculum. Alongside that, Dorji (2005) says
that education in Bhutan serves two purposes: the instrumental purpose and the
purpose of integration. He explains that it is instrumental because “there was a need
for people to use new languages, learn new forms of knowledge and acquire new sets
of skills to be able to participate fully in the newly adopted developmental process”
(pp.2-3). Also, due to globalisation, Bhutan could not remain isolated therefore as
Simoni, (2003) states global integration became necessary. The process of integration
is enhanced through education and English language as the medium of instruction is
Bhutan’s way to integrate with the outside world (Royal Government of Bhutan,
1999).
3.4.4 Technological Dimension
Technological infrastructure now underpins globalisation. The merging of
computers and telecommunications has created a global community with meaningless
geographical frontiers (Slabbert, 2003; Stiglitz, 2002). The creation of wealth is driven
by Information technologies. Thus, continually proving that global economy is
empowered by technology and knowledge (Ohmae, 2005). The technological transfer
is therefore accepted as a means through which divisions between countries and also
between education systems can now be eliminated. For elimination to happen obstacles
that are prevalent in accessing primary education should be removed. This will allow
the foundation to be laid which will close the divide between the rich and the poorer
nations (Moloi et al., 2009).
Globalisation and new technologies have increased the desires of nations to
provide quality education to its people. It is, however, increasingly faced with
inequalities in educational opportunities. Some have argued that one of the effects of
globalisation is the creation of such disparity as wealth continues to be concentrated
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 44
in the wealthy nations and wealthy households. In the end, it can be argued that
information technology creates “inequality and poverty depend on how these are
deployed and who has access to them” (Moloi et al., 2005, p. 81). Van Schalkwyk
(2005) argues, that access to technologies should be made available as well as
affordable especially in the poorer rural areas as this is crucially the focus to the
education development process. Moloi et al. (2005) substantiates this by saying that
“while communications technology can provide access to knowledge resources, and
facilitate teacher support and curriculum development, the implication is that states,
provinces, and communities that are unable to access these will occupy an increasingly
marginal role in international trade” (p.84). They continue to argue that poverty is the
strongest obstacle that is not allowing people to reap the positive aspects of
globalisation. It is the role of the schools to remove such issues as they play a key role
in the education of the child since most children who are rich or poor pass through the
doors of education. As such, the education system has the prerogative as well as the
power to break the poverty chain by receiving a quality education. One of the biggest
challenges for technological integration in educational institutions in Bhutan is
insufficient infrastructure as well as lack of computer literacy.
The technological dimension also includes the compression of time and space or
the shrinking world through the fluidity of information as we live in a more technology
driven/dependent world (Donn & Al-Manthri, 2010). Primarily as a global
communication technique, the technological dimension has led to a transformation in
how we look for employment and engage in travel and has also played a role in
changing our beliefs and attitudes. The technological dimension is perhaps the least
explored in the Bhutanese education system. Although, the government-run high
schools have a fully functioning computer lab for students they are not connected to
the world wide web due to financial restrictions. Students are taught basic skills to use
the computer but cannot be taught navigational skills due to the lack of internet
connectivity. The Bhutan Education Blueprint (BEB, 2014, has a set of nine attributes
that are necessary for students to develop on their journey towards becoming a
productive citizen of the land. One of the nine attributes is world readiness. In that, it
states that students “are productive users of technology, especially ICT, as an
indispensable tool for success in all areas of learning” (Bhutan Education Blueprint, p.
69). Teachers too are encouraged to use the internet to supplement the learning they
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 45
impart to their students in the classrooms. Unfortunately, many teachers do not have
access to internet nor do they have the skills to extract information from the web since
ICT facilities is a new policy in Bhutan which was introduced to teachers through
workshops in 2010 (EPGI, 2012)
Added to the complexities of these dimensions is the enormous speed of change
through global, economic, political and social aspects. Burburles and Torres (2000,
p.3) however, suggest that with globalisation being multi-faceted the impact on
education cannot be homogenous or in a similar manner around the world.
3.5 GLOBALISATION AND EDUCATION
Burbules et al. (2000), argue that within the field of education, globalisation has
been a much-debated subject, especially in the ways that it has affected policy
communities and the implications this has on the changes in the politics of education.
Similarly, Ball (1998) uses globalisation as a way of comparison between educational
policies. However, Arnove and Torres (2012), argue that comparison has to be in
context. There needs to be a dialogue between the global and the local. While
Stromquist (2002), explores ways where technology and knowledge have provided
interconnections in the globalised world, Tikly (2001), studied the post-colonial
theories to develop an understanding and connection between the relation of
globalisation and poor societies from the postcolonial era. Ball (2010), asserts that
education over time is changing and understanding the purpose for education has also
been challenged. In today’s world, education keeps getting more tightly tied to
economic competition and the knowledge economy.
According to Spring (2009), the arguments presented above by scholars can be
fitted into three theoretical positions on globalisation and education. He claims that
‘all cultures are integrating into a single global culture’ (Spring 2009, p.8). World
culture theorists like Lechner and Bolo (2005), Ramirez (2003) and Baker and
Letendre (2005) state that education is becoming more ‘Western’ as nations and
societies look to the west for successful education models. Supporters of this theory
state that this has happened due to the widespread movement of western models of
education and government (Meyer, Boli, Thomas & Ramirez, 2004, p.90).
The second theoretical positioning of globalisation and education is connected
to the world system theorists such as Wallerstein (2004). Unlike the world culture
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 46
theorists, who believe that selecting educational ideas is free and voluntary, the world
system theorists think otherwise. They posit that educational ideas and influences are
imposed on nations and societies by powerful networks of organisations such as the
World Bank, and UNESCO among others (Spring, 2009). Wallerstein (2004) the most
notable world system theorist argues that these organisations legitimise and propagate
certain types of knowledge when dealing with emerging nations. World system
theorists tend to view globalisation and education as “part of an effort to impose
particular economic and political agendas that benefit wealthy and rich nations at the
expenses of the world’s poor” (Spring, 2009, p. 13).
The third positioning of globalisation and education is taken from the
culturalists which include Anderson-Levitt (2003) and Phillips (2004) who do not
agree that a western schooling model is imposed on local cultures by powerful
transnational organisations. As described in Section 2.3 of this thesis researchers posit
that education systems around the world borrow and appropriate successful
educational models not out of curiosity or through an impromptu decision to morph
with others cultures and nations (Dale, 2000, Spring, 2008), it is instead a sophisticated
process called policy borrowing. Policy borrowing according to Phillips and Ochs
(2004) is the “conscious adoption of policy observed in another” (p.774) and is a
common feature of policy making for centuries of human history (Green, 1997). The
idea of borrowing educational ideas is the key feature of these theorists.
The proposed research will look at globalisation and education from the third
theoretical positioning which is the culturist notion where borrowing educational ideas
from other nations is practised through a “conscious adoption” of policy mandates.
Yes, Bhutan’s earliest attempt at educational policy borrowing has been a case of direct
‘borrowing’ of the entire education system of India. Over time direct policy borrowing
continues as Bhutan’ policymakers borrow terms and practices from the world. As the
borders of countries fragment and turn more porous, ideas and ideologies float freely
around. No country can claim it as the country from where these ideas come from is
largely unknown. Bhutan now has borrowed policy ideas like lifelong learning, 21st
century pedagogies, Early Childhood Care and Development, Special Education
Needs and many more without knowing which country these policies belonged to.
There is a danger in borrowing ideas as they may not easily be understood by the
borrower or fit into the local context of education.
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 47
Globalisation has put pressure on nations to provide education that is more
competitive, focuses on computer technology and develops a business mentality. Also,
the education systems are now increasingly training the student to be global citizens
rather than regional or national (Carnoy, 2017). As globalisation continues, there is a
convergence of ideas and ideologies through the act of educational policy borrowing
which increases the demand for education quality (Carnoy, 2016). This demand in shift
of quality education has warranted the rapid promotion of testing and more testing as
countries are compared against each other and international testing continues to grow
through agencies that promote it like the International Association for Evaluation of
Education Organisation (IAE), the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD), the World Bank (WB), the Inter-American Bank and the Asian
Development Bank (ADB). These agencies share a quantitative view of education and
therefore promote and spread the inter-and intra- national comparison on standardised
tests of student knowledge (UNESCO, 2005; OECD 2011). Thus, changing the face
of education in a globalised world.
3.6 GLOBALISATION INFLUENCES THROUGH TRANSNATIONAL
ORGANISATIONS ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
Globalisation by far has the greatest impact on developing countries such as
Bhutan because these countries rely on industrialised or developed countries for
financial support. Developing countries are usually identified as economically
underdeveloped, have high rates of poverty, do not use their natural resources well and
are heavily dependent on industrialised nations (Rizvi & Lingard, 2010). These
countries are usually located in Asia, Africa, Oceania and Latin America. These
developing countries have attempted to transform their socio-economic and political
environments by embracing the globalisation trend mainly through their education.
Education has been recognised as one of the critical pathways to promote social and
economic developments. In response to these imperatives, international agencies have
provided financial aid and loans to developing countries in improving their education
systems. Globalisation has resulted in strengthening the influences of these
organisations like the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
the United Nations (UN). Jones (1996) states that for developing nations international
development programmes have a significant influence.
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 48
These global discourses on development are usually enforced or established
through policy prescriptions that spread over the world (Robertson, 2007). The two
most recognised policy prescriptions are the Washington Consensus (1980-90) and the
Post Washington Consensus (1990-2005). According to Robertson et al., (2007), the
developing countries were the most affected by these two consensus policies. They
argue that the power of the international organisations on education policy increased
after the implementation of these two consensuses. According to Mundy (2002), the
World Bank was the chief policy player who created a globalised education policy for
developing countries.
Another new worldwide agenda to continue the international organisation's
influence on developing countries was the Education for All (EFA) conference held in
1990 in Bangkok, Thailand. This conference was organised and conducted by five
organisations: United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation, World
Bank, United Nations International Children’s Education Fund, United Nations
Development Programme and the United Nations Population Fund. Robertson et al.
(2007), state that this policy was an attempt to overcome the failure of previous policies
initiated through the Washington Consensus and the Post Washington consensus. In
the late 1990s, a summit was conducted that resulted in the Millennium Development
Goals (MDG). This policy was organised by the United Nations (UN). The Millennium
Development Goals (MDG) 1 and Millennium Development Goal 2 anticipated
providing greater opportunities to developing countries through funding from
international donor agencies
Globalisation has increased and strengthened the influential position of these
international organisations and the role they play in education in the developing world.
Rizvi and Lingard (2011) suggest that globalisation has changed and reformatted
educational policy. The authors suggest that the process of globalisation has evolved
and shifted educational policies in terms of how these are developed, implemented and
evaluated. Al’Abri (2011) says that the UN’s Millennium Development Goal,
Education for All and the broader globalised education policy discourses of the
knowledge economy and lifelong learning have empowered these organisations in all
spheres of development; however, the strongest influence can be felt in the educational
policies that they prescribe and mandate (p.8). Dakopoulou (2009) suggests that
international policy goals are achieved through two different means. The first being
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 49
the power of persuasion and the next by imposing conditionality attached to loans. The
power of persuasion is usually used with the developed nations while the second
condition is usually reserved for the developing nations. Financial assistance is
generally the most powerful persuader for the less developed nations to adopt
international education policies. In more extreme conditions the failure to implement
agreements may result in fines and penalties.
Similarly, Bhutan has been a recipient of much aid from various organisations
(see Table 3.1). Many have been provided on a bilateral level while others have been
on loan. Alongside this, Bhutan has also been a signatory to the Education for All and
the Millennium Development Goal among others which, therefore, mandates Bhutan
to adopt certain educational policies like the universal primary education which would
eliminate gender differences and cause a standardisation in education in the developing
nations (Robertson et al., 2007). This policy borrowing situation has provided Bhutan
with finance from international agencies to design and implement the imported
policies, which it would otherwise not be able to implement.
Taylor et al. (1997), argue that changes in education do not happen in a vacuum
and educational policies do not just appear. There is a system and process which
includes an ideological and political climate which is responsible for shaping and
calculating the timing as to when educational policies occur, and the expected outcome
form it. (Taylor et al., 1997). As a nation within the sphere of developing nations, the
Bhutanese education system has also been greatly influenced by globalisation, mainly
through the multilateral organisations and Non-Governmental Organisation.
Education has evolved in Bhutan as outside agencies have brought in changes in the
policy discourse and through policy implementation in the schools. Burbules and
Torres (2000) argue that the impact globalisation has on education is immense. The
ideologies of the different transnational organisations are reflected in the education
agenda and most times prioritise or directly impose policies on all aspects of education
like “curriculum, evaluation and assessment standards, teacher training, school
governance and financing” (p. 5) on borrowing nations. Globalisation has influenced
the school education system as well as policymakers in Bhutan. Inclusions in the policy
discourse with ideas such as education for all, transformative learning for the 21st
century, child-friendly schools, inclusive education, non-formal education and lifelong
learning are now popular terminology and practices embedded in the Bhutanese
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 50
education system. It has not been very long since these discourses have come into the
education policy in Bhutan, but there has been no research to date that strives to
understand whether these terms are comprehended properly or not. The current
research has attempted to fill this gap.
3.7 LOCALISATION/GLOCALISATION
This section provides a brief overview of localisation or otherwise termed
glocalisation. The aim is to explain and clarify how the term is being employed in this
study. As Hannerz 1996, p.27 observes, “the local is the space in which a variety of
influences come together, acted out perhaps in a unique combination, under those
special conditions”.
What is localisation? According to Hines (2000) “localisation is a process
which reverses the trend of globalisation by discriminating in favour of the local” (p.
27). Shuman in his ground-breaking book Going Local (2013) described localisation
as the use of local resources to achieve sustainability; Shuman further states that the
“control moves from the boardrooms of distant corporations and back to the
community where it belongs” (p.6). According to Lane (1998) localisation refers to a
general strategy where competitive advantage is still strongly influenced by intangible
assets owned by the country of origin, and this works as an advantage for the country
as this ownership of asset allows the country to influence international companies and
the strategy and policy these companies have.
From an education perspective, localisation is defined by Taylor (2004) as the
freedom for schools and the local education authority to adapt the curriculum to local
conditions. He further emphasises that it also means the content of the curriculum and
the processes of teaching and learning to be related to the local environment. UNESCO
(2002), which is also an active promoter of traditions and cultural heritage of local
communities, state that taking local heritage into consideration is important if people
are to succeed in life. UNESCO (2002), observed that national education systems fail
mainly due to the lack of relevance to the life of the learners. This lack of relevancy
weakens the connection and bond between communities, learners and school. As
Byron (1999), noted that for many nations with ethnic and linguistic diversity, mostly
in the developing world, there is a preoccupation to try and develop school curricula
that respect and preserves the local way of life. This movement shows that localisation
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 51
can work if teachers are motivated to own a local curriculum and implement it (Cowley
and Williamson, 1998, p.81)
Byron (2000) describes that localisation of education is important as it helps
children acquire local values to enable them to participate within their communities
successfully. However, several issues make localisation problematic, especially in
these areas, as Hannerz (1996) states “the local is changed by the influence of external
cultural, economic and social aspects. The local is increasingly becoming an area
where the global or what has been local somewhere else, also has some chance of
making itself at home” (Hannerz, 1996, p. 27).
In Bhutan, localisation is a movement gaining momentum in the economic and
business area (Dorji, 2016). Local artisans are encouraged to mass produce local
products and sell them so that they are self-sufficient and subsequently learn to sustain
their communities. In the education system too, the localisation of the Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) into Gross National Happiness (GNH) is Bhutan’s biggest counter
movement challenge to globalisation. Gross National Happiness is taught to children
from classes 7-12. Lessons are concentrated on developing life skills which focus on
meditation to develop good emotions and positive attitude towards learning. Besides
Gross National Happiness, other localisation efforts in Bhutan include a mass social
forestry day where trees are planted by everyone in schools and the introduction to the
13 traditional arts in schools instead of using international arts and crafts. However, a
caveat is in order. As Appadurai (1991, p.199) warns the “standard cultural production
is now an endangered activity”. Within the local set up there are simultaneous exposure
to the global through lifestyles and a range of choices presented to individuals.
Therefore, as Long (1996, p.47) observes, there is a high intermix of the global with
the local resulting in a glocal phenomenon.
3.8 IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY
BORROWING IN BHUTAN
Drawing on Sinagatullin (2006) there could be both negative and positive
impacts on education through globalisation of educational policies in Bhutan.
Sinagatullin (2006) continues to exert that globalisation may accelerate the destruction
of national systems of education and indigenous traditions of folk pedagogy, force out
and displace languages and negatively influences rural education. However, there are
positive aspects of such impact as it promotes the integration of national educational
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 52
structures of Bhutan within the global pedagogical space. It also enriches the
pedagogical processes with democratic principles and canons. It introduces and
legalises English as an important tool of education and global communication. Finally,
it attempts implementation concepts for multiculturalism and global education
(Sinagatullin, 2006).
Similarly, Scholte (2000) argues that the impact of globalisation on education
can be both at the positive and negative levels and this contradiction is evident in the
Bhutanese education system. Positively, the impact of globalisation is bringing in rapid
development in technology which provides the Bhutanese education system with
access to educational policies practices from around the world. This, therefore,
facilitates a better transition towards an information-based society which is a pre-
requisite for everyone as a global citizen. However, Scholte (2000) warns that
globalisation also has a negative impact. The value of culture and tradition and the
value of national education systems diminish as education systems try to emulate and
copy other education systems which seemingly have better education policies and do
better in international assessments. Also, with education now becoming commodified,
the seeking of knowledge which may be a lifelong learning trend is being practised to
get more transferable knowledge that can then become an asset in the competitive
knowledge markets where knowledge and information provide better job
opportunities. Increasingly, as the K-12 education policies like educating for Gross
National Happiness proposes, we are all being made into lifelong learners and learner-
citizens within “a learning society”. (Tuschling & Engemann, 2006, p. 43)
Through globalisation, the practice of education in Bhutan is being
reconceived, and the meaning of being “educated is changing as a result” (Ball et al.,
2010, p.524). Education nowadays is being tied ever more tightly to the needs of;
“economic competition and the knowledge economy” (p. 524) and this posits as
(Priestly, 2002, p.10) notes, that “national education systems” have remarkably
changed through supranational system like World Bank quite noticeably by the
processes of globalisation Jones and Coleman (2005) also suggest the ongoing impact
of globalisation on nation states including Bhutan.
Globalisation has changed the value of education in Bhutan. In the 21st century,
the Bhutanese educational system is faced with a double challenge where education
has to equip students with new knowledge, skills and values that are necessary to
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 53
compete in a competitive global market and also challenged to produce graduates who
are responsible adults, good citizens both of their country and of the world at large.
Therefore, globalisation challenges us to rethink not only on how education should be
provided or is needed but also makes us think on the ultimate purposes of education.
Policy borrowing has a long-standing history as noted by Green (1997).
Societies have implemented policies that were taken from other transnational contexts
and have implemented these with experiences of failure and success. However, in
today’s world, global competition has mandated many countries to look towards other
educational systems for knowledge and ideas on education and policies (Dolowitz and
March 2000; Lingard, 2010). Now, therefore, in Bhutan, the concepts of globalisation,
nation-state and education are closely intertwined. This leads to the discussion of the
theory of discourse as outlined by Gee (1999).
3.9 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS THEORY
Experts and scholars who have conducted researches within the field of
discourse mostly agree that the term discourse analysis is vague. A few definitions are
therefore provided here to highlight how discourse analysis has been understood.
Fasold (1990) defines discourse as the “study of any aspect of language use” (p. 65).
Potter (1996) states that discourse is made up of “talk and texts as part of social
practice” (p. 105) while Slembrouck (2005), gives a more elaborate definition of
discourse as “the organisation of language above the sentence or above the clause and
therefore to study larger linguistic units, such as conversational exchanges and written
texts (p.1). Like Potter (1996), Slembrouck (2005) also believes that discourse analysis
is about language use in different social contexts and is, in particular, focused on
interaction or dialogue among speakers. Van Dijk (2002) argues that discourse is a
very multidisciplinary form of study and therefore crosses beyond being just a
linguistic practice. He defines discourse analysis as a study that involves “linguistics,
poetics, semiotics, psychology, sociology, anthropology, history and communication”
(p.10). Discourse analysis according to Van Dijk (2002) takes into account the
multidisciplinary role of being textual, cognitive, social, political and also historical.
It can therefore safely be purported that while engaging in discourse analysis,
researchers can look at functional grammar, sociolinguistics, pragmatics or even
cognitivism since these fields have tenets that are interrelated (Van Dijk, 2002;
Slembrouck, 2005).
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 54
For this research Gee’s theory on discourse analysis has been selected for three
reasons. First, Gee is the only scholar who has claimed that discourse analysis is both
a theory and a practice. According to him “the theory of language is that language has
meaning only in and through practices. The theory of language is, therefore, the theory
of practice” (Gee, 1999; p .8) and discourse theory is successful when these two
interact with each other.
Gee’s concept of the big D and the little d discourses (1999) which he
conceptualised provides the reader with a better understanding of how the
discourse/Discourse are differentiated and how they can be used in research. Gee used
the term Discourse with a capital ‘D’ to indicate the socially situated conventions of
actions (1999) and discourse with a small ‘d’ to indicate language. An explanation of
the two d/D discourses is provided below which forms the central idea of Gee’s
discourse analysis.
The other reason for using Gee’s discourse analysis is that his research is
situated within education. He says that “much work in discourse analysis, especially
in the field of linguistics has no particular interest in education or issues germane to
education. My own work has often centred on education” (2004, p.3).
Gee’s theory of D/discourses draws on several theories which include elements
from sociolinguistic, cognitive science and philosophy. By including these Gee
provides a theory which assists in analysing discourse and social practice and which is
significant especially in understanding the relationships between language, social
identity and social context (Knobel, 1999). Gee (1999) considers that we use language
mainly for three things: to say, to do and to be. While writing or speaking we say
something; therefore, we provide information, we also do something which involves
action and, finally we chose to say and do something which provides our identity, and
therefore, our being. So, when we listen or read, we have to know what the speaker or
writer is saying, doing, and being in order to understand fully. (Gee, 1999)
To facilitate in understanding the theory of discourse and the relationships
between discourse and social relations, social identities, contexts and specific
situations of language use, Gee (1999), makes a clear distinction between small ‘d’
discourse and big ‘D’ discourse. Both are important in the development of his theory
Gee’s big ‘D’ discourse he defines as:
A socially accepted association among ways of using language, other symbolic
expressions, and artefacts, of thinking, feeling, believing, valuing and acting
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 55
that can be used to identify oneself as a member of a socially meaningful group
or “social network (Gee, 1996, p. 131).
Therefore, discourse with a big D means the integration of how people talk,
listen, write and read along with how they act, interact, express emotions beliefs and
value within a specific social group or network (Gee, 1999, 2001). Hence, a person
can be a part of several social discourses. S/he can participate within the discourse of
different social group/communities and belong to different social communities. For
example, the discourse of teachers, the discourse of nurses, and the discourse of policy
analysts among others, can be, discourses that a person can participate in according to
his/her affiliation which helps in creating their socially significant identities.
However, for any given discourse to be successfully conducted the most vital
element required is language. For Gee, the small ‘d’ signifies the language being used
and defines it as:
any stretch of language (spoken, written, signed) which “hangs together” to
make sense to some community of people who use that language… [M]aking
sense is always a social and variable matter: what makes sense to one
community of people may not make sense to another (1990, p. 103).
Gee’s theory, therefore, indicates that the meaning in language is situated and
is related to the discourse in which the person is participating. The little ‘d’ discourse
looks only at the language that the group of people choose to interact in. An example
is a language a teacher chooses to use while interacting with her students. Her choice
of words, the structure of her sentences, and her diction will distinguish her as a teacher
through her discourse patterns. Furthermore, the interpretation of the discourse is
guided by the flow in patterns and connections of the language. As a teacher she is
explaining things, asking questions, providing instructions, encouraging her learners,
and disciplining and monitoring her students. These discourse patterns, markers and
connectors allow her to strengthen her identity as a teacher. Hence, the group to which
this person belongs to expresses experiences and perspectives which are similar to
those of the other people within this group and so engage in conversation by using a
similar discourse/language to express these shared traits. Thus, the meaning of the
words is situated within a certain discourse and will mean a different thing when
situated in another discourse. This situated discourse Gee refers to as social language
(Gee, 2001).
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 56
Furthermore, Gee continues to argue that all social languages are fixed within
the upper case ‘D’ discourse. The distinction between the big ‘D’ and the small ‘d’ is
designed to illustrate how the four R’s operate but also includes beliefs, values, and
interactions that occur in a social context and affinity group (Gee, 1996, 1999, 2015).
Language and elements of language are integral elements of Discourse. The situated
meaning in language is interlinked with the situated context of Discourse.
The theory of Gee’s discourse, therefore, highlights the importance of
interaction between the small ‘d’ and the big ‘D’ discourses for any meaningful
discourse to take place. He says, “the little ‘d’ is embedded in the big ‘D’ of discourse
analysis “into the ways in which language melds with bodies and things to create
society and history” (2015, p. 2). Gee (1999) also constantly reminds the reader that
theory and method are part and parcel of each other as expressed above and therefore
cannot be separated. He goes on to say that methods often are taught like it can “stand
alone” (p.5) but that it is the theory of the subject which is the foundation that allows
the investigation to take place.
One of the methods that Gee refers to is his five tools of inquiry. These tools
which are the social language tool, the situated identity/ies tool, the intertextuality tool,
the figured worlds tool and finally the big Discourse/Conversation tool. These tools
are embedded in the theory of the big ‘D’, and little ‘d’ discourses and can be used to
understand the relevance and position that language plays in social interaction. These
tools assist in unpacking the subtleties of language and the manner in which language
is employed within different contexts. These tools are elaborated in Chapter 3 which
discusses the research design.
3.10 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK EXPLAINED
The various discussions provided above situates the practice of educational
policy borrowing within the phenomenon of globalisation and comparative education.
The phenomenon of globalisation is the most dominant concept that influences the
practice of educational policy borrowing through comparative education studies in the
international education market. Similarly, the Bhutanese education system has felt the
impact of globalisation, and therefore the phenomenon of globalisation has been
chosen as the theoretical framework for this study.
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 57
The discussion on globalisation and education in section 3.5 indicates that
globalisation and education cannot be separated anymore. The global influences on
national education communities are enormous as education systems all over the world
look towards other education systems that have more successful education practices
and seek to borrow best practices from them (Steiner-Khamsi, 2014). Urry (2003)
agrees that national education policies are now shaped by educational trends that are
in the global education market. Due to this, national education systems are feeling the
pressure to conform to international standards by teaching students skills that are
transferable and transnational, providing exposure to information and communication
technologies and teaching them a foreign language. These new skills are emphasised
to help meet economic development and create new disciplines of study (Altbach &
David, 1999).
Similarly, Robinson (2007) discusses globalisation as an “Isomorphic” (p. 138)
process in which he states that values, practices and institutional ideology will spread
uniformly all over the universe. The catalysts responsible for this are the supranational
and institutional networks (Boli & Thomas, 1999; Meyer et al. 1997). However, for
the isomorphic process to continue, educational institutions have been identified as the
predominant system through which the culture and values can be transmitted
(Robinson, 2007). Due to this, the synergy between globalisation and education cannot
be separated anymore.
The theoretical framework that is chosen for this study provides the structure
to understand how educational policy borrowing within the comparative education
paradigm functions through the phenomenon of globalisation in the Bhutanese
education system.
3.11 SUMMARY
Policy borrowing usually takes place from developed countries to developing
countries. There are different beliefs about this. Some scholars claim that it is a result
of power and legitimacy seeking relations (i.e. central countries versus periphery
countries). While developed countries, which are usually advanced economically and
technologically, push the rest of the world to adopt their educational policies as a show
of their hegemony, host countries might feel obliged that they must adopt these
policies. Indeed, when looking at education policies around the world, one can see that
there is an increasing similarity in education policies. However, one can also argue
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework 58
that developing countries are looking to the developed countries because of the huge
amount of resource and research that are available in the hope that these may be
brought to them. Developing countries lack resources. Developed countries provide
funding opportunities which can make the job of policy borrowing easier to implement
and they are better able to follow through with finding out whether a designed policy
is effective enough or nor effective at all. In contrast, developing countries’ lack of
funds and resources can cause the policies to be merely written on papers, regardless
of whether they are being put into practice.
Educational policy borrowing has allowed Bhutan to participate in regional and
world education stages. Since Bhutanese education has become internationalised,
students from other countries can come to Bhutan and study just like Bhutanese can
go to other countries for studies. Besides this, the donor investment may imply the
country has debt; however, it has been argued that the debt is a small price to pay for
the overall improvement it brings to the education system. In general, it is believed by
many in Bhutan that education policy borrowing has provided a better education
system for Bhutan. The current research has explored three educational policies that
have been borrowed to determine the influence that has shaped this practice in Bhutan
Chapter 4: Research Design 59
Chapter 4: Research Design
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the research process that was undertaken to examine the
research question: What are the influences of educational policy borrowing practices
on the Bhutanese education system? And two sub-questions:
1. How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of
practice in the Bhutanese education system?
2. What are the key influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in
Bhutan?
To understand these questions an interpretivist approach is used in the study as
described in Section 4.2 of the chapter. This is followed by a description of the data
collection method used in Section 4.3. An overview of Discourse Analysis is provided
in Section 4.4 with a detailed description of Gee’s (1999) discourse analysis provided
in Section 4.5. Data coding techniques are described in Section 4.6 with a description
of thematic analysis for the research described in Section 4.7. Gee’s (1999) five tools
of inquiry are outlined in Section 4.8. This is followed by a discussion of the credibility
of the research in Section 4.9, ethical considerations in Section 4.10, as well as the
limitations of the project in Section 4.11. The chapter concludes in Section 4.12 by
stating the significance of the discourse analysis method for studying Bhutan’s
education policy documents over a period. The following section provides an overview
of the interpretivist approach taken for the research.
A qualitative, interpretive methodology was adopted for the current research, as it
provides an in-depth analysis suitable to the purpose of examining a set of policies that
document the changes to education in Bhutan consequent on comparative education
and globalisation. The qualitative, interpretive approach assists in determining how
education stakeholders comprehend the currency and relevance of policies within the
Bhutanese context and how imposing these policies on the education systems has a
ripple effect through schools and communities.
Chapter 4: Research Design 60
4.2 THE INTERPRETIVIST APPROACH
All research has an underlying philosophical assumption which establishes
‘valid’ research, and this includes research methods that are appropriate for a given
study. Hence, to conduct a study, we need to be aware of the philosophical assumptions
and identify methods that will help to validate the study under focus. This chapter
describes the research method underpinning the current study along with its
philosophical assumptions.
Domegan and Fleming (2007), state that qualitative research aims to explore and
identify issues regarding a problem. The problem is investigated as little is known
about it nor how complex it is. Myers (2009) posits that qualitative research helps the
researcher to comprehend the sociocultural contexts that surround the study.
Qualitative research facilitates the understanding of complex issues and differences
that are explored in the world under study (Philips, 1998, p.267). In qualitative
research, different knowledge claims, enquiry strategies and data collection methods
and analysis are employed (Creswell, 2012).
In the interpretivist approach to research, a researcher observes the world with
different lenses to construct and interpret meaning. To the researcher, there is no
objective knowledge which is isolated from thinking and reasoning. Interpretivist
research is based on the view that there are multiple perspectives in arriving at
epistemological conclusions and, as suggested by Myers (2008), these are constructed
through language, consciousness and shared meaning. Babbie (2005) states that
interpretivist researchers observe certain social aspects in a society which may help
them discover patterns which then further helps them understand broader principles.
Myers (2008) and Robson (2002) propose that reality is created by the individual’s
perception and experience as it emerges; therefore, there is not one reality but multiple
realities. The interpretivist paradigm as Aikenhead (1997) states consists of
observation and interpretation.
There are four basic features of an interpretivist research method according to
Bhattarcharjee (2012). First, there is a theoretical sampling strategy. In this strategy,
the samples are selected based on whether the selection fits the phenomenon to be
studied, and the samples are also examined to see if they possess characteristics needed
for the study. This, therefore, indicates that interpretivist researchers are comfortable
with small samplings if they fit the nature and purpose of the study. The current
Chapter 4: Research Design 61
research adopted this sampling strategy in choosing to analyse three of Bhutan’s
educational policies. The sampling is purposeful as the selected educational policies
chosen for analysis fit the phenomenon to be studied, educational policy borrowing in
the Bhutanese education system.
The second feature of the interpretivist approach (Bhattarcharjee, 2012) is the
insider’s perspective. Unlike most other research methods where the researcher is on
the outside looking in or must remain neutral to all happenings, in interpretivist
research, the researcher is at the centre and is steering the direction of the research.
Applying this strategy to the proposed study fits the researcher’s engagement with the
policies due to her background as an educator in Bhutan with a vested interest in the
topic and the potential impact it has on her future teaching practices.
The third feature indicates that in interpretivist research, the analysis is holistic
and contextual; it does not reduce or isolate any findings. The focus of an interpretivist
research is usually on the language: the signs and the meanings. This focus is
paramount for the examination of education policy to determine if and how
appropriateness of the policy language borrowed from other countries appropriate in
the Bhutanese educational context.
The fourth feature of interpretivist research (Bhattarcharjee, 2012) shows that
data collection and analysis can proceed simultaneously. Also, the researcher can
change the research question if the original one is unable to generate new or useful
insights thus, making interpretivist research a more user-friendly approach compared
to other approaches that provide no flexibility. This approach provides the best fit for
the proposed researcher in analysing educational policy borrowing.
Comparable to other research approaches, interpretivist research has its
limitations that a researcher must be mindful of when using it as a methodology. A
prime limitation could be that due to contextualisation and researcher interpretation,
the data analysis could be perceived as a subjective endeavour. An interpretivist
approach has been adopted for this research keeping in mind that multiple realities can
be created in an interpretivist approach. Unlike other approaches which show an
interest in generating new theory, most interpretivists prefer to evaluate theory and
refine it. Likewise, this study aims to examine and understand the social phenomenon
of educational policy borrowing in the context of Bhutan. Table 4.1 below explains in
a tabular form how this study is situated in the interpretivist paradigm. The table shows
Chapter 4: Research Design 62
the purpose of the study, the nature of reality (ontology), nature of knowledge and the
relationship between the researcher and the phenomenon being researched
(epistemology), and the methodology that is being used.
Table 4-1 The Interpretivist approach for the study
Feature Description
Purpose of the
research
To comprehend the impact of globalisation through
educational policy borrowing trends in the education system
of Bhutan and to understand how localisation discourses are
situated.
Ontology There are several relevant knowledges about teaching and
learning proposed in the documents analysed:
The teacher-learner relationship set up in the documents
The portrayal of discipline and school management
The portrayal of the dynamics of the donor-receiver as
presented in the educational policy documents of Bhutan
Epistemology All social events are understood, influenced and interpreted
by social interaction in a social context; language and
meaning are examined as socially situated.
The researcher is engaged in an interactive process which, in
this study involves reading through the three policy
documents for analysis.
Methodology
Interpretive
Research using
Discourse analysis: -
The data is collected from policy documents published by
the Ministry of Education, Bhutan to achieve:
Authenticity: interaction with archived material.
Plausibility: sound interpretation using Gee’s discourse
analysis.
Criticality: discourse analysis interpretation
Reflexivity: reflections on the themes and use of language in
texts.
(Adapted from Cantrell, 2001).
In brief, the reason for using the interpretivist approach in the research is due
to its scope to understand issues of influences and the impact a phenomenon can have
in certain social settings (Deetz, 1996). In the current research, the phenomena are the
borrowed policy discourse and how these have shaped Bhutanese education. Next, the
interpretivist approach allows the researcher to explore hidden reasons behind
complex/multifaceted social processes through an in-depth reflective examination of
data. This approach is described more fully in the next section.
Chapter 4: Research Design 63
4.3 DATA COLLECTION METHOD
Silverman (2006) states that many qualitative researchers do not value the
written text. Instead, texts tend to be used mostly for background information or as a
reference when instead they can be used as an important material source. Silverman
further identifies two advantages for using textual data as they are rich in subtleties
and nuances which are different from the spoken word. The first advantage is that
textual data can show the reader what the writer is feeling, what the writer values and
how the writer deals with each situation. The second advantage is the capacity to
document what the writer/participants in the world are doing. As Taylor (2004)
reiterates, texts construct representations of the world, social relationships and social
identities (p. 435).
For this study, three education policy documents published by the Ministry of
Education (MoE) Bhutan, written over three different periods in time, will be analysed
to understand the trends of educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education
system and the impacts that this has had upon education. Unfortunately, the
documentation process from the inception of modern education in 1961 has not been
recorded. Very little is known or documented about policy borrowing in the early 60s
and 70s. As Roble (2016) notes, there is a paucity of information on the early planning
and development of the modern system of education regarding the intended purposes
and functions of the curriculum in the early 1960s-70s in Bhutan.
For the current study, three documents that were published by the Ministry of
Education, Bhutan have been selected for analysis. The documents span the years from
1988 to 2017. Although ‘Western’ education was introduced to Bhutan in 1961, no
education policy was written by the Ministry of Education and circulated to schools
until 1988. Hence it was important to select that document to understand the Bhutanese
perspective of education. The first policy document selected for analysis was the 1st
Quarterly Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions, 1988. This was the first
official education policy document that was circulated to all the schools. The document
introduced formal policies to the schools along with information on how and why these
policies needed to be implemented in the schools. This document was initially planned
to be circulated to schools four times a year, and thus was called the Quarterly
Education Policy Guidelines and Instruction (QEPGI). While the intention was for
this document to be circulated four times a year, only two circulations occurred, and
Chapter 4: Research Design 64
so the document became a biannual publication until 1997, when the QEPGI ceased
to be published in favour of an annual Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions
(EPGI) document; however, the EPGI served the same function as the QEPGI. The 1st
QEPGI (1988) was selected for analysis for several reasons. From the researcher’s
perspective, it is a pioneering document that provides information about the Bhutanese
education system at that time. It discusses educational policies as well as the roles and
responsibilities that heads of schools and teachers play in the implementation of these
policies. It discusses issues on how these policies affect Bhutanese identity and the
ways that this identity can be safeguarded against the strong presence of global
pressures on Bhutanese education. The QEPGI includes new Bhutanese focused
policies and reasons for amendments of old policies. The QEPGI is a rich and detailed
document and for these reasons was chosen for analysis.
The second document chosen for analysis is the 30th Education Policy
Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI) (2012). The EPGI documents follow the same line
as the QEPGI (1988) document but, as described above have evolved from the original
QEPGI document. The EPGI (2012) was selected for analysis to understand what
evolution or changes to educational policies and practices had occurred in Bhutan since
the 1988 QEPGI. To the researcher, this document presents information on how
educational policy borrowing practices have continued since 1988, thus showcasing
the journey of the Bhutanese education system until 2012. Similar to the QEPGI
(1988), the EPGI (2012) discusses the need for teachers’ professional development,
curriculum reforms, and the roles and responsibilities of principals and teachers. The
highlight of the document is the discussion on the inclusion of Gross National
Happiness (GROSS NATIONAL HAPPINESS) into schools in Bhutan. GROSS
NATIONAL HAPPINESS is unique to Bhutan and was deemed a vital area of
consideration for analysing the EPGI (2012) document.
Finally, the third document selected for analysis is the 31st Education Policy
Guidelines and Instructions 2017. The 31st EPGI is the most recent education policy
document for Bhutan. The introduction to the 31sEPGI document states that the EPGI
was reintroduced after a gap of five years and so was included for analysis to give an
up-to-date perspective of educational policy for Bhutan. Like the other two documents,
the 31st EPGI (2017) also discusses education policies. The document is slightly
different in its presentation as it provides a brief report in the Foreword to all of the
Chapter 4: Research Design 65
education policies introduced in 2013 to 2017. The reason for this inclusion was that
no EPGI documents were published since the 30th EPGI in 2012; the Foreword updates
the reader about what has happened in Bhutanese education policy during these years.
To summarise, all three education documents provide information on education
policy. The documents include policies already in place and also introduce new
policies with detailed information attached in the appendices of the policy document.
The documents are valuable resources to the schools as they act as guidelines to how
policies can be implemented and provide aims and objectives to understand why these
education policies are mandated. The three policy documents were selected for the
study to understand the progress of education and the practice of education policy
borrowing in Bhutan from 1988 to 2017. A copy of each of these policies is included
in Appendix B.
4.4 DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
Discourse analysis is perhaps one of the oldest forms of a systematic study of
language. However, as a discipline discourse analysis has been recognised only since
the 1960s (Harris, 1970). The interest in language as a social phenomenon and,
subsequently in discourse analysis grew towards the end of the late 20th century.
Discourse analysis is still contested as a method, and there is hardly a consensus among
scholars who engage in discourse analysis as to what exactly discourse analysis is and
what can be studied (Jorgensen & Phillips, 2011). According to Fairclough (1995),
discourse analysis is a method of analysis that allows the researcher to investigate
textual materials to understand the specific meanings that the texts are articulating
about a certain topic of interest. Gee (2011) supports the above statement and says that
discourse analysis is the study of language both to say things and to do things. A
language is a tool used by humans to help others, to build things, and to show emotions
among others. Thus, discourse analysis involves logically examining the various
structures and strategies of texts and how the discourse is constructed within them
(Chouliaraki, 2008; Fairclough, 1992, 1995, 2003; Rose, 2007; Wodak, 2008).
Discourse analysis can, therefore, be defined as the interpretation of texts, based on
detailed argument and attention to the material examined (Gill, 2000). As a result,
Fairclough (2003), Fischer and Forester (1993) and Hastings (1998) recommend that
qualitative researchers use discourse analysis to evaluate public policy documents.
Hastings (1998) suggests that discourse analysis can assist in uncovering how
Chapter 4: Research Design 66
language is used to connect to broader processes and practices, for example, the
reproduction of social relations and the construction of knowledge.
Discourse analysis works with textual materials. Weaver (2002) states that “it
does not try to uncover the actors’ hidden agendas, secret motives or their true
thoughts” (26-27). It is important to remember that while analysing discourse on public
texts that they are analysed for what they express and not to find other meanings in it.
Weaver (2002) continues to exert that researcher should examine “the shared codes
which are used when actors relate to each other, not what the individual decision
makers believe or what the shared beliefs among a population are” (p.26-27). Here, in
particular, the discourse is the object of analysis. The researcher, therefore, should
work on what is being said and written, identifying motifs and themes and
understanding the consequences these discourses have on society (Jorgensen &
Phillips, 2011).
4.5 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (1999)
Since Gee’s discourse analysis (2011) is chosen as the method to analyse the
data, Gee’s interpretation of discourse analysis will be looked at closely to provide a
clearer understanding of how the analysis of the data is going to be done. Gee’s (2005)
discourse analysis is similar to yet also different from the definitions provided above
by different scholars. The point of similarity lies in the process by which verbal and
written information can be interpreted. Gee, however, goes beyond this and argues that
discourse analysis is not the mere understanding of oral and written communication.
Gee (2011) states that “discourses have no definite and permanent boundaries since
people are always creating new ones, changing old ones, and contesting and pushing
the boundaries of proposed discourses” (p.37), there are however two purposes that
remain constant. The first purpose being “to support the performance of social
activities and social identities” and the second purpose is “support human affiliation
within cultures, social groups, and institutions” (Gee, 2005, p.1)
Furthermore, Gee (2011) considers that discourse analysis can be approached
from different perspectives and that usually these are determined by the discipline of
study undertaken for analysis. Some approach it from the discipline of linguistics,
where the focus is on grammar. Others approach it from a discipline which is more
focussed on ideas, issues and themes, where the grammatical details are not too much
Chapter 4: Research Design 67
of a concern (Gee, 2011). This study focuses more on the latter perspective where the
policy documents are examined mainly for ideas, issues and themes.
Gee (2011) further goes on to say that human communication is a complex
phenomenon, especially when social and cultural elements are included. As a species,
human beings are especially good at finding meaning in everything written and
spoken. We look for meaning everywhere and very quickly interpret what others say
according to our own social and cultural perspectives. Often, Gee considers that
interpretations are wrong and falsely made. Therefore, engaging in discourse analysis
provides the researcher with a more concrete means to make better and clearer
interpretations as words, sentences, phrases in an utterance or a text are interpreted as
is and the words are not looked at to have multiple meanings or expressions (Gee,
2011).
In undertaking discourse analysis, we gain knowledge about a context in which
an aspect of language has been used to form hypotheses about what that aspect of
language means and is doing (Torfing 2005, p.10). Therefore, Thomas (2004) rightly
argues that “while it is important not to privilege the discursive over other moments in
social life, it is necessary to recognise that an analysis of the discursive moment is
essential to the furthering of our understandings of social life, in this case of the public
sphere” (229).
The aspect of language is closely studied both to identify the contextual use of
language and to comprehend the interpretation of concepts by the speaker or receiver
author or reader (Gee, 2011, p. 20). Gee (2000) coined the term “social languages” to
indicate how “people create from the grammatical resources of a language quite
specific sub-languages” (2000, pp. 412-413). Gee observed how languages are used in
specific ways to illustrate how particular themes are promoted and meaning-making
occurs. Combined with this is Gee’s notion of Discourse/discourse. As discussed in
Chapter 3, while discourse with a capital D indicates beliefs, values, ways of acting,
interacting and combining to promote “distinctive environments” that promote
identities, the small d of discourse indicates the linguistic level of meaning-making.
While discourse with a capital D indicates beliefs, values, ways of acting, interacting
and combining to promote “distinctive environments” that promote identities, the
small d of discourse indicates the linguistic level of meaning-making. Both of these
meanings are employed in this study to focus on how ideas, themes, beliefs, and values
Chapter 4: Research Design 68
are reproduced in policy documents and the significant focus that is adopted through
the use of specific language.
Interpretivist researchers usually derive their data through direct interaction with
the phenomenon they are studying. According to Creswell (2012), in qualitative
research data analysis follows a set of procedures. First the data are prepared and
organised; next they are reduced into themes by process of coding and categorising;
and finally, the data are represented in figures, tables or even as a discussion. Several
authors have also highlighted that data analysis is a procedure that happens
simultaneously with data collection, data interpretation and report writing (Creswell,
2012; Miles and Huberman, 1984). Yin (2009) identifies the dominant traits of data
analysis as pattern matching, explanation building, and cross-synthesis. Patton (2005)
and Yin (2009) also explain the importance of coding and categorising data into
broader categories or themes and then comparing them in the discussion. Bogdon and
Biklen (2003) define qualitative data analysis as a system where the researcher works
with data and puts these into manageable units and then codes them, followed by
synthesis and looking for patterns. This process helps the researcher to concentrate on
the entire data at the start of the analysis. Qualitative data analysis allows the researcher
to take the data set apart and then once again reassemble it with a better understanding
of the phenomenon under study.
Categorising allows the researcher to search for similarities and differences
within the patterns. This process helps the researcher to reflect on certain patterns and
threads which provide a deeper meaning. Strauss and Corbin (1990) state that coding,
categorisation and organisation of the data is the first step in data analysis. Through
this, one searches for patterns and critical themes and meaning.
4.6 CODING DATA
Coding is a qualitative technique that is used to identify a word, phrase, or
sentences that represent an aspect of data that captures the essence or feature of the
data (Saldana, 2015). This can be either language-based data or visual data usually
collected through interview transcripts, participant observation field notes, journals,
documents, and photographs among others. While using coding to generate or analyse
data, two approaches can be used; the exploratory questioning approach with open
ended questions and the confirmatory approach which has closed ended questions. The
Chapter 4: Research Design 69
former approach is usually qualitative and is used to understand a phenomenon and
capture the realities, while the latter is quantitative and is used to understand the causal
relationship of certain things (Trochim, 2006; Saldana, 2015).
Merriam (1998) says that the analysis and interpretation of the findings of a
study are usually determined by the constructs, the language, the models and the
theories that underpin the focus of the study. Creswell (2012) and Mason (2002)
observe that the approach the researcher takes towards qualitative inquiry, the
ontological, the epistemological and the methodological issues and influences, affect
the coding decisions. Sipe and Ghiso (2004) believe that “all coding is a judgement
call” as the researcher brings their subjectivities, their personalities and their
predispositions to the process (p. 482). The process of coding is therefore experiential,
and problem- solving techniques are learned in the process without having special
formulas to abide by (Saldana, 2015). However, coding is not about labelling things
rather; it is linking. The links help the researcher to understand the data better as these
links lead to other ideas that generate more data about the central idea, therefore
making the data more robust (Saldana, 2015).
Once the coding is completed, the classification/categorisation can begin. While
categorising, the researcher takes these codes and organises them into groups or
categories as they share similar characteristics. Lincoln and Guba (1985) explain that
categorising involves one’s understanding of classification and the ability to use tacit
and intuitive senses. This ability can help one to determine which data can be grouped
according to their similarities and differences.
Coding and categorising may need to be done several times as it is very rare that
a researcher can get them correct on the first attempt. Qualitative inquiry is demanding
and requires meticulous attention to the discourse in language to establish the ideas,
themes and patterns one is seeking. Saldana (2015) described this process when he
observed and interviewed children in a primary school to generate his data. When he
started to code and categorise the data, he had to read several times to determine
appropriate codes and categories.
Following the observations noted above, in this study, the data was coded based
on the discourse analysis approach used by Gee (1999, 2011). The coding was
conducted first through reading each of the policies, then breaking down the text into
sentences before examining individual words and phrases using Gee’s six building
Chapter 4: Research Design 70
blocks of analysis. Gee (2011) identified six building blocks or clues to analyse
language. These building blocks include semiotic building (signs and symbols, belief
systems), world building, activity building, socio-culturally situated identity and
relationship building, political building, and connection building. The building blocks
are applied simultaneously in the discourse analysis in a coherent form.
Further, they are carried out in negotiation and collaboration with due regard for
other related oral and written texts and contextual situations. Even when we are silently
reading, these building blocks are carried out in negotiation and collaboration with the
writer in various guises. An example of how the coding as prescribed by Gee’s six
building blocks is represented below in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1. Discourse Analysis: Gee’s six building blocks for DA
These codes were applied to each of the three Bhutanese education policies
analysed in the research and produced a rich bank of words and phrases from the
documents that identify the global discourse embedded in the education policies.
Coded discourse included words such as ‘millennium development goals’, ‘peer
interaction’, ‘lifelong learning’, and ‘child-centred learning’. A sample of coding from
the policy documents is illustrated in Table 4.2.
Chapter 4: Research Design 71
Table 4-2. Coding according to Gee’s six building blocks
Coding of the data leads to creating themes, as described below.
4.7 THEMATIC ANALYSIS
Thematic analysis is poorly defined and seldom acknowledged; however, it is
a widely used qualitative analytic tool (Boyatzis, 1998; Roulston, 2001). For most
beginning researchers, it is a convenient research method which helps them to develop
vital research skills which will help them to engage in other forms of qualitative
analysis (Holloway and Todres, 2003). According to Braun and Clarke (2006),
“thematic analysis is a method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns
(themes) within data” (p.6). However, there are others (Attride-Stirling, 2001;
Boyatzis, 1998; Tuckett, 2005) who cannot agree on one clear definition and how
thematic analysis is approached. They also state that thematic analysis does not have
a distinctive ‘brand name’ and therefore actually does not exists by itself as an analysis
method, unlike narrative analysis. Thus, the thematic analysis does not have any credit
of its own despite most analysis being thematic. Instead, it is usually described as
discourse analysis or content analysis (Meehan, Vermeer & Windsor, 2000).
Nevertheless, thematic analysis continues to be the foundation of much qualitative
research. As Attride-Stirling (2001) suggests, the thematic analysis allows researchers
to not only analyse their data, but it also helps them to understand the assumptions that
informed their analysis, to evaluate their research, to compare and/or synthesise their
studies with others; it can also help them plan related projects for the future.
Chapter 4: Research Design 72
Thematic analysis allows the researcher to categorise data into theme-sets. This
implies that processed data can be displayed and classified according to themes that
are similar or may be different (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The thematic analysis
allows different levels of themes to be processed. This, therefore, provides the
researcher with an analysis mechanism to study the relationship between the variables
and the factors which then helps in creating a reasonable and logical chain of evidence
(Braun & Clarke, 2006; Creswell, 2012; Miles & Huberman, 1994). Coding is
normally done to help the researcher connect one part of the analysis with the other
part. By so doing, the researcher can look at the data holistically and identify themes
and patterns within the data to understand and interpret what the data means (Miles &
Huberman, 1994; Halldorson, 2009; Coffey & Atkinson, 1996).
Two major themes emerged from the analysis of the three policies. The first
theme was related to the global/local impact on Bhutanese education. This theme
shows the essence of how global influences shaped Bhutanese education. These
influences were then situated within the local to represent Bhutanese life. Both global
and local continue to be present in all three documents analysed for the research.
The second major theme was related to loyalty/national identity. The theme
encompasses the many aspects of the Bhutanese culture and national identity. Loyalty
and respect to the King and participating in the Bhutanese culture are strongly featured
in the documents. National identity is portrayed through school participation in
national holidays and other events unique to Bhutan. The two themes were identified
through Gee’s six building blocks as illustrated in Table 4.3 below.
Chapter 4: Research Design 73
Table 4-3. Categorising themes according to Gee’s six building blocks
After the identification of the two major themes, it was necessary to drill down
into the documents to explore these themes in more depth. The technique to further the
analysis was to use Gee’s (1999) five tools of inquiry. This technique is described
below.
4.8 FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY
The analysis of the themes in the three policy documents will be analysed using
Gee’s (1999) five tools of inquiry. The five tools of inquiry are the:
1. Social language tool
2. Socially situated meanings/identities tool
3. Intertextuality tool
4. Figured worlds tool
5. Big D discourse/conversations tool.
As Gee (1999) mentions, these tools of inquiry assist in an in-depth examination
of the discourses and themes of a text and are “primarily relevant to how people build
identities and activities and recognise identities and activities that others are building
around them” (p. 20). A brief description of each of these tools follows.
Social languages as Gee (1999) observed are about the different varieties of
language used for different purposes. Examining how different varieties of language
Chapter 4: Research Design 74
are used is a tool of inquiry as it illustrates the purpose of the text and establishes its
function. The social language tool looks at two things: who and what or what Gee calls
“who doing what” (p.13) Similarly, Weider and Pratt (1990) also argue that for oral or
written words to have meaning, the who and a what should be included. The who and
what or the “who doing what” refers to the situated identity that is created through the
use of social language. Social language can, therefore, include all utterances made by
individuals and or institutions which can be authored or authorised. Gee (1999) further
explains that the who and the what are not distinct from each other. He says “you are
who you are partly through what you are doing, and what you are doing is partly
recognised for what it is by who is doing it. So, it is better to say that utterances
communicate an integrated, though often multiple or heteroglossic who doing what”
(p.14).
Social language(s) is/are what we learn and what we speak in different social
settings or communities to express who we are and what we stand for as an individual
or an institution or a community. Gee (1999) states that “different styles or varieties of
language are used for different purposes to enact different identities in different
settings” (p.28). A few types of social languages are: teachers discussing teaching and
learning, doctors discussing a medical issue, mothers discussing child rearing among
others. In the Bhutanese context, the concept of Gross National Happiness, which is at
the centre of all developmental activities, will exhibit a social language which can be
identified through the use of particular words, phrases and sentences. Similarly, the
educational policy documents under review in this study will exhibit several social
languages for different purposes. This social language is, therefore, useful to explore
and identify themes which are under study in this research.
Situated identity according to Gee (1999) is how identity is created through
meaningful language. The text answers the questions of who is speaking and what is
intended, projecting certain identities and activities for focusing on the ‘who’ and the
‘what’ of the text. Agar, (1994), Clark, (1996) and Hofstadter, (1997) argue that a
situated identity is a personality that is created almost immediately by a person in any
given situation/context which is based on the person’s personal experience, helping
the person to choose the most appropriate language to communicate in that given
situation. Gee’s situated identity is, therefore, a “thinking device” (p.54) which guides
the researcher towards questions that can draw out more information. For example,
Chapter 4: Research Design 75
according to Gee (1999), some of the questions a researcher can ask him/herself to
understand the purpose of the discourse within the situated meaning tool are:
What situated meaning or meanings for a given word or phrase is it reasonable to
attribute to their author considering the Discourse in which words were used?
What situated meaning or meanings for a given word or phrase is it reasonable to
attribute to those who are listening or reading these words or phrases, again
considering the Discourse in which the words are used?
What situated meaning or meanings for a given word or phrase is it reasonable to
attribute to those who are listening or reading these words or phrases, from other
Discourses than the one in which the words were uttered or written?
What situated meaning or meanings are reasonable, from the Discourse in which
these words were used or by other Discourses, to assume are potentially
attributable to these words by interpreters, whether or not we have evidence anyone
activated that potential meaning in the current case? (p 73).
The educational policy documents of Bhutan will also display several situated
identities/meanings within them. This tool will enable the researcher to understand the
role that these identities play in shaping the education system of Bhutan.
Intertextuality is one of the five tools of inquiry. Gee (2011) explains
intertextuality as “cases where one oral or written text directly or indirectly quotes
another text or alludes to another text in yet more subtle ways” (p.54). Gee emphasises
that there is history in words and this has passed on from one generation to another
through spoken words and written texts. Besides this, words have moved in and out
from one discourse to another and through different institutions all over the world.
Fairclough (1992) explains that “intertextuality is basically the property texts have of
being full of snatches of other texts, which may be explicitly demarcated or merged
in, and which the text may assimilate, contradict, ironically echo, and so forth” (p. 84).
Both Gee (2011) and Fairclough (1992) see it as a process where texts and various
styles of language interact which can then create new meanings and change old ones.
Words which are borrowed from one text to another text can be done in many ways.
Gee(2011) uses Shakespeare as an example whereby he says “it can directly quote
another text (as in “Shakespeare said: ‘Love is such sweet sorrow.”’), or indirectly
quote it (as in “Shakespeare said that love was such sweet sorrow”), or just allude to
Chapter 4: Research Design 76
what hearers or readers in the know will realize are words taken from some other
source [(as in “My love for you is sweet sorrow, indeed”(p.54)]. Intertextuality is,
therefore, a useful tool of inquiry that will help the researcher to make a ‘cross-
reference’ to another text or type of text and this is an integral part of discourse
analysis. Moreover, the researcher will also be able to identify the various texts that
the educational policy documents in Bhutan have made references to or intertextually
connected to, in order to provide quality education to Bhutanese children.
Figured worlds is a concept that has been known by several names: cultural
model, discourse model, folk theory among others. According to Gee (2011) figured
worlds “are simplified, often unconscious, and taken-for-granted theories or stories
about how the world works that we use to get on efficiently with our daily lives” (p.
76). A figured world can be a socially and culturally interpreted world or context
which presents as something that is understood to be typical or normal and depends
greatly on the social and cultural group one belongs to.
Gee (2011) considers that figured worlds is a vital tool of inquiry as it plays the
role of a mediator between the “micro level of interaction and the macrolevel of
institutions” (p.76). Figured worlds interact with the local discourses and the
discourses of institutions to “create the complex patterns of institutions and cultures
across societies and history” (Gee, 2011, p.76).
Gee (2011) further goes on to explain that there are three types of figured
worlds, “espoused worlds, evaluative worlds, worlds in-interaction.” (p 90). The
espoused worlds is a conscious world we adopt through our belief system which is
supported through our theories, stories and ways of looking at things in the world. The
evaluative worlds according to Gee are used “consciously or unconsciously…to judge
ourselves or others,” (p. 90), while figured worlds in-interaction are those worlds that
“consciously or unconsciously…guide our actions (regardless of what we say or think
we believe),” (p 90).
The notion of figured worlds is a complex tool of inquiry and can be complicated
while dealing with different figured worlds. However, being observant, using as many
clues provided through additional “texts, media, social practices, social and
institutional interactions and diverse discourses that influence them” (p.96) can
provide an enriching experience. Understanding the figured worlds in the Bhutanese
educational context will be interesting especially since the modern mass education
Chapter 4: Research Design 77
system is a completely foreign concept, with educational initiatives which are also
borrowed from global education systems.
Big D discourse according to Gee (1999) combines and integrates “language,
actions, interactions, ways of thinking, believing, valuing, and using various symbols,
tools and objects to enact a particular sort of socially recognisable identity” (p. 21).
Discourse with a big D, therefore, is the overarching umbrella that holds everything
together. As the definition above expresses, discourse is not only about language,
grammar, syntax, word choice and so on but also includes other “stuff that is not
language” (p.28). It, therefore, shows that it is the combination of and integration of
“language, actions, interactions, ways of thinking, believing, valuing, and using
various symbols, tools, and objects to enact a particular sort of socially recognisable
identity” (p. 29). In today’s world, the big ‘D’ discourses have expanded with the boom
in technology, urban development, increased social interactions and access to
international markets. However, the “key to Discourse is recognition” (35). Having the
ability to make “others recognise you as a particular type of who (identity) engaged in
a particular type of what (activity), here and now, then you have pulled off a
Discourse” (p. 35). Conversations with a big ‘C’ are embedded within the big ‘D’
discourse and means comprehending and adopting the debates, ideas, and themes
around key topics. “Sometimes when we talk or write, our words don’t just allude or
relate to someone else’s words (as in the case of intertextuality), but they allude or
relate to themes, debates, or motifs that have been the focus of much talk and writing
in some social group with which we are familiar or in our society as a whole. These
themes, debates, or motifs play a role in how language is interpreted” (p.29). Some
examples according to Gee (1999) are debates on smoking, abortion or school reform.
Similarly, in Bhutan, there are several Discourses and Conversations that are
important to the country. At the Ministry of Education, school reforms and school
change and development are at the centre of most discussions. This tool will help in
identifying some of the major concerns and issues in the Bhutanese education system.
It is hoped that a close process of reading and re-reading the three educational policy
documents will assist in identifying the Discourses and Conversations that are
significant to Bhutan at the national and international level.
Drawing on the tools provided by Gee (2011), the documents will be examined
by using Gee’s first tool known as the social language tool to study the specific lexical,
Chapter 4: Research Design 78
grammatical choices, and co-locational patterns adopted by policymakers to write
policy as presented from the perspective of the policymakers. The second tool which
is identified as the situated meaning tool looks at word structures and contextual
meanings to study the importance given to stakeholders who are involved. The third
tool that Gee identifies is the textual and thematic analysis more commonly known as
the intertextuality tool. Intertextuality within this study will enable the researcher to
identify the allusions and references that policy documents make to other policy texts
elsewhere in relation to global and local themes. The fourth tool described by Gee,
which he classes as figured worlds, will be used to highlight the various notions that
policy writers have about policy enactment in Bhutan. Finally, the fifth tool which Gee
identifies as Conversations/big D discourse tool will be used to understand the
discourse patterns which play an important role in the discussion of education in
Bhutan.
4.9 CREDIBILITY OF THE RESEARCH APPROACH
Traditionally, in qualitative research standardised testing instruments are rarely
used with smaller, non-random samples of participants for data collection. Therefore,
it is sometimes deemed harder to arrive at ascertaining the credibility of the research
study. Assessing the accuracy of the findings in qualitative research is difficult but not
impossible. There are, however, strategies and criteria which have worked, and which
can be used to ensure the quality of the research findings. Lincoln and Guba (1981;
1985), Krefting (1991) and Creswell (2012), states that the evaluation of qualitative
research is through four strategies: credibility, transferability, dependability and
confirmability. The authors argue that these strategies match up with the quantitative
criteria of internal and external validity, reliability and neutrality. Moreover, each
strategy to measure the quality of a qualitative research uses criteria like reflexivity,
triangulation and thick description.
Fairclough (2003), proposed three functions of text, which include terms of
action (ways of acting), representation (how things are represented), and identification
(ways of being) and that text in any form can be analysed. As described in this chapter,
Gee (2003) added the building tasks of language, which also incorporate the functions
of language. These approaches align with the interpretivist approach of the data
analysis. Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest checking the credibility of the interpretivist
approach through engaging in data triangulation. To do this, the maintenance of data,
Chapter 4: Research Design 79
transcribing them verbatim and analysing them carefully, work toward providing
credibility of the data analysis. Although this study may not be able to use triangulation
in the true sense of the word to assess credibility, it will use quasi-triangulation by
constantly judging the credibility of the analysis against the tool kit provided by Gee
(2011).
In relation to the current research, for example, no other country has the notion
of Gross National Happiness. It is therefore not replicable outside of Bhutan. However,
it is a vital component of who is and what it means to be Bhutanese and so must be
included. Many of the values of Gross National Happiness, however, can be easily
recognised by people outside of Bhutan and so add to the notion of reliability. Merriam
(1998), Seale (1999) and Lincoln and Guba (1985) provide strategies like
triangulation, member checking, peer examination, clarifying researcher’s bias and
auditing, to evaluate the reliability of the study. The researcher will use auditing of
Discourse and discourse (providing a thick description), along with other tools of
inquiry- such as intertextuality, situated identity, social language and figured worlds
as represented in texts to assess the reliability of this study.
4.10 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
While engaging in research, it is always important to take into consideration
ethical issues. Bryman and Bell (2007), have noted that there is a lack of academic
literature on the topic of informed consent as an ethical issue. Robson (2002), says that
protecting the confidentiality of participants is also a crucial ethical concern. Since this
study will be analysing government education policy documents which are publicly
available on the Ministry of Education website of Bhutan and not engaging with
human participants the common ethical issues that might emerge with human
participants will not be addressed in keeping with the requirements of the QUT Human
Research Ethics guidelines. Exemption has thus been sought and has been provided.
The ethics clearance number is 170000100; the study has been deemed as not requiring
any further clearance.
4.11 LIMITATIONS
All research that is qualitative has limitations which may impede the study or the
analysis/result to some extent. Goulding (2002), states that, since qualitative research
is mostly descriptive and subjective due to the researcher’s positioning and
interpretation, it is considered to be less rigorous from some points of view. Another
Chapter 4: Research Design 80
criticism of qualitative research identified by Bryman and Bell (2007) is that it is not
transparent as there is no way to see how and why a researcher reaches certain
conclusions. These two limitations will hopefully be addressed in this study. However,
three other limitations may affect the study.
Discourse analysis is a broad and detailed field of study; however, this study will
use specific aspects of discourse analysis for the study of policy documents. As not all
modes and features of discourse analysis are employed, this study might be considered
limited in scope; however, to overcome this limitation, the approach undertaken will
be in depth and follow closely the tools of inquiry as outlined by Gee (2011).
Nevertheless, the study acknowledges that a detailed discourse analysis of three policy
documents is a herculean task and beyond the scope of the study. Therefore, at the cost
of seeming to be limited, this study chooses to examine the major discourses and
themes through a selective application of the five tools of inquiry and the six building
blocks as outlined by Gee (1991).
Another perceived limitation might be in the number of policy documents
chosen for this study; only three. However, to overcome this limitation, the study has
included a set of policies that span three decades to highlight the progress, change and
the enduring discourses present in the policy documents. Further, the study aims to
provide a rich and thick thematic discourse analysis to provide insights into the
practices of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan.
4.12 SUMMARY
This chapter has presented why the interpretivist method through Gee’s (2011)
discourse analysis will be used to analyse the phenomenon of educational policy
borrowing in Bhutan. Educational policy borrowing has been examined through the
influences exerted by comparative education and globalisation which especially
compel developing countries to participate in the practice of borrowing.
This chapter has discussed why this method is best suited for this study and how
the two themes that emerge from these documents will be analysed. Apart from this,
the chapter discussed the validity of the data, ethical considerations and the limitations
of the study.
Chapter 5 will discuss the three educational policy documents in greater detail
and provide a detailed analysis of the two major discourses that emerge from the
Chapter 4: Research Design 81
documents. It will look closely at how Gee’s six building blocks and five tools of
inquiry identify specific language nuances that indicate the themes of loyalty/national
identity and globalisation/localisation
Chapter 5: Analysis 83
Chapter 5: Analysis
5.1 INTRODUCTION
As outlined in earlier chapters, this study aims to evaluate the various
discourses in Bhutanese education policy documents to ascertain how the education
system has been conceptualised over the last 57 years in Bhutan as reflected through
the discourses. The three education policy documents from the Ministry of Education,
Bhutan that were analysed were circulated in 1988(QEPGI), 2012 (EPGI) and 2017
(EPGI).
The chapter is divided into three sections, with each section discussing one
education policy document.
The 1st Quarterly education policy guidelines and instructions (QEPGI, 1988)
is analysed in Section I of this chapter. Within Section I, the background to the
document is presented. This is followed by an initial data analysis sample to show
how the primary discourses are presented. The chapter then provides an analysis of the
loyalty/national identity discourse and the Globalisation/localisation discourse.
Section 5.6 offers a conclusion to this document.
Similarly, the 30th Education policy guidelines and instructions (EPGI, 2012)
is analysed in Section II of this chapter. Within Section II, a background to the
document is presented. This is followed by an initial data analysis sample to show
how the primary discourses are presented. The chapter then provides an analysis of the
loyalty/national identity discourse and the globalisation/localisation discourse. Section
5.11 provides a conclusion to this document.
Finally, the 31st Education policy guidelines and instructions (EPGI, 2017) is
analysed in Section III. Within Section III, a background to the document is presented.
This is followed by an initial data analysis sample to show how the primary discourses
are presented. The chapter then provides an analysis of the loyalty/national identity
discourse and the globalisation/localisation discourse. Section 5.16 provides a
conclusion to this document.
Although the analysis of these policy documents does not claim to be
exhaustive, the methodology has a focussed approach drawing on Gee’s (2011)
Chapter 5: Analysis 84
theoretical concepts which include the six building blocks (semiotic building, world
building, activity building, socio-culturally situated identity and relationship building,
political building and connection building) and the five tools of inquiry (social
language, situated identities, intertextuality, figured worlds and
Discourse/Conversation. These theoretical concepts provide the framework for
analysis and how the data in the policy documents discursively represents the change
of the Bhutanese education system overtime. The documents follow the report genre
which here conveys government intention compiled through research and analysis of
issues. Typical of reports, these policy documents cover a range of educational topics
and focus on transmitting information that has a clear set of goals and purposes. The
language is explicit, objective, in third person narrative with frequent passivation. The
language is overall authoritative and dictates roles, purposes and measures to be
undertaken.
SECTION I
5.2 BACKGROUND TO THE 1ST QUARTERLY EDUCATION POLICY
GUIDELINES AND INSTRUCTIONS (QEPGI, 1988)
The QEPGI (1988) policy document was the first formal document officially
circulated to all government schools in Bhutan that followed the adopted western
system of education. Before this, all schools in Bhutan received information from the
Department of Education through circulars and office orders. However, sending out
circulars was becoming more difficult for the following reasons. First, the number of
schools in Bhutan began to expand rapidly. In 1961 when a Western style of education
was first introduced; there were 11 schools. By 1981, this number had grown to 119
schools (Annual Education Statistics, 2016, p. 6). These were mainly primary schools
and were in remote rural communities. These communities had little or no access to
constructed roadways with the nearest district town usually a minimum of three days
walk away. The capital town of the district was an important centre for school head
teachers. It was from these district towns that the head teacher picked up school mail
from the post office, teachers’ salaries from the Bank and rations from the Food
Corporation of Bhutan (FCB). The head teacher usually went to the district town once
a month, either at the beginning or end of the month, which meant that important
Chapter 5: Analysis 85
circulars or letters from the Department of Education were left sitting in the post office
for a month a more.
Another reason that hampered the circulation of information to schools in a
timely manner was the weather. Bhutan has three to four months (June-September) of
intense rain in the summer called the Monsoon. Since the Himalayan mountains are
still young, the land is not stable, and there are numerous landslides and swollen rivers
that cut off these remote communities from the rest of Bhutan. In these extreme
weather conditions, the circulars and official letters were unable to be distributed to
the schools in time. Sometimes, motorable roads were blocked and/or cut off from the
capital city, Thimphu, or to other parts of Bhutan due to the rain, creating a chain
reaction of lost and late information. Finally, despite circulating a lot of information
to the schools throughout the year, the Department of Education had no way to monitor
1) whether these circulars were reaching the schools, and 2) whether the schools were
following the policies in the circulars.
For the above reasons, the QEPGI was sent out to schools in July of 1988 after
the summer holidays. The first QEPGI (1988) is, therefore, an important document to
analyse for the following reasons. As described above, rather than having numerous
circulars and office orders, the QEPGI (1988) was the first and only formal official
document that addressed national education policies during the 1980s. This circulation
of the QEPGI helped to formalise the education system in Bhutan and thus began a
formal move to improve and modernise the Bhutanese education system. Henceforth,
all information related to the various aspects of education like teaching, learning,
curriculum, administering and so on were all addressed in one policy document and
could be referred to whenever help was needed by the head of school or teachers.
The QEPGI was also a major indicator that showed the evolution of
communication of information in the Bhutanese education system. Starting with the
QEPGI, the schools now had a document sent to them every three months which
provided the schools with information on policy, guidelines and instructions. This
replaced the ad hoc distribution of circulars that were sent to schools throughout the
year. This distribution of the QEPGI ensured that schools did not have to worry about
receiving information late since the policy document was valid for the next three
months.
Most importantly the QEPGI illustrates the evolution of educational policy and
the changes and improvement it brought to education in Bhutan. The circulation of the
Chapter 5: Analysis 86
document shows not only the far-sighted vision of the 4th King, His Majesty Jigme
Singye Wangchuk but also the willingness of educators in Bhutan to have the
education system evolve and grow. The initiative was conducive in providing support
to schools in Bhutan especially for those in rural areas of the country. With the
adoption of the QEPGI as the official document for education matters, the education
system became organised around common concepts applicable to all schools; it was
also a site for policy makers to direct education to desired goals and outcomes. The
QEPGI (1988) was sent out to all schools in Bhutan that followed western style
education. Initially, the Government aimed to send out policy documents on a quarterly
rotation a year to all schools; therefore, the policy document was called the quarterly.
However, only two QEPGIs per year were circulated to schools, as and when they
were ready to be sent. The reason for this change in plan is unknown as there is no
documented information on why this transpired. The last QEPGI was circulated in
November of 1995.
Although quarterly policy documents are no longer issued, it is important to
analyse the first document to understand the process of how educational discourse was
first envisaged. The fabric of the document comprises various tensions between the
local and the national. The national dominates the discourse with an attempt to
modernise the education system in line with a global educational discourse. Thus, there
is a constant push and pull of various contending ideas such as the need for hygiene,
the need for children to be independent learners who are committed to schooling, the
role of teachers and principals as requiring to be different to the previous perceptions
of teaching and teachers, in particular being different from their Indian counterparts
who had led schools previously, as well as the urgent need to take account of pay and
caderisation (transforming a group of people into cadres or party functionaries). Two
themes are prominent in the document: the theme of globalisation/localisation and the
theme of loyalty/national identity. To illustrate how these two operate, I undertook a
close reading of two sample sections from the document using deductive analysis
through Gee’s (2011) six building blocks. The following provides an initial analysis
of the QEPGI. This will be followed by a more in-depth analysis using Gee’s (2011)
framework of discourse analysis.
Chapter 5: Analysis 87
5.3 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE 1ST QEPGI
Before undertaking the analysis based on Gee’s (2011) theoretical concepts in
detail, I present below two sets of examples each for the QEPGI document. The first
set of examples consists of a sample table (5.1) which uses Gee’s six building blocks
to categorically group words, phrases and sentences into the six building blocks they
represent, and a sample paragraph (5.1) which is put in a tabular form to analyse the
discourse of loyalty/national identity in the document.
The second set of examples for analysis is similar to the first set of examples
described above. This set is also represented in a table (5.2) and a sample paragraph
(5.1); however, this sample discusses the globalisation/localisation discourse.
Table 5.1. Gee’s six building blocks analysed for loyalty/national identity discourse
Six Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse
Analysis
Words/phrases identified from
paragraph 5.1
Semiotic building block(significance) Being a sovereign and independent
nation
Younger generation continuing the
tradition and culture of the Bhutanese
World building block Different from those elsewhere
Activity building block Continue to provide Bhutan…
Younger generations develop…
A deep sense of pride and respect
Greater understanding and
appreciation of Diglam Chogsum
Socio-culturally situated identity and
relationship building
Our rich religious and cultural
heritage, distinct and different
Political building A small country with a small
population, sovereign independent
nation
Connection building Our forefathers, our younger
generation,
Sample paragraph 5. 1: Loyalty/national identity
1. It must be noted that our forefathers have passed on to us national
Chapter 5: Analysis 88
2. values derived from the sacred traditions of our rich religious and cultural
3. heritage and which are distinct and different from those of anywhere else.
4. As a small country with a small population, these values will, as over the
5. past many centuries, continue to provide Bhutan with its unique national
6. Identity and strengthen its status as a sovereign independent nation. It
7. Is, therefore, paramount that our younger generations develop a deep sense
8. of pride and respect for our traditional values through a greater understanding
9. and appreciation of Diglam Chogsum (QEPGI, p.5)
The nine-line paragraph above has been numbered and underlined to analyse each line
individually for the two discourses of 1. Loyalty/national identity and 2.
Globalisation/localisation
In line 1 of the paragraph, the mention of “our forefathers” indicates that there is a
connection with the past that the country wants to uphold for continuity of the
Bhutanese culture and national identity as well as loyalty. The focus on the words
“ours” and “us” in the line also indicates what Guibernau (2007, p.1) described as the
collective sense of belonging to a nation and sharing features that distinguish them
from other nations (p.1). Therefore, this line is symbolically situated in reaffirming
Bhutanese identity.
Line 2 reaffirms what Line 1 starts to express. Line 2 expresses that the sacred
traditions and the rich religious and cultural heritage are the biggest contributors to the
national value and identity of the country. These are valuable and unique resources
that Bhutan must learn to treasure and to pass down to the younger generation. Like
line 1, the continuation of loyalty/national identity is still a prominent discourse here.
Line 3 continues to remind the Bhutanese of their identity. Here the globalisation
discourse is indicated through the phrase “different from those of anywhere else”. This
comparison indicates Bhutanese awareness and understanding that other cultures exist
outside Bhutan and also understand from their global interaction that Bhutanese
culture is “distinct and different” and therefore the need to safeguard it is even greater.
Line 4 reminds the reader about the size and population of Bhutan. It indicates that
the country’s geographical smallness and a small population are not disadvantages;
instead, they put Bhutan in a place of privilege as compactness and a sense of
cohesiveness around values can be maintained more effectively. Therefore, the
continuity of loyalty/national identity is strengthened.
Chapter 5: Analysis 89
Line 5 reaffirms the continued discourse of the people’s loyalty/national identity
evident in Line 4. It is also a reminder to the reader that the loyalty/national identity
has been Bhutan’s greatest asset for many centuries and this, therefore, should continue
into the future.
Line 6 expresses the need to “strengthen its status as a sovereign independent state”
which continues to indicate the loyalty/national identity discourse. However, it also
implies a global discourse of nation states all over the world endeavouring to keep
their sovereignty and independence by capitalising on assets that are unique to them.
For Bhutan, these assets are its traditions and culture and the Diglam Chogsum that
has been passed on from generation to generation. Therefore, the line reiterates that
Bhutan should preserve its heritage and allow it has to continue to flourish over time.
Line 7 brings the whole loyalty/national identity discourse in this paragraph to a
full circle by connecting the past of line 1 “our forefathers” with the present “younger
generation” of Bhutanese who can continue to feel pride in being Bhutanese. Our
forefathers have continued thus far to keep the national values intact. It is therefore
now the responsibility of the younger Bhutanese generation to continue what is given
to them to ensure that Bhutan remains a sovereign independent state.
Lines 8 and 9 continue to discuss the discourse of loyalty/national identity and
integrate all aspects of the national values into the three broad Bhutanese virtues of
discipline, culture and tradition and religious practices known as the Diglam Chogsum.
Therefore, the lines state that “greater understanding and appreciation of the Diglam
Chogsum” will allow the small nation state of Bhutan to continue as an independent
sovereign state.
The sample presented above reflects the discourse of loyalty/national identity in a
more explicit manner than the discourse of globalisation/localisation. The need for this
discourse gains even greater symbolism since it happened mainly after Bhutan’s
exposure to globalisation through the introduction of western education in 1961.
Before 1961, Bhutan’s closed-door policy guarded it against outside influences and
the need to discuss loyalty/national identity was not felt so much nor was it imagined
to be threatened.
The 11line sample presented below illustrates the globalisation discourse.
However, the resistive discourse of localisation comes out more explicitly than does
the globalisation discourse. The sample is presented to showcase what the paragraph
preceding this also discusses, which is the impact of globalisation. The next 11-line
Chapter 5: Analysis 90
sample presented below shows the globalisation discourse, however, the resistive
discourse of localisation comes out more explicitly than does the globalisation
discourse. The sample is presented to showcase what the paragraph preceding this also
discusses, which is the impact of globalisation.
Sample paragraph 5.2: Globalisation/localisation discourse
1. In pursuance of the policy of the Government to make education more
2. relevant to the national needs and aspiration as well as in the view of the
3. budgetary constraints educational tours normally undertaken by High schools
4. and other Institutes to places outside Bhutan are henceforth discontinued
5. and prohibited. All such educational tours by the students of the
6. institutes and High schools shall be instead made to places within the
7.kingdom. In this connection, it is suggested that development projects,
8. such as, the Penden Cement Factory, Chukha Hydel Project, Khaling and
9. Gyeltshen Power Projects, Bondey Farm, Gedu Plywood Factory, Dairy,
Piggery
10. and Fishery farms as well as the numerous holy shrines within the country
11. are selected for the purpose of future educational tours by the Institutes
12. and the High schools (QEPGI,1988)
Table 5-1. Gee’s 6 building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation discourse
6 Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse
Analysis
Words/phrases identified from
paragraph 5.2
Semiotic building block(significance) Discontinuation of educational tours
outside the country
World building block
Activity building block Make education more relevant,
Educational tours
Socio-culturally situated identity and
relationship building
Educational tours shall be instead made
to places within the Kingdom
political building
connection building Tours within Bhutan to different
projects and religious shrines
Line 1- 2 reminds the reader about the Government aspiration to make Bhutanese
education relevant to Bhutanese students to fulfil the national needs. This discussion
is pertinent as it happens under the auspice of the nationalisation and localisation of
education. Since the introduction of Western education in 1961, the policy discourse
Chapter 5: Analysis 91
is the first time that the education system in Bhutan was conscientiously making a
statement towards developing an education system that was Bhutanese.
Line 3-4 explains that external educational tours in which high school and institute
students engaged in the past will not continue. Engaging in educational tours beyond
the boundaries of one’s country has numerous benefits due to the experience one gains
from the exposure and the immersion in a culture that is different from one’s own. This
experience which is part of the Western model of education allows a student to develop
as a global citizen is referred to through a comparison with the localisation discourse,
which takes priority. There is a resistance to the global discourse. The need to localise
the educational tours within the country is deemed more important than going outside
the country.
Lines 5-12 as mentioned above continues the localisation discourse. These lines
provide names of projects and areas that can be visited within Bhutan. However, what
this paragraph lacks are the benefits that can be derived from educational tours within
the country, but can be seen as a strategy used to strengthen the localisation discourse.
The words prominent in this paragraph are ‘discontinued and prohibited’ instead of
words related to the localisation discourse.
Having provided an analysis of two sample paragraphs from the QEPGI (1988)
policy, I now focus on examining the overall discourses and Discourse that emerge
through a close study of the five tools of inquiry provided by Gee (2011), namely:
social language tool, situated meaning/identity tool, intertextuality tool, figures world
tool, conversation and big D Discourse tools. The following sections examine the
themes of loyalty/national identity and the theme of globalisation/localisation. It is,
through these tools of analysis that the central ideas that are projected regarding
discourse to the king, country and the people of Bhutan are identified.
5.4 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE
5.4.1 As identified through the social language tool
The 1988 QEPGI document has an extensive number of explicitly expressive
identifiers of words, phrases and sentences that illustrate the discourse of
loyalty/national identity. According to Gee (2011, p.44), the social language tool can
be best described as Who’s doing what? Which can be expanded into two questions:
1) who is speaking? And 2) what are they saying? Even within these two questions,
Chapter 5: Analysis 92
there is a context that determines how you speak, which therefore indicates the social
language you choose to utilise based on the context, which could either be formal or
informal (Gee, 2011, p.47). The QEPGI is a formal document, hence the social
language chosen for this social interaction is formal.
Throughout the document social language is used to discuss the overarching
big D discourse of education in Bhutan and what is being done and by whom to
reinforce the significance of this. However, within this big D discourse, other
discourses emerge, one of which is loyalty/national identity. Words and phrases like
priceless virtues, loyalty, dedication, appreciation for culture and tradition, unique
identity, showing love, loyalty and dedication to his Majesty, the country and the
people are used repeatedly in the document to tell teachers, heads of schools and
students how they need to continue their loyalty to Bhutan, enhance their national
identity, and look after their culture and traditions. A sample of words, phrases and
sentences that indicate loyalty/national identity discourse through the social language
tool is presented below.
must ensure the kingdom’s future well- being (p.3)
develop loyalty and dedication to his Majesty, the country and the
people (p.3)
loyal and dedicated Bhutanese citizens (p. 2)
understanding of our national policies and aspirations (p.3)
teaching and learning of the Diglam Chogsum and Dzongkha to receive
the highest priority (p.4), develop a deep sense of pride and respect for
our traditional values (p.4)
continue to provide Bhutan with its unique national identity (p. 4).
The sample presented above shows an authoritative language being used.
Words like must, ensure, develop loyalty, loyal and dedicated, understanding, highest
priority are used to indicate the expectations of the government about the role
education will play in the shaping of its citizens. Some other words identified
throughout the document but not quoted above are: a deep sense of pride, continue to
provide, is prohibited and discontinued, must instil, maintain discipline. These show
that the loyalty/national identity discourse is important and should be continually
reinforced and strengthened. These words and phrases also reaffirm the social
identities that a citizen of Bhutan should have, along with the virtues of strong
Chapter 5: Analysis 93
loyalty/national identity. Also, when it comes to the loyalty/national identity discourse,
there is a strong indication that the administrator (head teacher) and educator (teacher)
are responsible for inculcating these virtues in their students. The discourse of
loyalty/national identity is therefore strongly embedded in the document.
5.4.2 As identified through the socially situated meaning/ identities tool
‘Situated meaning’ according to Gee (2011) refers to the form that language
can take in different situations and contexts (p.65). In essence, it means how, within a
particular context, one situates the words. Situated meaning is usually reinforced by
the patterns of experiences in an individual’s world. Words/ phrases and sentences
used in the QEPGI document, for example, situate the discourse of loyalty/national
identity in a way that it is not only understood by the reader, but it convinces the reader
of the duties he/she shoulders in following it and imparting it to students in schools.
However, as explained above, much depends on the experiences of the individual. For
the researcher, as a Bhutanese individual working in the education sector, the
loyalty/national identity discourse that this document presents is understood as an
essential aspect of the overall educational learning experience, whereas an
educationalist from another country may understand part of the broader big D
discourse but will not be able to understand the significance of other discourses in the
policy, in particular, the loyalty/national identity discourse. This is because words that
are used in the document are socially situated and culturally relevant to the Bhutanese
context.
The loyalty/identity discourse, in turn, creates socially situated identities. In
the process of disseminating and implementing educational policies to schools,
different identities are enacted by different sets of people involved in the education
cycle. For instance, to build a nation state that has a strong national identity, citizens
need to perform different responsibilities that can lead to this outcome. Therefore,
education policy makers, administrators, teachers and students who are part of this
nation state and the education system all play a role in making these national
aspirations achievable outcomes.
The QEPGI document sets out the roles that each person in the education
system plays in achieving loyalty /national identity. The role of the Director of the
Education Department, the Head of School/Institutes, the teacher and the student are
Chapter 5: Analysis 94
mentioned to show how socially situated identities are created as they interact with
each other.
First, under the overall authority of the King, the document/circular is signed
by the Director who is the highest authority in the Education Department. His role
entails the responsibility to introduce and disseminate policies to schools regarding
policy guidelines and instructions, implementation of procedures, and how to use
teaching manuals, among other duties. The social identity he assumes as the head of
the department is significant for the discourse to continue.
Next, the head of the school is positioned/portrayed as having a crucial role in
helping to achieve the goals and aspirations of the Education Department. The head of
school/institution is mentioned 12 times (pp. 2-8) in the QEPGI document,
emphasising the important social identity s/he maintains and how the heads of
schools/institutions should maintain relationships and/or liaise between the
Department of Education and the school. Amongst other socially created identities, the
head of school also assumes the role of a leader; he is expected to “maintain a high
degree of discipline among teachers and students” (QEPGI, p.2), “have good
administration of their institutes” (QEPGI, p.2). The head of the school is also
expected to be a mentor, so he can “instil the highest standard of Bhutanese values”
(QEPGI, p. 2).
For teachers, the socially constructed identities occur through the “caderization
of the teaching profession” which would also ensure career advancement opportunities
(p.4). By career advancement the document focuses on the grade level teachers can
achieve. Along with caderisation, “ the lowest grade for teachers will be grade 11,
which was previously grade 17, and instead, they will now be able to rise up to grade
2” (p.4). These levels of achievement are unique markers to Bhutan’s educational
career system. Teachers would also be “entitled to civil service benefits like loans” (p.
4) which continues the discourse of loyalty through the benefits accruing to the
profession, and an “entitlement to all benefits, medals and certificates to be awarded”
(p.3).
Along with this, teachers are expected to assume greater responsibilities to
“provide children with a wholesome education” (p.2). Furthermore, they are expected
to “make education more relevant to the national needs and aspirations” (p.8) and
enhance “teaching and learning of the Diglam Chogsum and Dzongkha” (p.4). The
Chapter 5: Analysis 95
loyalty discourse operates here by the “enhancement of recognition, prestige and status
of teachers”.
The socially created identity of a student positions him/her primarily as a
learner but also someone who has “greater responsibilities to manage their Mess” (a
Mess where students eat, socialise and in some cases, live) (p. 8). The Mess in this
QEPGI document refers to the school feeding program in boarding schools. A boy and
a girl captain are selected to look after the funds and the procurement of rations along
with the supervisor of a Mess, usually the hostel warden. This position helps “to
facilitate the student to have a major say” (p.8) in the management and running of the
school feeding program. The discourse operates to convey the civic undertaking that
students have towards the state through shared responsibility.
5.4.3 As identified through intertextuality tool
Within social languages, words and phrases are often borrowed from one
context to another context for different reasons and effects. Gee (2011) calls this
borrowing of words, intertextuality (p.58). Fairclough (1999) states that intertextuality
is the property that texts have, which is that they are full of “snatches” (p. 84) from
other texts which are taken up to either augment a point or to contradict it. Gee (2011)
identifies that intertextuality mainly focuses on the “interaction of Discourses in
society” (p.112).
The intertextuality tool can be used at two levels. At the local level, one policy
document of a country can be intertextually connected to other policy documents of
that given country where common discourses on loyalty/national identity are explored.
At the international level, universal elements that discuss the themes of
loyalty/national identity can be identified by comparing a local document with other
key documents across the world. In the 1988 QEPGI policy document there is a
stronger element of local intertextuality than there is an international intertextual
connection. The loyalty/national identity discourse may have universal loyalty ideals
embedded in it. However, the local intertextuality addressing the local loyalty/ national
identity discourse is more evident.
Intertextuality operates in the QEPGI through references to the past in words
and phrases such as forefathers have passed on, national values, younger generation
develop a deep sense of pride and respect for traditional values (p. 5), intertextually
linking education with traditions and being traditional, to indicate how the education
Chapter 5: Analysis 96
sector is aligned with the larger society in which it is situated. For example, the
document creates an intertextual web of loyalty and national identity through particular
issues facing Bhutan due to the prior importing of teachers, curriculum and teaching
techniques. The document sets out the current practice and current views of education.
The text evokes the loyalty discourse through judgement passed on previous modes of
operation as inadequate. Indirectly, it bemoans the inadequacy of a national identity
and calls for heads of schools “who can ably instil in our younger generations a deep
sense of pride and respect for our traditional values”. Those “who do not measure up
to required standards would be replaced” (p.2). It is reiterated that the Department of
Education would “henceforth be undertaking evaluation of performance” (p.3),
thereby pointing to previous policies that might not have insisted on evaluation.
Intertextuality is also present in the approach undertaken in the policy through
the use of ‘our’, a relational pronoun that establishes greater responsibility for all in
accepting the policy (p.5). The loyalty discourse in the QEPGI resounds with policy
documents elsewhere that have loyalty and allegiance to monarchy stated as a national
value. In summary, the intertextual connection in the loyalty/national identity
discourse can be found as a common theme within the QEPGI document, where the
Bhutanese Department of Education discusses themes like the promotion of culture,
strengthening national identity, and prioritising the national language.
5.4.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
Gee (2011) argues that the figured worlds tool is a thinking device we use to
look at words/phrases that show something that is “typical or normal” (2011, p.69).
However, how one perceives what is typical and normal is influenced by an
individual’s social and cultural interaction and upbringing. Urrieta (2007) points out
that figured worlds is, therefore, a means by which an individual understands
him/herself in relationship to the people they interact with and the social communities
they are part of. This leads to figured worlds being altered and new identities being
created. Loyalty/national identity is a universal theme. However, different cultures
and societies perceive and enact it in varied ways. In Bhutanese tradition and culture,
the monarchy has always been revered and therefore plays a pivotal role in the society.
Official meetings in Australia such as conferences and seminars usually commence by
acknowledging the traditional owners of the land; similarly, all Bhutanese documents
Chapter 5: Analysis 97
acknowledge our monarchy and therefore always dedicate our loyalties to our
monarchy. In the QEPGI, the opening line acknowledges the King:
“As per the gracious command of His Majesty the King” (p.1)
This is the figured world tool that allows Bhutanese to understand their world
order, their culture, tradition and way of life. Similarly, some questions to ask to
understand the figured worlds of the Bhutanese are:
1. What does education mean to a Bhutanese?
2. What constitutes being loyal or what reinforces the national identity to a
Bhutanese?
Some textual examples of loyalty/national identity through the figured worlds are
presented below:
Utilise our schools/institutes to develop loyal and dedicated Bhutanese citizens
(p.3)
in addition to learning the 3 R’s the schools and institutions will also instil in
our students a full awareness and understanding of our national policies and
aspirations (p.3; F=1)
teaching and learning of the Diglam Chogsum and Dzongkha shall henceforth
receive the highest priority (p.4; F=1)
continue to provide Bhutan with its unique national identity (p.4; F=1).
To people in the outside world, who do not understand the culture and tradition
of Bhutan, the phrases above may look like propaganda. However, to the Bhutanese,
being loyal to the King and monarchical statutes constitutes being typical.
Furthermore, for the Bhutanese people, an explicit reminder of their loyalty to the
King, country and the people is seen as a ‘normal’ concept. Gee (2011) explains that
in figured worlds, things are learned through experience; however, more important is
the fact that these experiences are “guided, shaped, and normed by the social and
cultural groups to which we belong” (2011, p. 76). The figured worlds for the
Bhutanese expressed through language usage may look authoritarian/assertive to the
outside world. However, this language is commonplace in Bhutan. It is not offensive,
it is not forceful, as it constitutes the lifeworld of being Bhutanese. Therefore, being
“sons and daughters of the soil what the government is looking for …is something
money cannot buy, namely love, loyalty and dedication to his Majesty, the country and
the people” (p.3) are normal notions of being Bhutanese. The figured worlds of
Chapter 5: Analysis 98
learning for students is comprised of a ‘wholesome education’ which, in the Bhutanese
context, would comprise full awareness of national policies, aspirations and the value
system of love and loyalty to the King.
Another example to illustrate figured worlds in the Bhutanese context is the
rearing of domestic animals in the schools. Animals like pigs and chickens were raised
in the school campus by staff in the school, mainly cooks. Therefore, it was normal to
see a pig sty or chicken coop within the campus. This practice is mentioned in the
QEPGI document: “Staff of some schools/institutes especially cooks, are rearing
private pigs and other domestic animals within the school campus” (QEPGI, 1988, p.
8). These animals were fed the leftover food from the hostel and thereby seen as useful
and necessary on campus. Its reference in the document is important because, in 1988,
this practice was discontinued, mainly to inculcate better hygiene and sanitation
practices and also to attend to proper diet and health concerns.
Holland and Lave (2001) say that some activities within certain figured worlds
are intermeshed with trans-local systems. Trans-local in this context means conditions
of one place impacting on other linked contexts which can be within a local or a global
space. This practice of keeping animals is mentioned because this discourse was
implicitly comparing the figured world of Bhutanese education with the figured world
of education in countries such as India, Great Britain and the United States where the
practice of rearing domestic animals in the school grounds was prohibited.
5.4.5 As identified through the Conversation and big D discourse.
Gee (2011) states that Conversations with a capital ‘C’ are related to public
debates, arguments, motifs, issues, or themes that large numbers of people in a society
or social group know about and engage in (p. 112). Conversations surrounding
education are usually issues related to curriculum, performance and assessment of
students, and the quality of teachers. In the QEPGI 1988 policy document, the
discourse on loyalty/national identity is a Conversation in itself that has been discussed
through previous policy documents or circulars that were sent out and referred to
extensively in the QEPGI policy. Although the opposing views are not recorded in the
QEPGI document, or elsewhere, the explicit need to engage in the loyalty/national
identity discourse is perceived as necessary to balance Bhutan’s increasing
involvement and interaction with the international world. The ongoing Conversation
in the document around loyalty is explicit and is seen throughout the document. The
Chapter 5: Analysis 99
document constantly reminds the head teacher, teachers and students of their loyalty
to the King, people and the country: love and loyalty to the King/country (QEPGI, p.
3).
The need to appreciate national values, love the national language, and the
Diglam Chogsum (the three essential virtues of discipline, tradition and culture and
spiritualism) is also expressed in the QEPGI document. The Conversation on teachers’
professionalism, teacher development and the recognition given to them by society
continues to feature as an important discourse that reaffirms the loyalty/national
identity. This Conversation continues into the Annexures of the document. For
example, Annexure 1, section 2 focuses on the promotion of culture (Annexure 1, p.
3), using phrases like “his majesty the King has graciously commanded” (p. 6)
indicates how Conversation is valued through the policy document, thereby providing
the implied message of loyalty to King and country.
The big D discourse as indicated earlier in this chapter is the overarching
discourse that helps to promote focus. In this study, discussion of the Bhutanese
education system is under focus, which is, therefore, the overarching discourse.
However, the Discourse of education is centred primarily on loyalty and national
identity. While discussing the education system of Bhutan, there are several other
associations besides language that need to be taken into consideration. These
associations include elements that consider how one thinks, what one values, how one
interacts with others, and how one acts in the education environment. Gee (2011)
argues that the big D discourse is always about language and “other stuff” (p.34).
In the QEPGI document, within the big D discourse, there is a recognisable
discourse on loyalty/national identity which is critical to Bhutanese education. The
focus on respective core Bhutanese values or the Diglam Chogsum is part of the
Discourse of education. This Discourse acknowledges several elements of what it
means to be loyal (e.g. deep sense of pride and respect) and to express a national
identity (e.g. tradition and culture of the Bhutanese) that is central to the Bhutanese
education system. This Discourse, therefore, gives loyalty/national identity great
importance throughout the document.
Chapter 5: Analysis 100
5.5 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE
5.5.1 As identified through the social language tool
As discussed in Chapter 3 on the theoretical framework for this research,
globalisation is a pervasive phenomenon that has irreversibly changed the political
discourse of a nation state and the education practices within it (Marginson, 1999,
p.28). Education has not been immune to the forces of globalisation. There is a greater
orientation towards market flexibility, in this case, greater choice being accorded to
schools. Globalisation has changed older education systems and also created new ones,
thus strengthening the linkages and inter-connectedness as nations move slowly
towards each other in educational theories and practices. This inter-connectedness
allows nations to share “policy rhetoric, objectives and measures regarding education
and curricula” (Green, 1999; Arnove, 2009). Education curricula are therefore
promulgating transnational skills to students as a response to globalisation. These
global skills include having a strong knowledge base, being ICT competent, and being
fluent in the English language. Marginson (1999) argues that having these skills
enhances one’s survival and motivation towards lifelong learning and being a global
citizen.
The international phenomenon of globalisation may have arrived in Bhutan
very recently; however, the influence it has had on all spheres of Bhutanese life is
tremendous. Since the 1960s globalisation in Bhutan has increased and gained
momentum. The education system may be the largest institution that promulgates
globalisation through the policies and practices it adopts, and every student has been
affected.
While the 1988 QEPGI document shows a stronger inclination towards
localisation than towards globalisation, it must be understood that globalisation and
localisation are two aspects of the same phenomenon (Robertson 1995; Blackmore,
1999) which both affect educational reforms. In the current study, the localisation
discourse of the QEPGI is evidence of a resistive approach to globalisation. Also,
localisation usually has a greater local impact on educational reforms in areas related
to the privatisation of education, school accountability, school management and
community involvement (Wang, 2000; Altbach, 1999). It can be argued that the
localisation discourse at that time, similar to the period between the 1960s and the
1970s, was not strong enough to counter the globalisation phenomenon which remains
Chapter 5: Analysis 101
a powerful force and has an impact on Bhutan as the country needs to be part of the
global community. The global discourse is, therefore, evident even in the QEPGI 1988
document in many words, phrases and sentences.
The force of globalisation and the neoliberal attitude to education have
contributed tremendously to what the education department had achieved to 1988.
Through the social language tool, several words/phrases and sentence can be identified
in the global discourse that focuses more on the accountability of head teachers,
teachers and students in the education sector. Examples are cited below.
1. the first year is a period of probation for most of the head of
schools/institutes (p.3; F=1),
2. heads of schools/institutes to show dedication and ability to effectively
implement policies and programmes (p.3; F=1),
3. heads should be able to instil and maintain a high degree of discipline
amongst students and teachers (p.3; F=1)
4. to facilitate the students to have a major say (p.8; F=1),
5. develop responsibilities and accountabilities for application in their adult
lives (p.8; T-1),
6. reduction in wastage during preparation and storage of food (p.8; T-1),
7. devise a better control system to avoid misuse and corruptions of stipends
(p.8; T-1)
8. all government scholarships in India up to ICSE shall be discontinued (p.8;
F=1)
Much of this language is local. It is directed explicitly to how teachers need to
discipline students to effect the smooth running of schools. The discourse is explicit in
commanding teachers against corrupt habits. Other words/phrases evident in the
document show the global influences that are seen entering the education system of
Bhutan. These include:
regular evaluation of performance, enhance the recognition of teachers,
prestige and status, caderisation of the teaching profession, career advancement
opportunities, hostel feeding programme, physical and intellectual growth,
sample menu, improving diet habits, locally grown cereals, manual on the
hostel management system, qualities of leadership, reduction in waste, the
virtues of responsibilities and accountabilities.
Chapter 5: Analysis 102
These words and phrases do not otherwise feature in normal language in
Bhutan. The researcher contends that they are in the QEPGI document due to global
influences that shaped social language within the education system. The adoption of
these terms and phrases indicate an overall policy thrust in Bhutan’s effort to be part
of global culture.
The global discourse of education aims at an education system that can develop
citizens capable of shouldering the building of the nation state. In the Bhutanese
context, the market oriented discourse is positioned against the national discourse; for
example, the document states “it is noted that with money the Government can buy or
import from other countries any number and kind of experts” (p. 3) and counters it
with the importance of “sons and daughters of the soil” (p. 3), thereby buttressing
globalisation with fundamental features of nationalism.
Twentieth century globalisation was in its early phase in the 1980s. The impact
of the global in the QEPGI is regarding the influence of India on the Bhutanese
education system. The period of the1980s in Bhutan was a time of inner reflection and
inward looking. Policy borrowing from global educational systems, especially India,
provided Bhutan with some serious lessons for reflection. The policy makes these
influences very explicit: that “the education system has been ‘nationalised” (p. 2). The
need to resist larger global influences is presented sensitively, to enable accounts of
resistance to a liberal thrust to education at the local level. Thus there is, on the one
hand, the technocratic advice to manage economic aspects of education, and on the
other, a social agenda focused on social justice, reducing inequality and attending to
inclusion.
The restructuring of the education system has meant a transfer of responsibility
from the nation state to the individual. The choice of words and phrases in the QEPGI
policy document suggests that Bhutan has adopted the idea that education should be
balanced by localisation while engaging with the ongoing global education practices.
The QEPGI discourse indicates that there should be a mix of the global as well as the
local element of content in the school curriculum; global and local goals and purposes
in education policies; and in the outlook of the leaders and administrators. However,
an education that does not reflect the lives of the local people can only make learning
difficult and cause alienation. To this effect, the Department of Education in 1988
decided to localise the education system in the QEPGI document while still
Chapter 5: Analysis 103
maintaining a connection to the globalised revolution in education. Some examples of
the global discourse are:
The initiative, decision and ability to effectively implement the new
government policies, good administration of their institutions that is balanced with
“heads of schools constitute the elite group among our national teachers and…we will
find these priceless virtues amongst them” (p.3). Providing “wholesome education and
necessary skills” (p. 4) where education is not only to adapt to the workforce but “instil
a full awareness of national policies and aspirations” (p. 4).
The localisation discourse can be seen through these activities:
1. Enhancing the status of the national language Dzongkha
2. Nationalising the heads of schools
3. Nationalising a Bhutanese workforce
4. Localising educational tours
5. Discontinuation of scholarships to study in India, mainly to Kalimpong and
Darjeeling.
These activities were stipulated to make education in Bhutan relevant to the
country and its people. Words, phrases and sentences that express this localisation
discourse are presented below:
1. heads of the bulk of our schools have been nationalised (p.1; F=1)
2. make education more relevant to the national needs and aspirations (p.7;
F=1)
3. numerous projects and shrines within the country are selected for the purpose
of future educational tours (p.8; F=1)
4. educational tours to outside countries are henceforth discontinued and
prohibited (p.8; F=1)
5. Government scholarships to India for PP-X shall be discontinued after 1988
(p.9; F=1)
6. Government to use this saving from the withdrawal of scholarships to India
for improving facilities in schools within Bhutan (p.9; F=1).
This localisation discourse helps to situate Bhutanese efforts to include local
educational activities as a way to balance the global/local discourse. As for the learner,
it provides them with something which is familiar and closer to home while they learn
about the larger world around them at the same time. This provides the Bhutanese
learner with a more productive and interactive learning process as they engage in both
Chapter 5: Analysis 104
the local and the global and understand that both the global and local values can coexist
if nurtured from the beginning and performed appropriately.
5.5.2 As identified through socially situated identity/identities tool
The document recognises the need for reframing the education system to the
economic and political needs of the country, yet it does so in the knowledge of the de-
territorialisation that is an aspect of globalisation. While the new forces of a global
understanding of education are around market capitalism, and there is a sense of
economic values impacting on education, as Lefebrve (1991) observes, the nation state
is re-configured and re-imagined in new directions. This occurs through new
legislation, new forms of managing and by promoting new modes of thinking about
education.
The need to localise and develop an identity which was socially situated within
Bhutanese society was seen as important. To enact this local identity, the Department
of Education decided to prioritise the localisation discourse in the QEPGI document.
The discourse in this document indicates the Bhutanese Education system needs to be
nationalised to provide a relatable social (national) identity to all involved in the
education process. Having relevance to the Bhutanese world and culture, while at the
same time engaging with the bigger world outside, was deemed important for the
growth of the country. To this effect, the plan to localise and make curriculum relevant
to the Bhutanese context was an ongoing project. The ideologies of neoliberalism and
liberalism that are reflected in international education reforms (Carney, 2009, p.68)
operate through “curriculum documents that conceptualise learning in terms of
individualised skills and competences” through “management and organisation” for
example, “policies of decentralization such as local or site-based management”,
“policies of choice in schooling… and systems of executive leadership and decision
making”. They are also promoted through “learning processes for example through
learner centred pedagogy, the teacher being a facilitator and students being
independent learners”. These changes in discourse to include both local and global
visions are evident in the QEPGI.
Along with this, the need for the heads of schools and the teaching staff to be
nationalised was reinforced to enhance Bhutanese situated identity. Cheng (1996)
explains that school transformation initiatives are a worldwide practice which can
enhance and develop the quality of education and motivate schools to perform better.
Chapter 5: Analysis 105
Below is some sample discourse from the QEPGI that indicate how the Department of
Education envisioned the socially situated identity of Bhutanese education. The
localisation/national identity discourse examples identified through the document are:
1. to make education more relevant to the national needs and aspiration (p.8,
9; F=1)
2. numerous projects and shrines within the country are selected for the
purpose of future educational tours (p.8; F=1)
3. all government scholarships in India up to ICSE shall be discontinued (p.8;
F=1)
4. develop awareness of national policies (p.1; F=1)
5. Government to use this saving from the withdrawal of scholarships to India
for improving facilities in schools within Bhutan (p.9; F=1)
6. make education tours more relevant to national needs and aspirations (p.8;
F=1),
7. education tours to outside countries are henceforth discontinued and
prohibited (p.8; F=1).
From these examples, it is clear that the Department of Education is
withdrawing its heavy reliance on the Indian education system to ensure that education
in Bhutan is localised in control and delivery. Likewise, the socially situated identity
in the global discourse is prominent in the QEPGI document. The need for Bhutan’s
education system to meet global standards and assessment was a driving force for
educational change while maintaining the local touch. To this effect, the roles that the
head teacher, the teacher and the student plays are clearly defined. Chapman (1996)
argues that people worldwide have begun to accept education as an important
value/goal. Schools are therefore the place where students learn how to learn, and
teachers learn how to teach while the principal learns to provide better
teaching/learning conditions.
This system of caderisation of national teachers and head teachers express the
Department of Education’s desire to help develop a better system whereby teachers
are recognised for their services in providing a world class education to their students.
The role that teachers are expected to take on is evident in the document from the
following words, phrases and sentences:
1. attaches great importance to the teaching profession (p.3; F=1)
2. enhance recognition, prestige and status of teachers (p.3; F=1)
Chapter 5: Analysis 106
3. increase their service benefits and facilities (p.3; F=1)
4. teachers will be entitled to all the benefits of civil services (p.3; F=1).
The globalisation discourse in the QEPGI document has made Bhutanese
educators aware of the social identities that can be created through different global
social interactions. The caderisation of the teaching profession is one of the biggest
global influences alongside the nationalisation of the head of schools in reforming
Bhutanese education. These interactions with global education systems encouraged the
creation of a stronger Bhutanese social identity for the head of schools and the teachers
and education for all. As Carney (2009) observes, these policy notions are “essentially
transnational in character” as these project a global message around education that are
evident in other contexts. This also builds up intertextual links with other contexts that
I now discuss.
5.5.3 As identified through intertextuality tool
The localisation discourse at the international level developed mainly as a
resistive discourse towards the phenomenon of globalisation. Due to this, the
intertextuality in the localisation discourse seen in the 1988 QEPGI document
resonates with many international discussions on localisation. The messages in the
document resonate with practices elsewhere, as these reflect the vision, the central
ideology of focusing on the individual in learning processes, and in “mantras of self–
determination and ownership, choice and value, and efficiency and competency”
(Carney, 2009, p. 69).
A few examples cited from the document that show the presence of the
discourse of localisation discourse :
1. Education relevant to national goals and aspirations
2. Discourage import of vegetables, use locally grown vegetables
3. Train and develop national teachers.
The intertextual connection through the global/neoliberal discussion is evident
through the following words/phrases identified through the document:
Wholesome education, boarding facilities, development of human resources,
caderization of the teaching profession, teachers’ professional development,
awards and recognition, feeding programme.
Although the origin of when, where and how long ago these word/phrases were
used may not be traceable, it has long been in the global discourse and used in different
Chapter 5: Analysis 107
documents by different nationalities. Thus, providing the intertextual connection from
the world to text connection or from world to world connection.
5.5.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
When western education was first adopted by Bhutan in 1961, no one opposed
it, as the consensus was that it was a ‘good thing’ and would bring unprecedented
development and opportunities to Bhutan. That was the socially and culturally figured
worlds of the Bhutanese. Bhutanese always imagined that the outside world had more
and better ideas to contribute, and so Bhutan copied from outside, having no regard to
what they already had within the country. However, in 1988, Bhutan’s interaction with
the outside world changed its perception of figured worlds. As global interactions
increased, the influence of global practices and the global ideology of education
penetrated the Bhutanese education system. This opening up to global influences is
expressed through the QEPGI 1988 as the figured worlds change more with global
interactions.
The linguistics devices/tools that are used changed in keeping with global
language norms. Bhutanese educationalists are now required to ask questions
regarding the placement of their figured worlds against a more global figured world.
According to Gee (2011), while in the figured worlds tool of inquiry, questions like
the few selected below can usually be asked:
1. What figured worlds are relevant here?
2. How consistent are the relevant figured worlds here?
3. Are there competing or conflicting figured worlds at play?
4. Whose interests are the figured worlds representing?
5. What sorts of figured worlds, if any, are being used here to make value
judgments about oneself or others? (Gee, 2011, pp. 95-96).
According to Bhutan’s interaction with the global community, some of the normal
beliefs that show how the Bhutanese figured worlds works can be seen, are in the value
the country accords to education. The belief that education provides learning avenues
and improves lives for children is very strong, and the QEPGI 1988 document
expresses this several times:
1. the endeavours of our education system will be to provide our students with
a wholesome education (p.4; F=1)
2. to give greater responsibilities to the students (p.8; F=1)
Chapter 5: Analysis 108
3. to inculcate qualities of leadership and virtues on responsibilities (p.8; F=1)
4. to prepare students for application in their later adult lives (p.8; F=1)
5. to provide a voice to the students (p.8; F=1).
In earlier times, giving voice to students and giving greater responsibilities to
students was unheard of. However, with global influences, the meaning of figured
worlds is also changing in the Bhutanese education system. Similar to this, another
example of figured worlds in the Bhutanese mentality is with the continued
employment of non-national teachers. Although Bhutan nationalised the head of
schools in 1988 and also increased the number of national teachers in schools, there
remained constant employment of non-national teachers from India and other
countries. There was a total of 850 non-national teachers in 1988 (p. 6) and the
Department of Education was still hopeful of recruiting more, stating that they were
“confident that they could retain and attract highly qualified, trained, experienced and
dedicated non-national teachers who felt essential for the future educational
development of the Kingdom” (p. 6). This new-found confidence that the Department
of Education suddenly gained could have happened with the global interaction it had
with India and other countries. Through this interaction, Bhutan became aware of the
constant need to improve its efficiency in administration, enhance teacher
professionalism, and provide a state of the art educational infrastructure and learning
resources through curricula reviews. Using these measures to improve education, the
Department of Education felt confident that it could attract the best non-national
teachers who would bring Bhutan a global perspective and along with it a world class
education.
The last example of figured worlds occurred through the discontinuation of
educational tours to outside countries (p.8). The QEPGI 1988 document emphasised
that educational tours would now become localised. Up to 1988, the concept of
educational tours meant that schools in Bhutan took their class X students for school
trips outside Bhutan. These trips were taken to supplement what was learned in the
classroom and also to provide students with cultural experiences by interacting with
different cultures. The policy decision to localise educational tours was innovative as
it focused on understanding and enjoying the local. Local culture could be appreciated,
and greater value could be given to it: the global concept of the positive value of
educational tours has influenced the Department of Education, but such tours are to
Chapter 5: Analysis 109
promote the local. This knowledge and information will allow teachers to provide a
better local experience to the students they escort.
5.5.5 As identified through the Conversation and the big ‘D’ tools
The major Conversations or discourse identified through the localisation
discourse are focussed on the value of communication of education policies to schools,
as this helps the Department of Education to disseminate information better. It also
provides the schools with reference material which they can use whenever they need
to clarify policy issues.
Nationalising of head teachers is another pattern of Conversation seen through
the localisation discourse in the policy document. It was seen as necessary to deal with
new changes and challenges in education “as circumstances dictate that we should now
have all our schools/institutes headed by nationals” (QEPGI, 1988, p. 3).
The other localisation discourse identified through this inquiry tool of
Conversation is the development and training of national teachers in Bhutan. Until this
point in time, most teaching staff in Bhutan comprised teachers from other countries,
mainly India. However, the need to train Bhutanese teachers for Bhutanese classrooms
was considered important and timely since Bhutan was localising the education system
and they needed “something that money necessarily cannot buy, namely, love, loyalty
and dedication to His Majesty, the country and the people” (QEPGI, 1988, p.3).
On the other hand, the globalisation discourse under this tool of big D
Discourse mainly revolved around two issues: wholesome education and being
accountable. Wholesome education was an education concept brought in with the
introduction of the western education system in Bhutan. The global discourse of
wholesome education (QEPGI, 1988, p. 1, 4,) is the over-arching discourse under
which aspects of localisation are introduced to make education more locally relevant:
“ the endeavour of our education system will be to provide our students with a
wholesome education in the sense that, in addition to learning of the 3 Rs and the
necessary skills, the schools and institutions will also instil in our students a full
awareness and understand of our national policies, aspirations and the value system,
love and loyalty to the King and /county, and the appreciation for and the pride of
being Bhutanese” (QEPGI, 1988, p. 4).
Accountability is another big D discourse that is evident throughout the
document. The QEPGI reminds head teachers, teachers and students of their
Chapter 5: Analysis 110
responsibilities in the education sector. The head of the school is reminded of the
different responsibilities he shoulders. He is also given incentives and awards when he
performs his duties well. The teacher, like the head of school, is reminded of her
responsibilities. To encourage and enhance her teaching, she is provided with
professional development and a better career path. The student too is held accountable
for his learning and is reminded of the role he plays in safeguarding the cultural and
traditions of the country as his sole and sacred duty.
5.6 SUMMARY
The QEPGI 1988, is an education policy document assertive in its policies and
strong in its discourse language. It outlines explicitly the Department of Education’s
goals and aspirations for the students and the roles and responsibilities of the head of
schools and the teachers. The document also dictates the methods through which these
policies can be implemented and achieved.
The discourse of loyalty/national identity is asserted throughout the document.
Strong words and phrases like:
instil in our younger generation (p.3)
our tradition and culture (p.3)
highest priority in our education system (p.5)
our forefathers have passed (p.5)
our unique country (p.5).
This expresses Bhutan’s desire to remain an independent sovereign state in the
future. However, it also realises that global interaction is important and therefore
maintains this discourse with references to ideas like wholesome education,
caderisation of the teaching profession, nationalising of head teachers, providing
responsibilities to students, improving health and sanitation and the continuous
employment of non-national teachers.
To this end, what the Department of Education aspires to is to orient the
Bhutanese education system to the global knowledge economy by acknowledging that
different discourses interact at different levels. Global discourse can influence local
decisions, and local discourses can enrich global interactions.
In Part II, the 30th EPGI will be analysed using a similar structure to that used
for the 1st QEPGI.
Chapter 5: Analysis 111
SECTION II
5.7 BACKGROUND TO 30TH EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND
INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI), 2012
The second policy document for analysis in this research is the 30th Education
Policy Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI 2012) for Bhutanese education. This
document was selected for data analysis as it was the most recent document when the
proposal for the current study was presented in October 2017. When the EPGI (2012)
was published, more than two decades had passed since the launch of the first QEPGI
in July of 1988. Since then, education in Bhutan had undergone several changes in
administration, curriculum, teaching practices, and assessment patterns, and had an
increase in student enrolment. The education system in Bhutan has also gone through
several five-year plan periods and has produced many different education policies that
indicated the changing nature of education in Bhutan. Owing to these changes, the
evolution of educational policy borrowing practices has progressed apace. These
changes are reflected in the language and intent of the education policy documents.
The main 30th EPGI 2012 document is 13 pages long and focuses on 11
policies. The remaining 67 pages out of a total of 80 pages are comprised of the
annexures. There are several new policies in this document. Also, although the formal
social language remains the same, the nuances in describing Bhutanese education had
altered over the 20 years between the publications of the two policies. Similar to the
QEPGI (1988), the 30th EPGI (2012) is analysed through Gee’s (2011) discourse
analysis and follows a similar pattern to how the QEPGI, 1988 was analysed.
At the time the EPGI 2012 document was written, there had been much social
and educational change in Bhutan. The Foreword of EPGI 2012 mentions the Royal
Wedding celebration and the great achievements of educators throughout the land.
There is also mention of challenges such as a growing “indiscipline amongst youth
and a lack of decorum and discipline in our schools” (p. iv). In these two examples, it
can be seen that there continues to be discourse about both the local (Royal Wedding)
and the global (unruly school children) in policy documents. As with the analysis of
the QEPGI (1988) policy document, the EPGI (2012) will be explored through the
dimensions of loyalty/national identity and globalisation/localisation discourses that
emerged.
Chapter 5: Analysis 112
5.8 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
Similar to the samples provided above for the initial discourse analysis of the
1st QEPGI (1988) policy, analysis of the 30th EPGI 2012 will follow a similar pattern.
Two sets of examples from the EPGI 2012 document will be presented. The first set
of examples is presented in Table 5.3, which uses Gee’s six building blocks to
categorically group words, phrases and sentences into the six building blocks they
represent, and a sample paragraph (5.3) which is in a tabular form, presents the
discourse of loyalty/national identity in the document.
The second set of examples is similar to the format used for analysis of the QEPGI
(1988) policy. These also contain a table (Table 5.4) and a sample paragraph (5.4).
Table 5-2 Sample Table: Loyalty/National Identity discourse through Gee’s six
Building blocks
Six Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse
Analysis
Words/phrases identified from the
sample 5.3. a
Semiotic building block (significance) Launched the Sherig Century
celebrations
World building block Observed as teachers’ day, the role of
education in nation-building
Activity building block Express our deep gratitude to our
monarchs
Express our deep appreciation and
gratitude to all our teachers, past and
present for educating generations of
Bhutanese
Socio-culturally situated identity and
relationship building
Birth anniversary of the 3rd King
2nd May as Teachers’ day
Political building Educating generations of Bhutanese
Connection building Shaping education over the last 100
years
Chapter 5: Analysis 113
5.3 Sample paragraph: Loyalty/National Identity discourse through Gee’s 6 Building
blocks
1. The Ministry of Education launched the Sherig Century celebrations on May 2, 2012
2. coinciding with the birth anniversary of the third King, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck,
which is
3. also observed as the Teachers’ Day. The celebrations presented an opportunity to
express
4. our deep gratitude to our monarchs for shaping education over the last 100 years and
to
5. acknowledge the role of education in nation-building. The occasion also provided
the
6. opportunity to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to all the teachers, past
and
7. present, for educating generations of Bhutanese.
Line 1-2 discuss the launch of 100 years of education (Sherig) in Bhutan
coinciding with the birth anniversary of the third King, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, who
was also known as the “Father of Modern Bhutan”. These lines are significant as they
portray the homage Bhutanese pay to the King who understood the value of education
as a way to modernise a nation.
Lines 3-4 in the same vein as the above lines continue to build on the significance
of 2nd May as a day celebrated by the Bhutanese education family as National
Teachers’ day. The day provides a dual symbolic representation where monarchs and
teachers are celebrated and honoured for shaping of education in Bhutan. The phrase
‘shaping of the education’ signifies the evolution and changes that have occurred in
education in Bhutan.
Lines 5, 6 and 7 continue to elaborate on the importance of the Sherig
celebrations. The phrase “acknowledges the role of education in nation building” sums
up the whole paragraph, giving due credit to the value of education. The role that
education plays is unmatched, as it brings with it literacy, opportunities and
development of a nation, thus building on the loyalty/national identity discourse. In
this sample, the Big D discourse is one of belonging to the Bhutanese identity; nouns
like Sherig Century celebrations, Teachers’ Day and verbs like launched, observed,
presented, and provided express a certainty about the figured world of the Bhutanese
education system. The discourse and the figured world indicate how loyalty and
national belonging have significance and how people’s positions matter. This is
reflected in the entire policy document.
Chapter 5: Analysis 114
5.4 Sample paragraph: Globalisation/localisation discourse through Gee’s (2011)
Building blocks
1. ICT is crucial for realising the national vision of transforming Bhutan into an IT-
enabled knowledge society
2. The Ministry now reminds the schools to make best use of the training and facilities
3. provided under the Project to impart ICT skills to the children and to use ICT to
improve
4. the teaching-learning process. Similarly, the schools are urged to encourage our
students to
5. increasingly use ICT facilities as a useful tool to enrich their learning.
Table 5-3 Sample Table: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for
globalisation/localisation discourse
6 Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse
Analysis
Words/phrases identified from the
sample 5.3. b
Semiotic building block(significance) ICT skills, ICT facilities
World building block Project to impart ICT skills
Activity building block Reminds the school to make best use
of ICT
Schools are urged to encourage
students to use ICT facilities
increasingly
Socio-culturally situated identity and
relationship building
Useful tool to enrich their learning
Improve the teaching-learning
process
Political building ICT skills to the children
Connection building Enrich their learning
Line 1 indicates how the global themes of technology creating a society that is
well informed in present day knowledge are central to the contextual development of
education. The UNESCO World Report in 2005 had termed knowledge societies as
societies nurtured by diversity and its capacities. As the Report claims, new
technologies and the Internet can achieve “equal and universal access to knowledge”
(p. 17) and the purpose of a knowledge society is to “promote new forms of solidarity”
(p. 18).
Lines 2-3 reminds teachers to “make best use” of the ICT training and facilities
provided to them through the Chiphen Rigphel project. The direct raw translation of
the phrase ‘Chiphen Rigphel’ is one benefitted, knowledge is spread, which truly
Chapter 5: Analysis 115
encapsulates the concept of globalisation. Appadurai (2001) defined globalisation as a
multi-directional concept that involves the flow of things though ideas, ideologies,
people, goods, images, messages, technologies and techniques. Similarly, these lines
express that the ICT training and facilities that the teachers are provided with should
be harnessed for these ‘goods’ to flow. ICT facilities and training had been introduced
into Bhutan from NGOs and other international agencies. The use of ICTs as a way of
enhancing student learning is a global concept that has been widely encouraged in the
EPGI policy. Because of the global connections to ICTs in education, is it not
acceptable that teachers not ‘make the best use’ of these facilities.
Lines 4-5 tell the teachers the purpose of their training was to improve their
teaching/learning process and also to help children to use the ICT facilities as these are
a useful tool to ‘enrich their learning’. To make the best use of ICTs, teachers need to
make the best use of their training. At the local level, enriching student learning is a
priority. Underlying this notion is that Bhutanese children need to have enhanced ICT
skills to compete in a global learning environment.
Most importantly, the word ‘urged’ shows that the Ministry of Education was
aware of the benefits of ICT and therefore insists that students use it to empower their
learning. Green et al. (2009) note that most countries that are successful in
globalisation are countries that have focussed strongly on providing quality education
to their people. This suggests that, if Bhutan is to participate favourably in the global
arena, the Bhutanese education system needs to provide the resources, as it is doing.
5.9 LOYALTY/IDENTITY DISCOURSE
5.9.1 As identified through the social language tool
The social language identified in EPGI (2012) document is one that is strong in
nouns and verbs that indicate certainty and the big D (Gee, 2011) Discourses of
education in Bhutan. It shows certainty, authority and an obligation that needs to be
fulfilled in a formal document discourse. Modal verbs are used throughout this
document to help confirm this. A few examples are: “effort should be made”,
“celebrations will continue throughout”, “teachers will be trained”, “conditions must
be created”, and “all schools must ensure that”.
The mandates from the Ministry of Education expressed to principals, teachers
and students are clear and precise. In areas that need additional information Annexure,
Chapter 5: Analysis 116
2 is attached to expand on the information provided in the document. There has been
a shift in local/national identity discourse from the QEPGI (1988) to the 30th EPGI; in
the 30th EPGI, there is a greater focus on the many different regional centres of
education in Bhutan, with a greater reflection on how each region is doing and where
further improvements can be made.
The 30th EPGI begins with comments about the recent Royal Wedding
(Foreword) and how various regions have celebrated this event in a show of national
unity. Some examples from the document are presented below which show the use of
the social language of loyalty/national identity discourse.
1. Celebration of 100 years of education in Bhutan and the opportunities that
this occasion provides to express “our deep gratitude to our monarchs for
shaping education over the last 100 years and to acknowledge the role of
education in nation-building. The occasion also provided the opportunity to
express our deep appreciation and gratitude to all the teachers, past and
present, for educating generations of Bhutanese” (30th EPGI, p. 2).
2. In celebration of the joyous occasion of the Royal Wedding, the Ministry of
Education launched the Queen’s Endowment for Cultural Studies. This annual
scholarship supports undergraduate studies in Sanskrit, Pali, Astrology,
Ayurvedic/Herbal Medicines, Fine Arts and Music. The Queen’s Endowment
aims to revive and preserve some of the age-old and time-tested human pursuits
and further enrich our country’s unique culture (30th EPGI, p. 13).
3. All schools shall observe values orientation week at the start of the academic
session every year. The main objective of the week is to strengthen values and
life skills education in schools and inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette.
(p.3; F=1).
In the three paragraphs above there is a clear and strong discourse guiding the
population in being loyal citizens: “our deep gratitude to our monarchs for shaping
education over the past 100 years; preserve some of the age-old and time-tested human
pursuits and further enrich our country’s unique culture”. This discourse is both past
and future oriented in that it encourages Bhutanese citizens to embrace the best of the
past as they move into the future. From the three paragraphs, the words and phrases
that connote loyalty/national identity are as follows.
Chapter 5: Analysis 117
Table 5-4. Words taken out of the 30th EPGI 2012
Nouns Verbs
Auspicious (p. iv) joyous occasion (p. iv)
Royal wedding (p. iv) Express our deep gratitude to our
monarchs (p.2)
Deep gratitude (p.2) Acknowledge the role of education in
nation building (p.2)
Monarchs (p.2) Express gratitude to teachers past and
present for educating (p.2)
Queen’s Endowment for Cultural
Studies (p.13)
Launched the Queen’s Endowment for
Cultural Studies (p.13)
Age-old and time-tested human pursuits
(p.2)
Preserve some of the age-old and time-
tested human pursuits (p.2)
Unique, culture, values(p,2) Enrich our country’s unique culture,
observe values (p.2)
Values and life skills (p.2) Strengthen values and life skills
education (p.2)
Essence of Bhutanese etiquette (p.6) Inculcate the essence of Bhutanese
etiquette (p.6)
Youth programs (p.11) Encourage students to engage in youth
programs (p.11)
These words and phrases encourage citizens to live their lives at both a national
level (“inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette”), and at the local level (“have
quality time with parents and family”). This discourse reaffirms the social identities of
what is expected of Bhutanese citizens in the areas of loyalty to the country and
maintaining a national identity as uniquely Bhutanese.
5.9.2 As identified through the socially situated identities tool
The socially situated identities discourse is usually reinforced by patterns of
experience in an individual’s world (Gee, 2011). This discourse in the 30th EFGI
document will be discussed through the three main groups of people the document
addresses principals, teachers and students, and how they contribute to the
loyalty/national identity discourse.
The principal as the head of the school shoulders the highest responsibility in the
school system. The document restates this in the following sentences.
“The principals must see themselves playing a larger role than merely
administering schools. They must ensure there is justice and equity in the way they
deal with teachers and with students” (30th EPGI, p. 3).
Chapter 5: Analysis 118
The example presented above situates the social identity of the principal as the
person who is responsible for a number of things. Firstly, the principal’s role is greater
than just being an administrator. He needs to show leadership, provide mentoring and
support to his students and teachers and above all be just and fair in his dealings with
both the teachers and the students. The social identity of the principal is therefore
portrayed at the top of the school hierarchy as one which facilitates a safe environment
conducive to effective teaching and learning. The discourse in the 30th EPGI has
shifted to a more localised role for principals than was portrayed in the QEPGI 1988.
In the 30th EPGI, the role of principals has expanded to include accountability to the
Education Department but also a bigger role in working with local school populations
to create a cohesive national identity. The emphasis of the discourse is present at the
beginning of the policy document to highlight all the significant achievements in the
education sector (awards in academics, sports, dramatics, and agriculture). This
discourse reinforces how identities are socially situated within education in the country
through the public recognition of rewards.
Teachers are also part of the socially situated population in the 30th EPGI. “The
quality of education depends on the quality of teachers” (30th EPGI, p. 8) is a powerful
statement from the document that positions the social identity of the teacher. The
teacher’s role and the social identity it carries as a forerunner to quality education is a
big responsibility to shoulder. A few examples from the 30th EPGI of the
responsibilities teachers are expected to carry out is provided below.
1. To prepare our young men and women with the right values and skills,
usefulness and gracefulness, to meet the ever-growing needs of a
developing country against the backdrop of a fast globalising world (p.i;
F=1)
2. Schools are seen as part of the larger community and the child
must be taught to serve the community (p.3; F=1)
3. Children have to be taught to promote mutual respect and cooperation –
between the educated, intellectual and the ignorant (p.3: F=1)
4. Conditions must be created for the children to think, reflect and show
concern
5. Schools are urged to encourage our students to use ICT facilities
increasingly.
Chapter 5: Analysis 119
A teacher’s social identity provides her with the opportunity to teach and train
the students in her custody into becoming good people in society, and thus transmits
the loyalty/national identity discourse. Recognising the important social role that
teachers play in the education of the children there are several references in the
document on how to facilitate and enhance their roles and responsibilities:
1. National Based In-service Programmes (NBIPs) are offered regularly by
the Ministry to update teachers on curriculum, educational issues and co-
curricular activities (p.8)
2. Attaches utmost importance to the professional development and
qualification upgrade of teachers through a number of In-Service Education
of Teachers (INSET) programs (p. 8).
These training opportunities are provided in order to “build a cadre of highly
motivated and competent educators who are endowed with an abiding love of children,
a deep love of learning, and who passionately value education as a positive instrument
of empowerment” (p. i; F=1).
The paragraph above conveys a very important message that indicates the
reasons for the teachers to be given training and workshops besides enhancing their
knowledge and improving their career advancement opportunities. Through
participation in the workshops, the Ministry hopes to change the attitudes of the
teachers in their dealing with students and in their perception of the value of education.
These changes, in turn, will continue to enhance the social identity of the teacher.
The student, like the principal and the teacher, holds a social identity that benefits
the education system. “The Constitution of Bhutan mandates for the provision of free
education to all children till grade ten” (p. 5) reminds the reader of the nation’s
obligations to the student. As a student, there are learning opportunities that are
provided to them in the hope of “promoting a system of continuous and life-long
learning though formal, non-formal as well as informal modes to enable our citizens
to participate meaningfully and constructively in the life of the society” (p. i; F=1).
However, the most important Bhutanese social identity that is being created
here for students is a Bhutanese education system infused with the ideology of Gross
National Happiness (Gross National Happiness) and the idea of Green schools. As the
document says, “Educating for Gross National Happiness cites ways and means with
which Gross National Happiness values can be ingrained in schools” (p. 3). The Gross
Chapter 5: Analysis 120
National Happiness school concept was introduced in 2010, two years before the
publication of the 30th EPGI 2012 document. Since its launch, the EPGI states that
“the results are very encouraging. Several schools have reported visible and substantial
improvements especially in terms of physical ambience, mindfulness, students’
understanding of and regard for culture, nature, etc.” (pp. 3-4). Hence the GNH
concept is mandated to continue in the curriculum. This unique social identity of
Bhutanese schools provides a fertile ground for the spread of the loyalty/national
identity discourse.
5.9.3 As identified through the intertextuality tool
Intertextuality is the borrowing of words and phrases from one context to
another context (Gee, 2011). In the 30th EPGI document, the intertextuality tool draws
on previous policy documents, such as the QEPGI 1988, to connect to the themes of
loyalty and national identity, but also connects to the theme of global/localisation.
Three themes that are noticeably present in the document are curriculum, socially
useful productive work, and the universal purpose of education.
1. Curriculum is the soul of the education system It is important to ensure that
the curriculum offered in our schools is relevant to the changing needs and
priorities of the country (p. 8)
2. Shall review the integrity of the Socially Useful Productive Work (SUPW)
experience and recommend ways to recognise self-initiated personal
enrichment work done by students outside their school hours (p.10)
3. To prepare our young men and women with the right values and skills,
usefulness and gracefulness, to meet the ever-growing needs of a
developing country against the backdrop of a fast globalising world (p.i).
The first example taken from the document discusses the general and universal
idea of the curriculum as central to an education system. This universal idea is then
intertextually woven into the idea of making this relevant to the Bhutanese education
system. Furthermore, it links it to the loyalty/national identity discourse by
emphasising that the curriculum should cater to the “priorities of the country”(p.8).
One of the priorities of the country has been to develop love and loyalty to the King
and the country and to strengthen the national identity of Bhutanese. The curriculum,
which is a borrowed practice from global education systems, is used by the Bhutanese
Chapter 5: Analysis 121
education system to discuss the discourse of loyalty/national identity and at the same
time to boost it.
In example two, SUPW is the equivalent of community service/volunteerism.
The idea has been borrowed from global education systems and UN conventions, and
then contextualised and used at the national level in Bhutan to help the student develop
virtues befitting a true Bhutanese. The SUPW concept provides students with time
after their school work to engage in meaningful socially productive work which is
recognised/rewarded. The type of work students usually volunteers to do in the rural
schools at the community level include providing hair cutting to village people who
do not have access to more formal venues for haircuts; washing and bathing old people
who live by themselves, cleaning houses for people, helping with planting and
harvesting crops, among other activities. At the school level, older students look after
younger students by washing and bathing them, cutting the grass in the school campus,
planting trees and shrubs to greenify the campus, and volunteering in the kitchen,
among other activities. In urban schools, at the community level, students help the
police to maintain order by being student police partners; they escort old people to the
temples to do their rounds of prayers, and they visit hospitals to help village folk who
do not know their way around. At the school level, as in rural schools, students are
engaged in beautifying their campus. The SUPW process hopes to help children
develop love and loyalty for their community and their country.
The third example discusses the universal idea of the purpose of education.
There may be local variants on certain themes, however in general what constitutes the
purpose of education, is universally the same. The Bhutanese education system, while
defining the purpose of education, understands that there is a need to look at two
dimensions: the global and the local. This is important so that education can “meet the
ever-growing needs of a developing country against the backdrop of a fast globalising
world” (p.i). The key institutional norms that have been reimagined over the decades
have been to perceive education as a basic right of each Bhutanese child; free education
for all children (p.5); developing skills and values; child development; and quality of
education (p.8). The discourse of nationalism overlaid with global issues of education
reflects compliance with loyalty as well as the approval of large global bodies as being
important. The phrase above is therefore appropriate at showing the intertextuality
between the global and the national. Bhutan’s constant endeavour to provide an
education that helps a student gain “right values and skills, usefulness and
Chapter 5: Analysis 122
gracefulness” (p.i) has not been unwitting. The purpose was to prepare students to
serve with loyalty and develop a national identity which is strong and deeply
embedded, to help them to engage in global interactions with ease and confidence.
This authenticates the Bhutanese education system by intertextually connecting the
national endeavours in education by purposefully borrowing global educational
practises that enhance the quality of education in Bhutan and in turn empowers the
national identity and the loyalty discourse.
5.9.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
Holland et al. (2001), argue that the figured worlds tool provides a key for people to
learn new perspectives about the world around them. The knowledge that people gain
is then given a new meaning, new passion or emotion. Besides this, figured worlds
help people to expand their capabilities, which allows them to influence their
behaviour in these worlds. It is therefore “a socially and culturally constructed realm
of interpretation in which particular characters and actors are recognised” (p. 52). In
the Bhutanese context, the typical/normal ways of showing loyalty/national identity
would be towards the King, the country and the people also known locally as the Tsa
wa sum, or literally as the three important roots being the King, people and the country.
In the 30th EPGI 2012, the figured worlds is expressed through the cultural
phenomenon of monarchy and loyalty towards it. The figured world of loyalty has
immense meaning for Bhutanese as social interaction that has significance for the
Bhutanese. It is in the figured world of education that people in their role are socially
organised. Hence in the document, one finds the goal to ‘build a cadre of highly
motivated and competent educators who are endowed with an abiding love of children,
a deep love of learning, and who passionately value education as a positive instrument
of empowerment” (Vision, page i). In addition, the document stresses the role of the
principals as significant. The principals are positioned as “playing a larger role…
ensuring there is justice and equity”(p.3). The special focus on the principals indicates
how the activity of education becomes meaningful through their actions.
Further, the education system is built up as a meaningful context through the
manner in which it links with the larger social and cultural context:
1. Celebration of the auspicious Royal Wedding
2. Paying tribute to the leaders and educators of the past and the present
Chapter 5: Analysis 123
3. The birthdays of the 3rd, 4th and present King being celebrated as National
Teachers’ Day, National Children’s Day and National Education Day
4. Queen’s Endowment Scholarship for preservation of culture and traditions
5. Educating for Gross National Happiness
The five examples from the 30th EPGI show what it is to belong to the
educational system. It is the world into which the Bhutanese are recruited, a world
where activities such as the birthdays of the royal family are considered with respect;
it is a world where individuals are told what it means to belong; in this case, belonging
is dependent on understanding Gross National Happiness which becomes a pivotal
point on which schools, teachers, students can reaffirm their sense of identity.
The word ‘auspicious’ signifies something that is special and good and comes
with many promises and hopes. This symbolic union through the Wedding is therefore
celebrated joyously by the Bhutanese people. It encourages the Bhutanese people to
reaffirm their loyalty to the King, and it also brings the whole nation together in the
celebration thus strengthening national identity.
The second example, with the emphasis on the noun ‘tribute’, symbolises the
gratitude that Bhutanese people feel towards the King and to all the educators of the
past and the present. It also connotes that by paying tribute, the Bhutanese people
understand that education is an important element for developing loyalty and the
national identity of the Bhutanese people.
The third example reaffirms the symbolic connection between our kings and
their constant effort in making the Bhutanese understand the value of education. The
Kings’ birthdays are celebrated as National Teachers’ Day, as National Children’s Day
and National Education Day. All three days show the King’s strong commitment to
education. This dual connection allows the Bhutanese to understand the implicit
meaning that education and the monarchy play in loyalty and protecting national
identity.
The fourth example provided above expresses the Queen’s continuous efforts
at helping to preserve the cultures and traditions of the land by providing scholarships
to enhance them. Her dedication is an example that Bhutanese are proud of, and
through it, to understand the value of preserving one’s traditions and culture.
Finally, the fifth example, educating for GHN, encompasses everything that
represents Bhutan and Bhutanese. This phenomenon in the Bhutanese education
Chapter 5: Analysis 124
system is still relatively new: it has been there since 1972, when the 4th King Jigme
Singye Wangchuck, declared that “Gross National Happiness is more important than
Gross Domestic Product” (Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative (OPHI)
Oxford Department of International Development, 2008). Educating for GROSS
NATIONAL HAPPINESS has now been established in Bhutan as the ‘norm’. All
schools imbue it to show allegiance and loyalty to the King, people and the country.
The five examples provided above from the 30th EPGI 2012 show what is
normal/typical figured world actions for a Bhutanese. These actions of loyalty/national
identity come naturally to Bhutanese, as identity has been inculcated in the Bhutanese
mind for centuries. These actions are also reinforced in the discourse of the 30th EPGI
policy document.
5.9.5 As identified through the Conversation and the big D Discourse tools
The Conversations surrounding the loyalty/national identity discourse are
around affirmation of respect and belonging. There are seven points in total in the
mission statement of the Ministry of Education. The three that engage the big
Discourse tool for loyalty/national identity discourse are points 2,3 and 4.
2. to build a broadly liberal, culturally sensitive, forward-looking, standards-
based education system that combines the best of received wisdom of
successive generations and the results of innovation and enterprise in the
diverse fields of human endeavour;
3. to create the necessary learning space and opportunities to engage the
genius and potentials of all the children and youth of the country in keeping
with provisions of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan, and to realise
our pledge of green schools for green Bhutan;
4. to prepare our young men and women with the right values and skills,
usefulness and gracefulness, to meet the ever-growing needs of a developing
country against the backdrop of a fast globalising world.
All three selections are heavily laden with deep meaning for the loyal/national
identity discourse. The first point covers the aspirations of the Ministry of Education
and the initiatives the Ministry of Education is taking to “build a broadly liberal,
culturally sensitive, forward-looking, standards-based education system”. The
selection of the adverb ‘broadly’ and the adjective ‘sensitive’ suggests the caution that
Chapter 5: Analysis 125
the Ministry of Education is taking towards balancing liberalism and culture. The
Ministry does not think that complete liberalisation is the answer: instead, there needs
to be a balance. At the same time, the Ministry feels that using the ‘wisdom of
successive generations’ is important to progress and necessary for safeguarding the
loyalty and national identity of the country.
The second point focuses on the children and youth of Bhutan as they are the
future of Bhutan. This obligation of the government towards the children of Bhutan is
to “create the necessary learning space and opportunities to engage the genius and
potentials of all the children and youth”. This inclusion of the phrase ‘all the children’
represents Bhutan’s growing awareness of including all youth, including those that are
academically superior (geniuses), others that have Special Education Needs (SEN),
and also the Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) community. Within this
mandate, while focussing on the child, the Ministry also remembers ‘our pledge of
green schools for green Bhutan’. Here again, the pledge for green schools and green
Bhutan suggests that the national asset (80% forest cover) should continue to be
protected through healthy sustainable practices in the schools.
Finally, the third point discusses the need to have proper values and skills for
Bhutanese to function both in the national and international milieu. Words like ‘ever-
growing needs of a developing country’(p. 6) suggest that change is happening rapidly
in Bhutan and Bhutanese people must learn to cope with and adjust to these changes.
Gracefulness is, therefore, an asset which will be helpful in dealing with all the
adjustment that a Bhutanese has to make.
To sum up, words and phrases like “broadly liberal”, “culturally sensitive”,
“best of received wisdom of successive generations”, “realise our pledge of green
schools for green Bhutan”, “right values and skills”, “usefulness and gracefulness” are
recognisable words that indicate the discourse of loyal/national identity. The loyalty
discourse stresses professional responsibility alongside moral agency. The internal
motivation to be loyal and value oriented is furthered by the overarching focus of the
document as reflected in the title, Cultivating the Grace of the Mind, which indicates
accountability to clients, that is students, is to be achieved through procedures that
enable educators to communicate their values, and their moral beliefs. The
Conversations that Gee notes are the debates and themes central for discussion are
primarily to do with who is a loyal citizen and an effective educator. The public debate
on what is good education, or an ideal form of education for Bhutan, is resolved in the
Chapter 5: Analysis 126
document through its explicit acknowledgement of the role of education in nation-
building.
In conclusion, the pivotal role of education in nation building is reiterated
through verbs like ‘build’, ‘combines’ ‘create’ ‘engage’ ‘realise’ ‘prepare’, ‘meet’ that
create a pattern of belonging. The phrases and participant positioning are typical
throughout the document. They are re-affirmed in different permutations. However,
all these form the discourse on the central role of the nation and the central role of
being loyal citizens.
5.10 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE
5.10.1 As identified through the social language discourse
As Dale (2007, p. 58) observes, globalisation induces paradigm shifts in the
way nation states respond to policy. The resultant effect of “international
competitiveness” (p. 58) is subtly present in the document in the manner in which
discourses are organised.
The glocal discourses are explicitly set to convey a sense of urgency regarding
the changes that need to occur in the education system. The forward looking, futuristic
language indicates how “globalised policy agendas and processes interact with
traditions, ideologies, institutions and politics that have developed on national
terrains” (Ozga & Lingard, 2007, p.69). As these authors argue, globalised policy
discourses have emerged, and these are adopted by policy makers to “reshape
education systems”. Subsequently, there needs to be a study of how far a ‘travelling
policy’ is entrenched in the local by means of adaptation. This is explicit in the EPGI
2012 document, and examples are as follows:
All the Dzongkhags and Thromdey signed a Performance Compact with the
Ministry in 2010 outlining the aspirations and goals to be achieved by 2013.
The key targets in the Performance Compact are achieving 100% Net
Enrolment Ratio in primary education, enhancing teachers’ satisfaction,
reducing repetition rates, etc.
As Ball (2007, p. 44) observes, “national policy making is inevitably a process
of bricolage; a matter of borrowing and copying bits and pieces of ideas from
elsewhere”. This is evident in the example above which illustrates how global policy
initiatives are transferred to the local context to illustrate “the commodification of
Chapter 5: Analysis 127
knowledge”. For the first time, the education system can be perceived as made
“susceptible to profit” (p. 45), and the notion of the Performance Compact indicates
the “enterprise culture and the cultivation of enterprising subjects” (p. 45).
Nouns and adjectives such as ‘knowledge- society’, ‘diverse fields of human
endeavour’, ‘globalising world’, ‘cadre of highly motivated and competent educators’,
‘positive instrument of empowerment’, ‘life-long learning’, ‘performance compact’,
‘IT-enabled knowledge-society’, ‘uniform implementation of policy’, ‘curb rural-
urban migration’, ‘curriculum reviews’, ‘assessment patterns and tools’ among others
indicate co-locations (Gee, 2005), which form established patterns of global discourse,
and signal current education practices and the situation identities that educators and
learners are expected to form within.
The social language used in this document, especially in the globalisation
section, suggests that the Bhutanese education system is adapting well to the
prescribed needs of the global world by borrowing education policies that need much
adjustment. One such example is the IT enabled knowledge society which requires
both human resources and physical resources for the enactment of the policy. The
willingness of the government to spend funds on creating this IT enabled knowledge
society demonstrates that the government sees value in it.
Lifelong learning too is another policy that the Bhutanese education system is
endorsing. The value of lifelong learning in the mental health of the ageing Bhutanese
population as well and the illiterate population is increasing. Many non-formal and
informal learning centres are now full of enthusiastic learners who not only learn
words and numbers but also participate in do-it-yourself (DIY) projects. Rizvi and
Lingard (2010) say that education can be created into a field of social activity. In this
space, the people can interact and develop rules which can help them learn better.
5.10.2 As identified through the socially situated meaning/ identities tool
The social language patterns assist in discerning the situated identities, in this
document, of the ‘glocal’ with education systems, having the responsibility of
translating larger supranational policy agendas into a local, transferable ‘solution’. The
socially situated identity that the Bhutanese education system is creating is one that
incorporates both the local and the global elements of education. The localisation
discourse comes out through the document quite strongly, especially in the following
areas:
Chapter 5: Analysis 128
1. Values education and the need to practise it in the schools
…all schools shall observe values orientation week at the start of the academic
session every year. The main objective of the week is to strengthen values and
life skills education in schools and inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette
(p.3; F=1)
2. The school agriculture program has always been a unique feature of the Bhutanese
education system.
the objective of the programme is to instil dignity of work in our students and
supplement and provide a balanced diet in schools (p.7; F=1)
3. Educating for gross national happiness is yet another Bhutanese initiative which has
been in the school system since 2010.
The objective for this was to help children to think, reflect and show concern
since love and care for the environment and nature should be imbibed from a
young age (p.3; F=1)
4. The assessment system in Bhutan has come under much public scrutiny as some
students are not sitting for the national examination for various reasons, which leads
to funds being wasted. To this effect, the Ministry of Education has devised a policy
whereby:
no BCSE and BHSEC candidate would be allowed to withdraw from the Board
Examinations with the exception to medical cases requiring hospitalisation
and supported by documentary evidence signed by an authorised medical
officer (p.10; F=1).
While the policy above makes students think twice before deciding not to appear for
the Board Examination, the policy below provides a better alternative:
Students who have failed in class X and XII are allowed to repeat once in the
same government school from 2014 academic session. This initiative is
expected to benefit students who fail in Class X and XII owing to economic and
other reason (p.2; F=1).
The global discourse, on the other hand, looks more at creating a socially situated
identity which is within the realms of education in the global sense. Two prominent
themes appear in this section:
1. Youth concerns
2. ICT and its importance for global integration.
Chapter 5: Analysis 129
The global discourse on youth concerns is discussed at length through the school
discipline policy and the national youth policy as seen below:
deeply concerned over the growing indiscipline amongst youth and lack of
decorum and discipline in our schools (p. 4; F=1)
development of youth programmes and services to address the emerging
challenges and concerns faced by the young people (p.11; F=1).
Socially situated identity within the global discourse aims to make education
in Bhutan conducive to its Bhutanese learners. A favourable school environment is
created by recognising that the student comes first and is at the centre of all changes
and development in education. Therefore to recognise that the child comes first, youth
programmes are introduced in the schools to provide diverse forums, where help is
provided for youth to cope with issues they are concerned about. Also, youth
programmes allow the Ministry of Education and the schools to maintain discipline by
keeping children occupied in various activities during the school holidays and after
school.
Moreover, as Bhutanese youth interact with the outside world through media
and technology, they are exposed to a life that is different from the one they know.
Although often the exposure is good for youths, sometimes, when they see something
different from that experienced in their cultural upbringing it can have a negative effect
on them. Also, the issues and concerns that youth all over the world face are the same.
Bhutanese educators understand that youth issues, if left unchecked, may act as
deterrents and effect students’ achievement and success. As such, youth programmes
and services have been initiated to tackle issues before they become bigger problems.
Another example where the socially situated identity within the global
discourse is recognisable is the initiative on ICT, locally known as the Chiphen
Rigphel. The policy document points out that “ICT is crucial for realising the national
vision of transforming Bhutan into an IT-enabled knowledge society” (p.2). To help
achieve this vision the largest Chiphen Rigphel Project to build skills in ICT was
launched. The project aimed to train “5000 teachers, equipping computer laboratories
in 168 schools and setting up of 27 training centres” (p. 3). Ozga and Lingard (2007)
argue that ICT is a crucial step in development and “is a policy trajectory that is
preoccupied with the construction of a ‘knowledge economy” (p.70). They continue
to say the education systems are sites for “a central globalised education policy
Chapter 5: Analysis 130
discourse of the current moment” (Ozga & Lingard, 2007, p.71), drawn upon to
indicate how nations can acquire competitive advantage in the international context.
Similarly, Bhutan’s attempt at establishing ICT in schools serves several
purposes. First, ICT will allow Bhutan to participate in global educational discussions
confidently and therefore fulfil its need to be a part of a central globalised educational
discourse. Next, the education in Bhutan will diversify through the introduction of ICT
which will enable the Ministry of Education to meet national goals and aspirations to
transform Bhutan into an IT based knowledge society. Most importantly, as Bhutanese
teachers and students use ICT more confidently, they will be able to make a difference
to teaching and learning which will boost the Ministry of Education’s socially situated
identity and make it more recognisable within the global educational arena.
5.10.3 As identified through the intertextuality tool
Through the intertextuality tool, several features that have been borrowed from
the global education markets are identifiable in this document. However, only some
have been selected for discussion:
1. The importance of the teaching profession
2. The importance of having a set number of professional development days
for teaching
3. Position ranking according to the performance of schools.
The document states that “teaching is the most important profession and
teachers are the main pillars of a progressive society” (p.5; F=1). This global idea about
the role the teacher has in a society boosts teachers’ confidence. The Ministry of
Education provides many training programs to improve teaching practices. The
intertextual connection is therefore helpful to Bhutanese teachers as it allows the
teacher to be part of a global profession.
The other global discourse which connects Bhutan to the rest of the world is the
amount of instructional time. Students’ and teachers’ time in school should be used
effective and provide ample teaching and learning opportunities.
The Ministry would like to remind all schools, once again, on the importance
of ensuring 180 days of Instructional time. The time allocation is worked out
based on syllabus and extra-curricular activities that should be covered in an
academic year to provide comprehensive, effective and interactive learning
environment in our schools (p. 5; F=1).
Chapter 5: Analysis 131
Finally, the third global discourse selected for this section is on the
performance management system (PMS). This is a concept borrowed from the global
education sector. Bhutanese schools have begun being measured against each other in
their performance since 2010. Prior to this, schools were never rated although they
were encouraged to perform well. Global influences and pressures have made Bhutan
adopt this practice to remind all schools of the importance of hard work from
management, teachers and students. The phrase from the document clearly states this:
“the Ministry would like to congratulate all the schools, which have ranked in the top
10 categories” (p.7; F=1).
The Ministry of Education also acknowledges that some schools’ performance
may be caused by certain factors and is therefore willing to “identify the causes for
low performance and coordinate immediate support”. (p.7; F=1).
The Ministry of Education’s “intention of PMS is to support and push all
schools up the performance ladder” (p.7; F=1).
5.10.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
Western education in Bhutan is perceived as development and advancement.
Western education approaches have helped Bhutanese to connect with the outside
world. Therefore, it is usual for an average Bhutanese to associate schooling with a
better life in the future. For example, finishing their education will provide them with
with an opportunity to get a job and thus the means to help their village folks at home.
Therefore, any policy that comes from the western education system is considered
beneficial and welcome as it will help them to enhance their education and their
prospects.
Thus, the figured worlds which are discussed in this section are ‘typical’ ways
of accepting the good that results from education: ICT, Gross National Happiness, use
of guidebooks, and boarding facilities.
The phenomenon of globalisation has been disseminated through ICT. ICT is,
according to Bhutanese, is one of the best things that has happened in the world. For
Bhutan, it, therefore, becomes pertinent as “ICT is crucial for realising the national
vision of transforming Bhutan into an IT-enabled knowledge society. In support of this
national vision, the government has launched the Chiphen Rigphel Project, the largest
ICT skill building project in the country” (p.2).
Chapter 5: Analysis 132
Similar to global notions about the importance of ICT, Bhutan, has taken up a
focus on the importance of integrating ICT in education. However, the belief that ICT
will enable a knowledge society is so strong that the training of all teachers in phase-
wise has been one of the largest projects undertaken. Holland et al. (1999) note that in
this case, the figured worlds is a socially organised phenomenon. Here the people are
sorted into groups, and they learn to relate to each other through different social
interactions. The project theme as shared earlier translates as ‘one benefits and
knowledge spreads’ which is the driving slogan that spreads ICT through the training
of teachers. Through this theme of incorporating information and knowledge, most
high schools are equipped with computer labs and an IT instructor. All other schools
have a few computers each and all staff and teachers are encouraged to use it and
maximise its benefits.
On the localisation discourse, the biggest achievement for the education system
of Bhutan is the concept of Gross National Happiness. To briefly explain this concept,
what Bhutan has done is that it has taken the index of measuring economic growth
known as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and completely overturned this to focus on
happiness and named it as Gross National Happiness. This concept of Gross National
Happiness is then infused into the education system. Thus, “Educating for Gross
National Happiness cites ways and means with which Gross National Happiness
values can be ingrained in schools” (p.9). What the Gross National Happiness
philosophy does is to teach students to “promote mutual respect and cooperation –
between the educated, intellectual and the ignorant. Conditions must be created for the
children to think, reflect and show concern” (p.9).
Finally, boarding school facilities have always been something Bhutanese
students have enjoyed. Although children living in a dorm with other children is a
western import, it has been embraced well by the Bhutanese students. The benefits of
living in a boarding school are many, from becoming more independent, having more
time to study, greater interaction and social skill development, and engaging in many
more co-curricular activities. On the other hand, there are benefits of being a day
scholar too, where the child can continue to help their parents at home with farm work,
share more time with their parents, and the child does not need to live a regimented
life where everything is dictated by the bell from sun up to sun down. In spite of all
these benefits to family life, parents prefer to put their children in boarding schools.
Chapter 5: Analysis 133
It has now become a challenge for the Ministry of Education to accommodate
many students as school enrolment increases, yet facilities and resources remain the
same. Therefore, the Ministry of Education has come up with a policy whereby
students are screened, and only those who meet the criteria are admitted as boarders.
This is done to decongest boarding schools and ensure that boarding facilities can be
made available to those children who genuinely need it to continue their education; the
Dzongkhags are reminded to comply strictly with the boarding policy issued by the
Ministry in the 25th EPGI (2006) (p. 4).
The figured world is changing as Bhutan interacts more and more with the
outside world and adapts to the world views of others. Where there is a clear figured
world created through the loyalty and national identity discourse as seen above and in
the QEPGI 1988 document, this document sets out multiple figured worlds that can be
adopted on a needs basis by educators and learners. Besides the figured world of
belonging to the Bhutanese values system, policy makers recognise the importance of
belonging to the larger global, supranational discourses that signal major shifts in
institutional practices, but do not contextualise the figured world as such. Therefore, it
is a fluid, unspecific and boundary less figured world of performance, knowledge
workers and internationally competitive education.
5.10.5 As identified through the Conversation and big D Discourse tools
The concern to provide quality education to students in Bhutan is the big D
Discourse that emerges from this document. Within this big D discourse, there are
prominent other Discourses that contribute to the discussion of providing quality
education and the challenges that the Ministry of Education faces. The Discourses will
be discussed under two broad themes: initiatives and challenges.
Four major initiatives have been undertaken in this document to promote the
quality of education:
1. Spreading of ICT through the Chiphen Rigphel project
2. Curriculum reforms to enhance quality of education
3. Revision and changes in assessment patterns to provide fairer assessments
4. Enhancement of Gross National Happiness schools to strengthen the
localisation process of quality education.
Chapter 5: Analysis 134
Time and time again the benefits of ICT have emerged through the discussion
in this document as a forerunner for development, a creator for opportunities, a means
of communication, and a tool for realising national aspirations. The discourse of the
30th EPGI suggests that the investment made by the government on ICT has proven its
importance in the enhancement of education.
The next initiative to improve education in Bhutan is the regular curriculum
reforms that have occurred over the years. The curriculum is continuously being
reviewed and reformed. New best practices have been borrowed from all over the
world with hopes for keeping up with popular curriculum trends. Old practices have
been discussed and removed from the education system if these were not bringing
significant changes to students’ learning.
The third initiative is the revision and changes in assessment patterns. The
education system has always tried to provide the fairest form of assessment for its
students. Therefore, different types of assessments have been included which assess
the all-round development of a child and not only the child’s intellectual development.
The final initiative in the localisation discourse is the enhancement of Gross
National Happiness schools in Bhutan. This is one of Bhutan’s finest and most
authentic initiatives taken to balance the global and the local in the Bhutanese schools.
The Gross National Happiness concept school has provided Bhutan, an exemplary
model which can be borrowed by other countries to provide an education system that
involves the social, cultural, emotional, intellectual and physical wellbeing of the
child.
The challenges that the Ministry of Education is faced with are:
1. Emerging youth issues in the Bhutanese schools
2. Performance management system of schools.
With modernisation and education, Bhutanese children are more exposed to the
world around them. The media is the biggest tool that provides them with information
and current affairs and through these they have started to expect more from their
education and schooling. When these expectations are not met, youth resort to anti-
social behaviours which includes forming gangs, indulging in hooliganism, and taking
drugs among others. The Ministry in its efforts to curb this anti-social behaviour has
initiated many youth programs. These programs are meaningful and organised during
school holidays so that there is mass participation; however, some programs cannot
cater to all age groups, so this becomes a challenge for the Ministry. The Ministry has
Chapter 5: Analysis 135
to try and engage this group but sometimes there is a lack of funds, so this challenge
continues.
The other challenge is the performance management of schools. In earlier times,
schools were not assessed against each other as the Ministry of Education did not want
schools performing badly to develop a sense of inferiority. Nor did they want well
performing schools to become complacent. However, over time, due to globalisation,
the Ministry of Education introduced the performance management of schools to
provide students with an education that would allow them to study with confidence in
other parts of the world. Now, the Ministry is faced with challenges especially with
the fair distribution of teachers who excel at teaching and fair distribution of funds and
resources.
These big D Discourses that emerge from this document remind us that
educational discourses continue to be shaped by the forces of a globalised world. As
education systems worldwide seek to integrate into an accepted ‘norm’ of education,
local priorities are pushed aside for a globally structured form of education. Education
systems are therefore compelled to borrow policies from other systems that are
considered successful due to their performance in league tables.
5.11 SUMMARY
The EPGI 2012 document is different in its presentation from the 1st QEPGI,
1988. This document has a theme which is “Cultivating the grace of our minds’, and
it also has seven mandates drawn up as the vision for the Ministry of Education. These
two features guide the policies and the national objective of the document.
There are several new policies and concerns in the document which demonstrate
the Ministry of Education’s efforts to address them. The new policies that feature in
this document are:
1. The celebration of the 100 years of education in Bhutan (p.2)
2. The ICT training through the Chiphen Rigphel project (p.2)
3. The educating for Gross National Happiness with a focus on green schools
(p.3)
4. The Queen’s endowment for cultural studies (p.13).
Chapter 5: Analysis 136
Other issues related to curriculum reforms, teachers’ professional development,
the feeding program continue to feature in this document, so schools are reminded that
these are important aspects to be continued.
In Part III, the last document, the 31st EPGI will be discussed.
PART III
Part II discussed the themes of loyalty and national identity in the EPGI 2012
policy document. The analysis illustrated that the national agenda on education had
shifted from a locally situated perspective with subtle global influence on a wider,
deeper global perspective on education. The most recent policy document released in
2017 takes the themes a step further, with both the loyalty, national identity and
globalisation discourses being prominent. The push and pull of these discourses reflect
the manner in which contemporary issues are defined, and the forces of transnational
transfer of ideas as these collide with local policies. Importantly, the analysis illustrates
the constant pressure that is there from the move to standardisation as a popular thrust
of globalisation and these, in turn, bringing about “powerfully entrenched local
cultures” (Smoliez, 2006, p. 118).
5.12 BACKGROUND TO THE 31ST EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES
AND INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI) 2017
The EPGI was revived in 2017 after the last issue of the 30th EPGI circulated
in 2012. This was the 31st edition. The two reasons for its revival are stated in the
Foreword of the document as follows.
The first reason stated was that there were several changes brought into the
Ministry of Education’s (MOE) organisational structure which included changes in the
management, and also changes in leadership, which needed to be shared with the MOE
family. Due to this, the EPGI was “revived to provide a single point of reference on
education policy guidelines and instructions for schools, dzongkhags, thromdes,
ministry, and other stakeholders” (31st EPGI, 2017, p. ii).
The second reason was to ensure that there were no gaps between education
policies and policy implementation. Therefore, the document includes key policy
guidelines and instructions issued by the Ministry from 2013 to June 2017. The
document contains several policy matters such as “school admission, revision of
school academic session, child safety, health and wellbeing, boarding policy, central
Chapter 5: Analysis 137
and autonomous schools, school curriculum, scholarships and undergraduate matters,
youth and sports, scouts and culture education, human resource matters, teachers’
workload, among others” (p. iii). While all the EPGI documents were mainly meant
for use within schools, the Secretary of Education who signed the Foreword hoped that
this EPGI would “be of interest to other professionals within the education system, our
development partners, and the general public.” (p.i). Subsequently, although there are
similar foci in the other documents, the wider glocal focus here stands out.
The 31st EPGI document is 111 pages long; however, the main policy
document is only 11 pages. There are eight policies discussed. This EPGI 2017
document, unlike the two previous documents, does not provide substantial
information. Most of the policy is written in dot points within the main pages and
substantiates the information in the annexures.
This document shares similar concerns regarding education in Bhutan with the
other two documents. Similar concerns discussed in all three documents are related to
the curriculum, teachers’ professional development and school feeding program,
boarding facilities and admission policies. The EPGI 2017, however, achieves a new
thrust by focusing on inclusive education, transformative pedagogy, Early Childhood
Care and Development (ECCD), the Special Education Needs (SEN) program, school
precautionary and safety measures, disaster management and preparedness in cases of
natural calamities like flooding and earthquakes, among others.
While new policies are introduced with cautionary measures like the substitute
teacher for teachers on maternity leave, some older policies which were removed from
the curriculum in 2008 are reintroduced. One such case was the reintroduction of
Shakespeare into the secondary school classrooms. The study of Shakespeare was
abolished in 2008 by the Ministry of Education to give way to more contemporary
English literature, in the hope that the students would better understand and enjoy
English. One of the many reforms made in the new English curriculum for Bhutanese
schools which was in keeping with the revision guidelines was Revision 9 which states
“Care has been taken to introduce texts that are written in contemporary English”
(Curriculum and Professional Support Division, 2008, p.16). From 2018, students in
class 11-12 will revert to the older mode of learning English literature through studying
Shakespeare.
Some new experiences balance this reversal in the English curriculum:
Bhutanese students will engage in such events as the first National STEM Olympiad,
Chapter 5: Analysis 138
the first National Drama Festival, and Bhutan’s first participation in the Programme
for International Student Assessment for Development (PISA-D) examination.
Lastly, the document discusses the efforts of the Bhutanese education system
in developing strategies to promote the national language Dzongkha, which has been
a concern since 1961 when modern education and the English language were first
introduced. The 2017 policy document also discusses the decentralisation of some HR
functions to the districts, as well as the creation of a Directorate of Services in the
MOE to provide a more efficient service system. Below is the data analysis of the 31st
EPGI 2017 which was conducted following a similar pattern to the previous two
documents described in this chapter in Parts I and II.
5.13 INITIAL ANALYSIS OF THE 31ST EPGI
Based on the two documents above, a similar initial analysis of the 31st EPGI
document is undertaken. The first set of examples comprise a sample table (Table 5.5)
which uses Gee’s six building blocks to categorically group words, phrases and
sentences into the six building blocks they represent, and a sample paragraph (5.5) in
a tabular form is used to analyse the discourse of loyalty/national identity in the
document.
The second set of examples follow a similar method of analysis to that done with
the other two policy analyses. This analysis is presented as a table (Table 5.6) and a
sample paragraph (5.6) respectively, to discuss the globalisation/localisation
discourse.
Chapter 5: Analysis 139
Table 5.5. Sample Table: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for loyalty/national
identity discourse
Six building blocks of Gee’s discourse
analysis
Words/phrases identified from the
sample paragraph 5.5.
Semiotic building block(significance) Academic sessions, national
education conference, youth
programs, help their parents, quality
time, the birth anniversary of the
Royal Prince
World building block Birth anniversary of His Royal
Highness the Gyalsey
Activity building block Opportunity for schools to celebrate,
revised academic session, engage in
youth programs
Socio-culturally situated identity and
relationship building
Celebrate the birth of Gyalsey, help
parents on the farm
Political building
Connection building Helping parents on the farm during
school holidays
5.5 Sample paragraph: Loyalty/national identity discourse through Gee’s six
building blocks
1. The school academic sessions were revised at the 18th National Education
Conference
2. held in January 2017. This is to encourage students to engage in youth
programmes,
3. help their parents in farm works during summer season, have quality time with
4. parents and family, and to give opportunity for the schools to celebrate the
5. Birth Anniversary of His Royal Highness the Gyalsey on 5th February.
Line 1 discusses the decision taken during the 18th National Education Conference
to revise school academic sessions. The word ‘revised’ in the line indicates that certain
things have been amended from the previous documents, one of which is the starting
date of the academic session after the winter holidays.
Chapter 5: Analysis 140
Line 2 confirmed the month and year when the decision to change the start date for
the academic session was taken. In the same line, a reason for the change is also
explained, which is to engage the Bhutanese students in youth programs. The word
‘encourage’ in this line suggests that the youth of Bhutan have not been exposed to
such programs and therefore need to be encouraged to participate in the programs.
Line 3 continues to discuss another reason for the revision of the academic session.
The second reason given is ‘to help their parents’. Before 2017, the summer holidays
were held for two weeks in July. July is the peak of the monsoon season, and it is also
the season for rice plantation. The extended time of one month provided for holidays
allows the students to help their families on the farms. As explained earlier, since the
rains are heavy at this time of the year, most rice transplantation is done during July.
This means all farms are busy and usually short of labour. This line, therefore, indicates
that the students can go home and help their parents on the farms with whatever help
they can render. By highlighting the need to help their parents, the loyalty/national
identity discourse is evident.
Lines 4-6 continue to discuss the value of time spent with parents and family as
quality based. Therefore, the longer duration of the summer vacation serves two
purposes. It provides time for parents and children to spend more time with each other,
and it also allows parents to have their children with much-needed assistance. These
lines also discuss the opportunity that schools are provided with to celebrate the birth
anniversary of the young prince on the 5th of February, owing to the change in the
academic session when the schools reopen earlier after the winter break. The word
‘opportunity’ in line 4 is significant. It expresses the chance given to students to
develop love and loyalty to the future King from a very young age by celebrating his
birthday. Had the school timing remained the same as before, which is the 10th of
February, then schools would not be able to celebrate the young Prince’s birthday
which falls on the 5th of February. Therefore, the change made in the academic
calendar is symbolic. The loyalty/national identity discourse is powerful in this
paragraph, as it presents the idea of being loyal both to the King, the monarch of the
nation and also to one’s parents. The overall social language used is one of
commitment to the loyalty/national identity discourse with a focus on helping one’s
parents, by having quality time and the celebration of a royal birthday.
Chapter 5: Analysis 141
Table 5-5. Table sample: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for
globalisation/localisation discourse
Six Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse
Analysis
Words/phrases identified from the
sample paragraph 5.6
Semiotic building block(significance) Early childhood care and
development
World building block School readiness and preparedness
Activity building block Contributes to children’s learning
Socio-culturally situated identity
/relationship building
MOE enrol at least 50 % of children
Political building The Ministry plans to enrol at least
50% of children aged 3 to 5 years in
ECCD centres by 2024
Connection building Coverage has significantly improved
from 165 ECCD centres with 3,835
children in 2013 to 307 ECCD centres
with 7,250 children in 2017
5.6 Sample paragraph: Globalisation/localisation discourse through Gee’s (2011)
building blocks
1. Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) is an emerging program that is pursued
2. as a long-term strategy for enhancing the quality of education, which contributes
3. towards enhancing children’s school readiness and preparedness for effective learning
4. in school. ECCD coverage has significantly improved from 165 ECCD centres with 3,835
5. children in 2013 to 307 ECCD centres with 7,250 children in 2017. The Ministry plans to
6. enrol at least 50% of children aged 3 to 5 years in ECCD centres by 2024.
This six-line paragraph is analysed for the discourse of
globalisation/localisation.
Line 1 discusses the concept of Early Childhood Care and Development
(ECCD) as an emerging program in Bhutan. The first ECCD centre was started in 2008
as a day care centre. However, over time there has been a shift from ECCDs being
baby-sitting centres towards becoming centres for educational development.
Lines 2-3 continue to discuss the importance of the ECCD program and inform
the reader that this has now been adopted as a long-term plan/policy since ECCD has
proven to have many benefits that can improve the quality of education for a child.
The two ideas that are at the centre of these lines are ‘school readiness and
Chapter 5: Analysis 142
preparedness’. The ECCD centres have now become pivotal as they shoulder a big
responsibility of preparing children for their lives in school. Often, when there were
no ECCD centres, children went straight from home to school, and they had a difficult
time transitioning. Now, with the increase in numbers of ECCD centres, it is hoped
that this transition becomes less stressful both for the parents and the child. So, the
objective of ‘school readiness and preparedness’(p.3) may be fulfilled.
Lines 4-6 provide evidence on how ECCD centres in Bhutan have improved
and expanded via the aspirations and commitments that the Ministry of Education has
for the centres. The word ‘improved’ is significant in these lines, as it indicates that
something has become better. Parents now understand the importance of an early start
in a child’s life, and the important role ECCD plays in a child’s intellectual
development. Due to this, many parents are now enrolling their children into the ECCD
centres. Seeing the increasing number of children in the ECCD centres, the Ministry
of Education has committed to enrolling more than 50% of children between the age
of 3-5 by 2024. This reflects the mantra “think globally act locally” (Ramirez, Meyer
& Lerch, 2016, p.44).
This paragraph shows the discourse of globalisation/localisation. The discourse
of globalisation is identified from the adoption of a global concept of ECCD into the
Bhutanese education system. ECCDs in the early years of adoption were used as baby
sitting centres, however, over time, the roles of these centres expanded. The discourse
of localisation then provided the necessary means through which the Ministry of
Education intervened to facilitate these centres as stepping stones into the mainstream
education system.
5.14 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE
5.14.1. As identified through the social language tool
Since this is an education document, the social language chosen to inform the
reader is formal. Similar to the other two documents discussed earlier, the social
language tool is used to introduce the over-arching big D Discourse of education in
Bhutan, which constitutes the specific beliefs, ideologies and values that pertain to
being Bhutanese; the big D discourse, with a special focus on loyalty/national identity,
is drawn out through this. There is love, respect and loyalty shown to the monarchy
through:
Chapter 5: Analysis 143
1. Anniversary of His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo (King of Bhutan) (p.i)
2. The First National Scouts’ Day was observed on 21st February 2015 to pay
tribute to our monarchs for their Royal vision for education, and their patronage
(p.i)
3. Started the academic session with the celebration of the first Birth
anniversary of His Royal Highness Gyalsey Jigme Namgyel Wangchuck on 5th
February (p. ii).
Although His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo abdicated the throne in favour
of his son the Fifth Druk Gyalpo, the celebration of his birthday is symbolic as it is a
reminder of his great leadership and humility. Besides this, it reminds us of our loyalty
and dedication to all monarchs past and present. As Anderson-Levitt (2003) and
Schriewer (2012) observe, the local and national aspects of education continue to be
significant. It is through these practices in education that students are made aware of
what it is to be a loyal, dedicated citizen and the duties they shoulder in future.
Next, the first national Scouts’ Day was observed on the birthday of the fifth
Druk Gyalpo. As the paragraph indicates, the monarchs have always been true patrons
of education and have enjoyed participating in all Scouts’ activities. The Fourth King
and Fifth King would travel all over the country to attend Scouting programs and
would motivate the Scouts to continue their good work in helping their communities.
Finally, the celebration of the Royal Prince’s birthday is also very symbolic as
it reminds the students of their loyalty to the Prince from a very early age. The
celebration of the birth anniversaries of the monarchs of Bhutan remind the citizens
from where they came, and the future course of direction they need to pursue to remain
loyal and dedicated citizens to their country.
Along with this, the Foreword lists the milestones achieved from 2013 to 2017,
when there were no EPGIs in circulation. The milestones further indicate the discourse
of loyalty/national identity within the social language tool. The milestones are:
In 2013 celebrated 100 years of modern education in Bhutan
In 2014 Anniversary of His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo
Centralised procurement and supply of school feeding
In 2015: The First National Scouts’ Day was observed on 21st February
to pay tribute to our Monarchs for their Royal vision for education, and
their patronage
In 2016: Launched Sherig 21st Century Endowment Fund
Chapter 5: Analysis 144
In 2017: Started the academic session with the celebration of the first
Birth Anniversary of His Royal Highness Gyalsey Jigme Namgyel
Wangchuck on 5th February
Chundu Central School, Haa became the first Armed Force School in
the country.
The overall language is not only formal but also authoritative, and nouns such
as ‘His Majesty’, ‘royalty’, ‘royal vision’ and verbs such as ‘was observed’ ‘launched’
emphasise certainty as well a sense of commitment to the monarchy. Besides this, the
constant efforts to improve the learning of Dzongkha has been marked with firmness
and certainty. The document states that ‘Dzongkha should be taught from class PP-
XII by Dzongkha teachers, and all students must compulsorily pass in Dzongkha to be
promoted to the next higher grade. Existing EVS should be taught by Dzongkha
teachers’ (pp.5-6). The loyalty/national identity has continuously been emphasised
through the need to improve the teaching and learning of the national language.
5.14.2. As identified through the socially situated identities tool
In the 31st EPGI document, there is much celebration for the achievements
made in the education sector. However, there is still a cautionary note through the
expression ‘the quality of education continues to remain a challenge’ (p. i). As a
defining phrase, it frames the social identities of head teachers and teachers as carers
and the student as the learner. Improving the quality of education requires the
concerted effort of all the people involved in the education process, and therefore,
certain measures are put in place for this to occur. The expression also reminds how
the roles of each individual within the fabric of the education also must change or be
enhanced for this to happen.
Within the Bhutanese education system, the principal plays a crucial role in
initiating the vision and change in improving the quality of education. At the heart of
all successful policy, implementation is the principal, as noted in the previous policies.
The principal’s ability to lead the school determines how the Ministry of Education’s
goals and aspirations are fulfilled. Therefore, the social identity of the principal is
considered important as it is seen to create a conducive environment for teaching and
learning to happen. This document does not define the role of the principals as is done
Chapter 5: Analysis 145
in detail in the QEPGI 1988; however, the principal’s role, as well as administration,
is implicit in the following words and phrases:
1. stakeholders are expected to follow and implement the Standards for
Inclusive Education (p.1)
2. school reform programme began with the commencement of 24 Central
Schools in 2015 (p.2)
3. has decentralised the admission of students of classes PP-X (p.2)
4.for those schools located in colder regions, the
dzongkhags/thromdes/schools are encouraged to come up with appropriate
and innovative measures to ensure the comfort of teachers and students (p.3)
Although in the examples cited above the principal’s role is mentioned, it is
subtly understood that without his/her presence the duties stated above will not be
fulfilled. For example, “all schools shall observe values orientation week at the start
of the academic session every year” (p.3), indicates that it is the principal’s duty to
remind the teachers of the orientation program, designate a teacher to conduct it, make
the necessary financial arrangements, oversee the completion of the orientation
program and submit a report on it to the Ministry of Education. As Carnoy (2008)
explains, the principal’s role is “empowered to make decisions about school
organisation, finance and outreach as well as to manage the work of teachers” (p.74).
The principal’s socially situated identity is emphasised to express the local and
national educational goals even as the document links with the global mission of
education.
Next, the teacher’s social identity also plays an important part in the education
of the child. Unlike the principal, the role of the teacher is mentioned in this document:
“Teachers play a central role in the delivery of the quality of education” (p.6).
According to Thomas (2005), this “discourse positions teachers as pivotal to the
building of sustained innovation and as significant contributors to quality schooling,
and so to the economic prosperity of the nation” (p.35). This, in turn, has motivated
the Ministry to launch the Teacher Human Resource Policy 2014, and the National
Order of Merit from His Majesty the King for teachers and other educators. Along with
this, 2016 was declared as ‘Teacher Professional Development Year’. With these
efforts in place it could: “Ensure that the schools are adequately staffed with adequate
and competent teachers” (p.6).
Chapter 5: Analysis 146
Carnoy (2008) says that teachers nowadays are trained to take each student
seriously, and to “accept students’ different learning styles and interests to manage
their progress through their education years” (p. 75). Although the document does not
focus on the qualities a teacher needs to possess, the adjective ‘competent’ teacher
sums up the fundamental requirement of a teacher.
Finally, the student who is the recipient of the education also plays a role in
defining the quality of education. In essence, the whole document focuses on the
students, a significant change from the QEPGI document where the focus was on the
principal and teachers as well as students. All the policies are concerned about how to
make the students reap the greatest benefit from their time in school. Education is
about the student. For the student to reap the benefits, there is a social role for the
student. Words and phrases that indicate this in the document are:
1. education provides opportunities for the students to realise their full
potential (p.1)
2. encourage students to engage in youth programmes, help their parents in
farm works during summer season (p.2)
3. strengthen values and life skills education in schools, and inculcate the
essence of Bhutanese etiquette (p. 3)
4. declaring 2015 as the National Reading Year to encourage a strong reading
culture among students for their personal growth and intellectual development
(p.5).
The four examples above indicate the opportunities that the student should
avail so that s/he can enjoy the benefits of education. As far as students are concerned,
the use of verbs such as ‘encourage’, ‘inculcate’, ‘realise’ positions them as central to
education and as active receivers of education. These words express the Ministry of
Education’s commitment to providing an education that encourages students to partake
in different programs. The Ministry is committed to providing an education that
inculcates good values in their students which will then help them realise their
potential.
To improve the quality of education in Bhutan and build a recognisable social
identity the Ministry has put many strategies in place: some examples are:
1. The school reform program began with the commencement of 24 Central
Schools in 2017
Chapter 5: Analysis 147
2. Students who have failed in class X and XII are allowed to repeat once in
the same government school from the 2014 academic session
3. From 2017 academic year, all schools shall observe values orientation week
at the start of the academic session every year.
Although the MOE has undertaken many initiatives, the few selected above
illustrate how a social identity of the Bhutanese education system is created within the
loyalty/national identity discourse. The initiatives help in discussing and creating a
Bhutanese education system that answers to the core values of Diglam Chogsum, that
constitute the essence of being a Bhutanese.
5.14.3. As identified through the intertextuality tool
Intertextuality happens in all education system contexts. It is a phenomenon
which has helped education systems choose the best practices that have shaped good
education systems. In this section, two practices that show intertextuality will be
discussed:
1. Curriculum reform
2. National reading year concept.
In Bhutan throughout all the education policy documents, the curriculum has
been emphasised as one of the pillars of quality education. The curriculum is therefore
always being reviewed and reformed to provide an education that is meaningful and
supportive of students’ learning. In this document, several reforms have been initiated.
The three prominent curriculum reforms are:
1. reintroduction of Shakespeare into the Class XI-XII syllabus (p.5)
2. the introduction of the first drama festival for class X (p.5)
3. compulsory passing in Dzongkha, the national language of Bhutan (p.5-6).
The teaching and learning of Shakespeare’s dramas came to Bhutan through
the Indian curriculum. Until 2008, Shakespearean plays were studied without being
questioned. However, in 2008 when the English curriculum underwent a major
reformation, Shakespeare’s place in the curriculum was questioned, and debates
followed. Ultimately it was removed, and new contemporary literature from around
the world was added to the curriculum. In 2017, Shakespeare was reintroduced. There
are no officially documented reasons why it was reintroduced; however, in popular
media, it was noted by a principal
Chapter 5: Analysis 148
“Shakespeare is a global subject and helped the people in the world to connect
with each other and made us (on this side of the world) believe that we had in
common”. Principal, Druk School Business Bhutan 25th June 2016.
The reintroduction of Shakespeare into the curriculum is looked at as a positive
step towards enhancing the discourse of loyalty/national identity. This is because the
content in the Shakespearean dramas are heavily laden with values and virtues that are
expected to be understood by students, thereby showing links between the values and
beliefs practised elsewhere as being relevant within the national and local context.
The other curriculum reform introduced as a borrowed concept is the
introduction of the drama festival for class X students. Like elsewhere, the Arts are
depicted as having an important role in the educational development of students.
However, for a considerable time. All high schools in Bhutan have participated in a
drama festival which lasts for a month. The dramas are shown to the public every
evening for up to a month. The plays enacted can be plays created by the schools or
plays chosen from international countries. The introduction of the drama festival is
mainly to showcase local Bhutanese talent and also to provide diverse ways of
learning. The discourse of loyalty/national identity is subtle in this initiative and is
mainly evident in the diversification of learning choices provided, in the selection of
the plays, but with the use of Dzongkha in acting.
The other curriculum initiative which is considered timely is the concept of
the National Reading Week. Although there are no written or formalised documents to
support this statement, many Bhutanese agree that Bhutanese, in general, do not have
a very good reading culture. In an attempt to change this, the Ministry of Education
“declared 2015 as the National Reading Year to encourage a strong reading culture
among students for their personal growth and intellectual development” (p.5).
Intertextuality operates through the link to classic literature that is a presumed
condition of being literate and educated, signifies the symbolic capital (Bourdieu,
1989) that knowledge provides, and also is indicative of the seriousness with which
education is perceived elsewhere. The reading year has helped pave the way for
Bhutanese people to inculcate a habit of reading which will provide them access to
texts and literature both in Dzongkha and English which will improve their personal
and intellectual growth.
Another educational scheme that is linked to the linked to the larger worldwide
Scout ideologies is the scouting program in Bhutan. This program as elsewhere focuses
Chapter 5: Analysis 149
on promoting citizenship and self-development and through this contributes to the
discourse of loyalty/national identity while retaining its global worth.
The Scout programme is for youth aged between 13-17 years (classes VII to
XII) and is geared towards promoting citizenship education and self-
development through attractive, meaningful and challenging activities
focusing on the value of sharing, community living, spirituality, strengthening
of brotherhood and making the youth understand their role in nation building
(Mentioned in Annexure 30 of the document).
The other explicit focus of the curriculum is on values education and values
orientation week as mentioned in Annexure 7 of the document. This relates to the
discourse of loyalty/national identity and helps to build a focus on Bhutanese etiquette,
life skills education, and being responsible citizens who make contributions to their
community. The worldwide discourse on education being to develop values education
(Lovat, 2007) is promoted at the local level through the integration of The Gross
National Happiness which is promoted through the values listed in the Appendix of
the document. All this is initiated to achieve a love for Bhutanese culture and
strengthen the national identity.
5.14.4. As identified through the figured worlds tool
Every culture has its belief systems which help them to interpret the world
around them. This belief system can manifest in different forms: one form is through
the education system and through the stories we choose to tell, or we choose to value.
For example, in the Bhutanese education system, the child is always at the centre of
education change and improvement. What the education system implements and
achieves is ultimately for the child, so that the child learns about the roles she/he plays
in national and international society. According to the 31st EPGI, “the safety of our
students is of paramount importance” (p.3). Threats from natural and manmade causes
put students in danger everywhere: “dangers of the monsoon season such as flash
floods, swollen streams and rivers, landslides, and many others are of great concern”
(p.3).
The paragraph above indicates the importance of the child and his/her safety as
one of the main mandates of the Ministry of Education. Bhutan’s mountainous terrain
and heavy summer rains have been a cause of concern for many years. These natural
disasters can be handled better when information is made available to everyone. The
Chapter 5: Analysis 150
Bhutanese education system has now included the child safety concept into the
education policy to teach children and caretakers how to be safe when natural
calamities occur. All schools have mandatory drills for dealing with fire, earthquake,
flooding etc. Alongside this, children travelling during the rainy seasons are cautioned
on the dangers and are usually advised to travel in groups.
Another concern for the Bhutanese education system is the health and hygiene
of the students. The “Ministry of Education is constantly looking for ways to improve
the health and nutritional status of school going children in boarding schools and
remote areas; daily meals are provided through school feeding programme” (p.4). The
World Food Programme (WFP) along with the Ministry of Agriculture are always
looking for ways to provide a balanced diet by using locally available food resources.
The word “constantly” stated above indicates that there is a concern which needs to be
addressed and is recurrent and happening at regular intervals. The lack of food
resources or the eating habits of the Bhutanese people, in general, may be the cause of
this need to constantly look for ways to improve the health and hygiene of Bhutanese
children. Also, the provision of meals to boarding school children and children who
live in remote schools is indicative of the Ministry of Education’s commitment to
developing healthy children. Many children in remote schools have to travel long
distances to get to school and would mostly remain hungry during lunch time since
they would have eaten their lunch on the way to school. With the free lunch program,
children are now provided with lunch within the schools, so they do not have to remain
hungry.
All these initiatives taken up by the Ministry of Education to improve health and
hygiene of Bhutanese children signifies the importance of the child in Bhutanese
society. The focus on values that are explicitly stated in the Appendix is a reminder to
the educators that the Gross National Happiness is deeply integrated into the system
and defines the worldview of the Bhutanese. The figured world constructed through
the focus on values such as respect, gratitude and reverence are a reminder of the core
Bhutanese way of living through and be identified through the specific values of the
Diglam Chogsum. The figured world set out is very specific to the Bhutanese way of
understanding their world. Therefore, there is a specific focus on the values of respect
and loyalty for the Kings and appreciation of national culture and tradition.
Chapter 5: Analysis 151
5.14.5. As identified through the Conversation and the big D Discourse tools
The Conversation/ big D Discourses that emerge in this section revolve around
strengthening the national language Dzongkha. Dzongkha has always been a cause of
concern for Bhutan. Bhutan is a multilingual country where over 19 languages and
dialects are spoken. The national language was mandated in the schools in 1971. All
efforts made towards the improvement of Dzongkha have been overshadowed by the
importance that has been accorded to the English language.
In the 2017 document, the Conversations and the Discourse surrounding the
development of Dzongkha are strong and assertive. The document emphasises that “all
students must compulsorily pass in Dzongkha to be promoted to the next higher grade”
(p.6). However, as Watson (2000) argues, people who do not speak English as a first
language face a dilemma in choosing to promote their indigenous languages in light of
English being a global language as required for the globalisation process of any
education system which looks to be part of the global education system. To this effect,
Law (2004) states “the use of national and native languages, as symbols of national
and local identity, has become important as fluency in English as a symbol of global
identity” (p.517).
Alongside this, the Environment Science (EVS) curriculum for classes Pre-
Primary to III which was previously taught by general teachers, was now made the
teaching responsibility of the Dzongkha language teachers. It was decided during the
18th National Education Conference (NEC) that “the existing EVS should be taught by
Dzongkha teachers” (p.6). This was done to provide better access to language learning
opportunities since Dzongkha is taught as a subject and through a subject (EVS) until
class III. Starting in class III, EVS is replaced with Social Studies, and this is then
taught in English while Dzongkha continues to be taught as a language. In general, all
subjects from class IV onwards are taught through English except the national
language Dzongkha. The decision to continue in the enhancement of the national
language is, therefore, a meaningful attempt and a discourse that is pertinent in the
Bhutanese education system in enhancing loyalty/national identity.
Chapter 5: Analysis 152
5.15 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE
5. 15.1. As identified through the social language discourse
As reiterated throughout this chapter the social language chosen for this document is
formal. The language used introduces the over-arching big D Discourse of education
in Bhutan. This section focuses on how the globalisation/localisation is significant by
drawing out examples form the EPGI, 2017 document. This document has many words
and phrases that indicate its connection to and awareness of the discourse of
globalisation/localisation. Some of the words/ phrases that indicate Bhutan’s
association and policy borrowing practices have been used in the samples like Early
Childhood Care and Development (ECCD), inclusive education, special education
needs (SEN), transformative pedagogy, central schools, and premier schools, among
others.
Concepts and ideas related to the words indicated above tell the reader that
Bhutan’s education system has adopted new global policies not previously seen in the
curriculum. For example, special education needs, or early childhood care are newly
introduced terms that have been drawn from developed countries that have been
focusing on these areas for a considerable period. Similarly, transformative pedagogy,
inclusive education are global terms that appear in UNESCO’s guide for teachers
(UNESCO, 2017).
5.15.2. As identified through the socially situated identities tool
There have been several changes introduced to the education system in Bhutan
to strengthen the socially situated identity of the Bhutanese education system. Since
1961 when modern education was first introduced in Bhutan, the Bhutanese education
system has had wide-ranging educational influences from many different education
systems from around the world. Even today, after 57 years of modern education in
Bhutan, influences from international education system are still evident through the
educational policy borrowing practices in which Bhutan engages. The Ministry of
Education, Bhutan, realises the need to have an education system which is “Bhutanese”
and is making an earnest attempt at balancing the global and the local initiatives within
the education system. Having both the global and the local initiatives in Bhutanese
education is important to provide an education to the Bhutanese people which is world-
recognised yet based on the philosophies that are considered valuable to the Bhutanese
Chapter 5: Analysis 153
people. Within the global paradigm, the changes initiated to strengthen the socially
situated identity of Bhutanese education come mainly through these initiatives: Early
Childhood Care and Development, Inclusive Education and Special Educational
Needs. According to the Ministry of Education, these are “emerging programmes that
are pursued as a long-term strategy for enhancing…effective learning in schools”
(EPGI, 2017, p. 1).
On the other hand, localisation efforts play a more assertive role here, as many
initiatives for change can be seen in the document. The major changes are through the
endorsement of values education week in 2017, the celebration of 100 years of modern
education in Bhutan, and changes in the academic sessions to answer local needs,
among others. The values education week has a main objective which is “to strengthen
values and life skills education in schools, and also inculcate the essence of Bhutanese
etiquette” (p. 3). The act of balancing the global and local within the education system
in Bhutan is contributing towards creating a more recognisable socially situated
identity.
Along with the Ministry of Education’s objective of solidifying its social
identity these changes continue to cover the social identities of the Principal, the
teacher and the student. Every change and improvement is made to enhance the
education system at the local level. This is done by borrowing global ideas, trends and
best practices that help the Bhutanese education system provide a meaningful
education to its children.
The concept of Central schools was first introduced in 2016. Central schools
are schools which houses all classes from Pre-Primary (PP) to Class XII. The central
schools located in rural or semi-rural areas provide boarding facilities to all students,
while those located in urban areas are day schools. Each district (dzongkhag) has
several central schools depending on the size of the district and the catchment area.
Since these schools were a new concept, the principals were provided with an
“Operational Guidelines for Central Schools in 2016 (p.4). Principals in these schools
were provided with additional responsibilities but were also provided with the support
needed to guide these new forms of schooling. Phrases/words like “standardise the
governance of school” (p.4) and “allow autonomy” (p.4) provide an indication of the
role the principal of the central school plays in creating a school which shares a
similarity in governance with other central schools around Bhutan. At the same time,
there is a sense of autonomy that provides the principal with some discretion in certain
Chapter 5: Analysis 154
areas. This positive initiative allows a balance between the uses of global ideas in a
local context which enhances the socially situated identity of the Principal. The
additional responsibilities and the autonomy for the Principals come as an opportunity
to prove his/her leadership and management skills to “bring about the desired
improvement in the delivery of quality educational services” (p.4), which is the most
basic goal for providing modern education in Bhutan.
Teachers have played a central role in the delivery of the quality of education.
Over the years a continuous effort has been “initiated to raise the standards of teachers”
(p.6). In keeping with this effort, some ‘notable initiatives’ (p.6) have been introduced:
1. Teacher Human Resource Policy 2014
2. National Order of Merit from His Majesty the King for teachers and other educators
3. Declaration of 2016 as the ‘Teacher Professional Development Year’, amongst
others (p.6).
The role and place of teachers in Bhutan have always been given priority for
the responsibility they shoulder in moulding Bhutanese children for the future. The
Human Resource Development Policy 2014 continues to emphasise the social role the
teacher plays and therefore provides a means for teachers to enhance their
opportunities in their professional career paths.
The other initiative is symbolic, and one of the greatest honours a teacher can
receive from His Majesty the King. Teachers are given medals and honours once they
complete 10 or more years for their social services to the country. This exhibits the
recognition that a teacher can receive for the hard work and dedication s/he puts in.
Therefore, while the ideologies that surround teaching have moved to the larger global
values, the recognition is at the local level regarding the service a teacher provides
through their pedagogy and professionalism
Finally, the need for a year- long ‘Teacher Professional Development Year’
acknowledges again the need to enhance the teaching profession through recognition
of the need for ongoing professional development which is current global discourse
but localised through a year- long celebration.
Regarding the social identity of the student, initiatives are through timely
curriculum reviews and reforms. Over the years, the curriculum has seen many
changes and inclusions to make education balanced between the local and global.
Some of the curriculum changes are outlined as follows.
Chapter 5: Analysis 155
In 2015, Environmental Science was introduced as an optional subject. This
opportunity was provided to commemorate the 60th Birth Anniversary of the Fourth
Druk Gyalpo. Alongside this, the need to diversify education and also provide more
choices in subjects was deemed important, so that students who were interested were
equipped “with knowledge, skills, values and the ability to preserve our natural
heritage, promote sustainable and equitable use of natural resources and prevent all
forms of environmental degradation” (p. 6).
The other initiative was the implementation of class XI-XII new science
textbooks in 2017. The new textbooks included Physics, Chemistry and Biology for
classes XI & XII (p.6) along with their manuals. The science syllabus before 2017 was
based on textbooks from India. The main objective for designing new textbooks was
to include local experiments while keeping the global factual information on the
sciences intact. This initiative was taken to make science more relevant to students by
infusing local ideas. It also allowed them to use local resources, so the import of
learning materials was minimised.
5.15.3. As identified through the intertextuality tool
Over the years, Bhutan has borrowed several educational policies. The most
intense borrowing is recorded in the 2017 EPGI document as global practices and
trends, visible on almost every page of the 11-page document.
The dominant initiatives are reiterated here and relate to early childhood care
and development (ECCD), inclusive education, special educational needs (SEN), the
youth programs and the Programme for International Student Assessment for
Development (PISA-D).
Each of these has been introduced into the Bhutanese education system to
engage in the global discourse of educational reforms, educational excellence and
educational inclusion.
The ECCD initiative is one of newest policy borrowed from the global arena.
Before its introduction, children aged 3-5 spent all their time with their parents. In
2008, as explained earlier, the ECCD concept was adopted mainly as a babysitting
facility which was later upgraded to early learning centres. These centres were pivotal,
as the centre “contribute towards enhancing children’s school readiness and
preparedness for effective learning in schools” (p.1). The ECCD policy has facilitated
increased employment as more teachers and carers are recruited. Children are taught
Chapter 5: Analysis 156
to socialise and interact from a young age, and the objective of enhancing school
readiness and preparedness has also been achieved, as the Ministry of Education has
committed to opening more ECCD centres in future to accommodate more than 50%
of children between the ages of 3-5.
Inclusive education with special education needs (SEN) was introduced to
focus on the ‘three dimensions – Inclusive Culture, Inclusive Policy and Inclusive
Practice’. All three dimensions combine interdependently to create inclusive schools
(p.1). Inclusive education is challenging for modern education in Bhutan as it has to
discuss human differences and how to accommodate them in schools. Before 1960,
when only monastic education was available in Bhutan, children who were genuinely
interested in studying the scriptures and the religion were selected. However, with
modern education and as a signatory to the Education for All (EFA) scheme, education
has become more complex. According to Schuelka (2012), “the modern educational
system brings heterogeneous community youth together in one classroom with one
teacher with the expected outcome that they all learn together” (p.150). To further this
argument, Dorji (2008) argues that the Bhutanese teacher is faced with more difficulty
in a secular form of education, as the teacher has to deal with students that have varied
learning abilities and learning issues (p.22). Bearing this dilemma in mind, the
Ministry of Education has continued to improve policy and practice in the
implementation of inclusive education in Bhutan. The institutionalisation of inclusive
education within the education system of Bhutan symbolises the efforts of the Ministry
of Education in providing an education that includes all learners irrespective of their
human differences.
While numerous programs for youth empowerment were introduced since
2012, the rejuvenation of the Scouting program is one of the major youth programs
enhanced in schools. The Department of Youth and Sports (DYS) under the Ministry
of Education designed a Scouting framework which aimed “to attract and unite youths
with a unique identity and develop their social service, volunteerism, spirituality as
well as adventure and fun” (p.8). Scouting in Bhutan has always been associated with
fun, as different aspects of learning are infused in the program. Along with learning,
scouts also commit themselves to social service, volunteerism and participation in
spiritual activities. The word ‘attract’ in the above sentence connotes that more effort
has been introduced by the Department of Youth and Scouting (DYS) to allow more
youth to join the Scouting program. The patronage of His Majesties the fourth and the
Chapter 5: Analysis 157
fifth King have also increased the popularity of this movement and garnered further
attention.
Finally, the PISA-D was introduced in Bhutan to a sample of 15-year-old
students across Bhutan to ‘benchmark the standards of quality of education’ (p.5). The
Bhutan Council for School Examinations and Assessment (BCSEA) which is
responsible for all assessment conducted in Bhutan, confirms the above statement and
elaborates on the aims and objectives on their website:
Gauge the state of education against international standards
Ensure use of the results of the assessment for supporting national and
international policy dialogue and decision making
Build local and institutional capacities in terms of the standards and
structures to implement large-scale education assessments
Policy impact nationally, regionally and globally.
(http://www.bcsea.bt/index.php/what-is-pisa-d/).
The objectives stated above shows the commitment of the education system of
Bhutan to enhance and progress their assessment system to be at par with education
systems offered in the international arena.
The list of bold, new initiatives provided above for Bhutanese education
indicates Bhutan’s intentions to borrow policy and ideas from the international
education market which will be good for Bhutan. The intertextual connection towards
social justice and quality of education is evident in the policies described above. The
initiatives: - Early Childhood Care and Development, and Inclusive Education, show
Bhutan’s efforts at encouraging a sense of social justice. Bell (2007) argues that “the
goal of social justice is the equal participation of all groups in a society that is mutually
shaped to meet their needs” (p.1). The introduction of PISA and the strengthening of
assessment signifies the efforts at improving the quality of education and the setting
of goals for Bhutan to achieve the highest standards of comparable international
education systems around the world.
5.15.4. As identified through the figured worlds tool
The discourse of globalisation/localisation is visible through the figured worlds
tool. The global concept of decentralisation of power has been used by the Ministry of
Chapter 5: Analysis 158
Education in Bhutan to provide more efficiency and accountability to education
administration in the districts. The policy indicates that some of the “Human Resource
functions were decentralised to dzongkhag/thromdes from 15th August 2015” (p.7).
From the 2017 policy, the district education office (DEO) can make decisions on the
following areas:
1. Superannuation of education staff (P1 and below)
2. Voluntary resignation
3. Extraordinary Leave
4. Short term training that had no financial implication on the Royal
Government of Education.
This was a major step forward for the Ministry of Education in the devolution
of power. It was beneficial on two levels:
1. Staff do not have to go to education headquarters in Thimphu to get a
decision on the matters mentioned above, which meant no wastage of school time and
loss of syllabus coverage for students, especially for those preparing for the national
examination at class X and class XII levels
2. The district education office was empowered with the added responsibility
and trust invested in him/her by the Ministry of Education.
Another issue that has been devolved to the district education office is the
recruitment of substitute teachers for teachers on 6-months maternity leave. The Royal
Civil Service Commission (RCSC) “approved the recruitment of substitute teachers
for teachers on maternity leave in July 2016” (p.7). Now, the district office was
responsible for “carrying out the recruitment process and assessing the need for a
substitute teacher before the recruitment” (p.7).
In light of the figured worlds, the devolution of power, a global practice that is
prevalent in education systems around the world, is, however, a new policy in Bhutan.
Bhutanese schools and district education offices have always had information dictated
to them. This said, Bhutan’s ability to accommodate global imperatives in education
and curriculum reforms must also be appreciated, as curricula reforms bring change to
the whole education system from recruitment, to training, to the allocation of study
hours and many other things that need to be managed efficiently for the school system
to function well.
Chapter 5: Analysis 159
5.15.5. As identified through the Conversation and big D discourse tools
The discourse of globalisation/localisation mainly focuses on three pillars of
education: the school, the curriculum, and the teacher.
The discourse on globalisation includes:
1. the promotion of lifelong learning
2. making the students’ school experience meaningful
3. the reorganisation of subjects into key learning areas in order to provide a
broader knowledge base for the students
4. develop critical thinking and innovation abilities
5. foster global awareness
6. raise the professionalism level in teachers.
The discussion on lifelong learning in Bhutan is a new concept which is being
encouraged in formal, non-formal and informal environments for all age groups since
lifelong learning has positive results. Watson (2003) defines lifelong learning as a
learning process which empowers people as they enhance their knowledge, skills and
values. This allows the lifelong learner to engage in all social activities with confidence
and motivation. The formal form of lifelong learning that is instituted is the continuing
education (CE) program whereby Bhutanese people who had to drop out of school due
to various circumstances can go back to school to study. The non-formal form of
lifelong learning in Bhutan is initiated through the learning of Dzongkha and English
in learning circles. Finally, informal learning is mainly through but not constricted to
spiritual and religious gatherings held in various temples and monasteries all over
Bhutan, where people come to enhance their knowledge on spiritualism while
interacting with people who share the same beliefs.
The other example is to foster global awareness by making international
education practices and trends available to the Bhutanese education system.
Information on different policy matters from around the world allows Bhutanese
within the education system to understand what is happening around the world in
education. Bhutanese schools also observe various international awareness days like
world water day, international women’s day, world environment day, international day
of the girl child, global handwashing day, earth day, and world health day, among
others. The fostering of global awareness provides opportunities for students to realise
Chapter 5: Analysis 160
their full potential by ensuring access to equitable quality education for all children (p.
5).
The launch of the Teacher Human Resource Policy and ICT master plan
(iSherig) (p.i) has been significant in the professional development agenda of teachers.
All these reforms have been initiated to raise the standards of teachers (p.6). Similar
to the EPGI 2012, the more prominent policies evident in the 2017 EPGI document
are those on the teaching of ICT and English. These two policies receive special
attention because of the important place they both hold, especially in opportunities
provided to the teachers and the students. ICT and English allow teachers and students
more mobility within the national and international arena of education. The importance
of the English language as the lingua franca and the need for ICT to enhance
communication in a globalised world where learning through ICT is continually
progressing has necessitated the Bhutanese teacher and the learner to focus on English
and ICT.
5.16 SUMMARY
The EPGI, 2017 has several new educational policies borrowed from
international education systems and transnational agencies. Policies like Early
Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) and Special Education Needs (SEN) and
decentralisation of HR functions indicate the commitment of the Ministry of
Education, Bhutan to be part of the globalised world education system. At the same
time, the compulsory passing in the national language Dzongkha which is a new
localised policy emphasises the need to value and respect local language and culture.
Beside this, there are also other policies which take into consideration the safety of the
child which are cautionary measures like the mock drill for earthquakes, the care to be
taken during the monsoon season, and ensuring health and hygiene for students
through the provision of healthy and nutritious meals.
The policy related to curriculum reformation continues to be discussed even in
the EPGI 2017 document and shares similar concerns indicated in the 1988 and 2012
education policy documents.
Another policy that continues to be discussed is the policy of professional
development for teachers, emphasising the Ministry of Education’s commitment to
enhancing the quality of teachers.
Chapter 5: Analysis 161
Other polices discussed in all three documents are the school admission policy,
the boarding facilities policy and the school feeding policy. The pertinent discussion
on these issues suggests that these are grave concerns that repeatedly need attention
and reminders. On the other hand, it could also suggest that organisation around these
needs to be more assertive.
In conclusion, this chapter provides an in-depth analysis of the chosen three
education policy documents. The findings that emerge will be discussed in Chapter 6
along with the recommendations.
Chapter 6: Conclusions 163
Chapter 6: Conclusions
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this study was to understand, through the analysis of three
education policy documents of the Ministry of Education of Bhutan, educational policy
borrowing practices in Bhutan. Through this study, it was hoped that a clearer
understanding of the emergence of educational policy borrowing (within the backdrop
of international comparative education) in the Bhutanese education system would be
identified, and how the phenomenon of globalisation played a crucial role in this
borrowing practice.
As mentioned in Chapter 1, formal education began in Bhutan in 1961, and the
first formal education policy document was released in 1988. This study undertook a
qualitative interpretivist approach to examine three education policy documents from
1988-2017. The study was guided by one main research question and two sub-
questions:
Research Question
What are the influences of educational policy borrowing practices on the
Bhutanese education system?
Sub questions
1) How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of practice
in the Bhutanese education system?
2) What are the key influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in
Bhutan?
Data from the documents were closely coded, analysed and organised through
Gee’s discourse analysis to understand how the two discourses of loyalty/national
identity and globalisation/localisation inform and guide these policies.
The findings largely answered the main research question and the two sub
questions. The principal finding in this study showed that while there are several
different influences which have impacted the Bhutanese educational policy borrowing
practices from 1988 to 2017, the main influence on education policy was globalisation.
Initially, the global influence for Bhutan was through India; it lasted for many years.
Chapter 6: Conclusions 164
Slowly, as education progressed, and Bhutan relaxed its isolation policies, it went
beyond the borders of India into other parts of the world, expanding access to education
by borrowing aspects of policy from elsewhere.
The previous chapter presented an analysis of the data through discourse
analysis to understand the themes and connecting patterns that emerged. In this
chapter, an interpretation of the findings and recommendations for future research is
presented. While this chapter will focus on interpreting these findings, it will also
attempt to create a holistic understanding of the findings.
6.2 FINDINGS FROM THE DATA ANALYSIS
The three Bhutanese education policy documents that were chosen for the data
analysis: the first Quarterly Educational Policy Guidelines and Instructions (QEPGI,
1988), the 30th Education Policy and Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI, 2012) and
the 31st Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI, 2017), were selected as
representative of the period. The 1988 document as the first formal set of guidelines
that went beyond the prior circular system was an important document to analyse as it
brought together the diverse strands of the educational system together and also the
policy guidelines for each level of education within one document. Further, as the first
formal document, it reflected the overarching perceptions about education in Bhutan
as needing to move away from global influences to incorporating local issues, and
local themes. The second document, EPGI 2012 was taken as representative of
subsequent policy guidelines that followed 1988 document. The EPGI 2012 was
significant for the overall shift in policy discourse in adopting the discourse of
globalisation as advanced by neoliberal economies. The document highlighted the
significance of wholesome education, of technological knowledge and of being a part
of the knowledge economy, signalling thereby a perceptible shift from the 1988
document regarding the ideologies that were promoted. The EPGI 2017 as the latest
document was examined to perceive how these discourses were intensified through
various key global ideas of education, namely early childhood education and, inclusive
education and to examine how the discourse of Gross National Happiness is reflected
through taught values.
These three policy documents were analysed through Gee’s discourse analysis
to comprehend the d/D discourse of education in Bhutan, and the similarities and
Chapter 6: Conclusions 165
differences the Bhutanese education system shares with the larger global education
discourse over time. This overarching education discourse was further analysed by
looking closely at two discourses through Gee’s six building blocks and five tools of
inquiry which emerged through the analysis: the discourse of loyal/national identity
and the discourse of globalisation/localisation.
All three documents provided substantial information on the two discourses
which, however, vary in focus according to the year the document was circulated and
the important policies that were borrowed within that period. In the following section,
I outline the findings gained through Gee’s tools of the six building blocks and the
tools of inquiry.
6.3 FINDINGS THROUGH GEE’S (2011) FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY
Social language in the documents
Through the social language tool, there was an indication that all three
documents used a formal report genre in the third person narrative. The language, as
is usual in policy reports, has multiple inferences. The words and sentences are studied
and examined interpretively as an aspect of the local and global context as well as the
social, cultural and historical context of education in Bhutan. While all three
documents have the assertive and authoritative tone representative of policy
documents, the QEPGI 1988 had the most assertive tone; perhaps because as the first
formal document, it is set out as the guide to educational achievement. Three examples
where words/phrases exert pressure on the reader are:
has become imperative to utilise our schools/institutes to develop loyal and
dedicated Bhutanese citizens (QEPGI:-p.3)
those who do not measure up to required standards would be replaced whereas
those who work hard and prove themselves would be suitably rewarded
(QEPGI:-p.2)
the schools/institutes will also instil in our students a full awareness and
understanding of our national policies (QEPGI:-p.1).
These words/phrases are seen throughout the three documents. However, in
the latter two documents, the language of persuasion is used more liberally than is the
language of authority, which indicates there is a shift in the type of social language
Chapter 6: Conclusions 166
used in the documents; as Bhutan engages more with the world, more global discourse
is preferred in the education policies. Although the loyalty/national identity discourses
are still important and are deeply embedded values in the Bhutanese mentality, over
the years the approach taken to discuss these discourses has evolved into a form which
allows the reader to engage in it rather than be dictated to. For example, in the 2012
EPGI document, the reference to 100 years of education is made as:
1. An opportunity to express our deep gratitude to our monarchs for shaping
education
2. The opportunity to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to all the
teachers, past and present.
These findings within the social language tool, therefore, indicate that who does what
depends on how much Bhutan has chosen to be influenced by the global discourses is
balance with how much the local takes precedent. Through the social language
discourse, it is clear that Bhutanese education has advanced through a series of
educational policy borrowing practices in relation to its interaction with the global
education community. With increasing global interaction there is a higher level of
educational policy borrowing which leads to a greater conformity of the social
language used, to international standards of communication.
Socially situated meanings/ identities in the documents
The socially situated meaning/identities tool of Bhutanese education as
conveyed in the three policies is strongly indicated through the discussion of the roles
of the head teacher, teachers and students at great length regarding their loyalties to
the King, to the people and the country and their duties in upholding their national
identity. These policies also discuss the roles the principal and the teachers play in
equipping students to become global citizens, who can move within the local and the
global education systems with confidence. The education system and the use of the
socially situated meaning/identities tool help to identify the contextual positioning of
the important roles that the people within the system play. Each player (head teacher,
teacher, and student) is expected to fulfil certain roles, and the language used within
the socially situated meaning helps to identify what these roles are.
There is also an indication of how the socially situated meaning/identities have
changed over the years. In the earlier document (QEPGI 1988) the head teacher,
teachers and students are reminded of the role they play in the society towards building
Chapter 6: Conclusions 167
the education system, their loyalties and affiliations, and the responsibilities they
shoulder while undertaking the specific roles in the sphere of education. Their roles
are explicitly mentioned in the document. However, in the latter two documents, these
roles are implied. The reader understands that what is being said in the document is
directed to the head teacher, teacher or student although they are not specifically
mentioned. Such subtlety about the key role of stakeholders of education in the latter
documents suggests their socially situated identity is established. Therefore, there is
no need for further emphasis on the roles and responsibilities that the head teacher,
teachers and students within the Bhutanese education system need to play to show
loyalty to the nation.
The development of a local/national identity is more prominent in the QEPGI
(1988) than in the later documents. This is done in the realisation of the fact that earlier
on the entire education policy was borrowed along with the teachers and the
curriculum rather than it being locally developed in Bhutan. So now in order to fit
policies and practices into a more viable national educational context, one that is
recognisable as a Bhutanese education system, a focus on the loyalty/national identity
was strategically situated in the 1988 QPEGI. These also appear in the 2012 and 2017
policy documents, but in these documents, the reference is more holistic encompassing
educational themes. Further, while national identity emerges as the sole dominant
discourse in the QEPGI, 1988, in 2012 and 2017, it was considered appropriate to
focus equally on the enhancement of global socially situated meaning/identities. This
change in thinking facilitates more fluidity in the interactions the principal, teachers
and students undertake both at a local and a global level. To acknowledge their roles,
all three groups of participants are provided with better resources and facilities to
develop their skills in leadership, teaching and learning.
These findings within the socially situated meaning/identities in all three
documents indicate that the role of the principal, teacher and the student are all
important in their contribution towards a successful education system.
Intertextuality tool
The intertextuality tool emphasises the borrowing of ideas, words, ideologies,
and practices of education. In the three policy documents, there is a strong indication
that ideas/words, ideologies/practices are borrowed. The 1988 QEPGI is the
forerunner for educational policy borrowing in Bhutan. The document has borrowed
Chapter 6: Conclusions 168
at two levels: at the global level and a national level. At the global level, the whole
modern (read Western) education system was borrowed, from India in particular. At
the national level, the philosophy of “Diglam Chogsum” which is at the core of the
Bhutanese being was borrowed from the Buddhist texts and scriptures. This, then,
depicts the text as a multifaceted document that is tradition oriented while being linked
with the needs and requirements of a modern education system.
The latter two documents (2012 and 2017) show an indication of intertextuality
through the continued borrowing of global educational practices, for example, the
global concept of volunteerism which is used in the schools as socially useful
productive work (SUPW), school performance measures, national reading week, the
revival/reintroduction of Shakespeare in the English curriculum for class XI,
wholesome education, lifelong learning and the knowledge economy.
The findings in this section, therefore, indicate that intertextuality is visible
although not explicitly stated. Global ideas on educational best practices have been
borrowed and used by the Bhutanese education system throughout the history of
modern education in Bhutan. In earlier years, the borrowing or intertextual connection
was mainly visible through the Indian curriculum. In the latter two documents, there
is a stronger inclination towards global intertextual borrowing through ideas of
inclusion like the Special Educational Needs (SEN), Early Childhood Care and
Development (ECCD), and ideas of assessment like the PISA-D, that resonate with
more global agencies such as UNESCO (2002).
The figured worlds
The figured worlds notion is a fascinating concept which suggests the
individual can understand himself/herself within the different socially constructed
world in which s/he interacts. As indicated throughout Chapter 5, the concept of
loyalty/national identity has always been a core part of the Bhutanese mentality.
However, over time, with global interaction, the figured worlds have changed and
evolved. All three documents show the evolution of the figured worlds in action. The
1988 QEPGI is perhaps one of the closest to the earlier kind of figured worlds which
defined the Bhutanese identity when global interactions were less. The 1st QEPGI
portrays strong nationalism whereby the principal, teacher and students are urged to
be dedicated and loyal to the national aspirations by following the mandates asserted
in the document. Over the years with education becoming more established, the figured
Chapter 6: Conclusions 169
worlds changed. In the latter two documents, there is an increase in looking to other
global education concepts for better educational practices that could be, and were,
borrowed. Therefore, while the figured world is still Bhutanese, larger global social
and cultural practices have been instrumental in how the figured world of education is
perceived.
The findings for this section are that the Bhutanese figured worlds, along with
the evolution of education spanning 57 years, have shifted, now accommodating the
larger global figured world. That being said, while globalisation has altered Bhutanese
figured worlds, it has also taught Bhutanese about the contributions it can make to
global education. Bhutanese educators now understand that the local element is equally
important and should be included in the education of Bhutanese children. The figured
worlds have helped Bhutanese believe that the global and the local can coexist and this
is strongly promulgated through the Bhutanese ideology of Gross National Happiness.
Big D Discourse and Conversations
The over-arching big D discourse and conversation that come through the three
policy documents are the discourses on the quality of education through the
professional quality of the teachers and the principal’s leadership practices. A
commonality that is visible in all three documents is the continued curriculum reviews
and reforms that have continued over the past 57 years in the Bhutanese education
system.
The other discourses that are present in the documents are the strong and
assertive loyalty/national identity discourse conversation explicitly seen in the 1st
QEPGI 1988 document and through several changes in the policies mentioned in the
document. Some of the more noteworthy ones are:
1. The nationalisation of the head teachers and teachers
2. The cancellation of PP-XII scholarships to study in India
3. The cancellation and prohibition of educational tours for class X to
countries outside Bhutan
These radical measures are conveyed with strong, assertive words/phrases:
“circumstances dictate that we should now have all our schools/institutes headed by
nationals”, “educational tours normally undertaken by high schools and other institutes
to places outside Bhutan are henceforth discontinued and prohibited”, “primary and
Chapter 6: Conclusions 170
secondary education in India, including those holding Kashos (royal decree), shall be
discontinued”, indicate the affirmative action of the Department of Education to
uphold the loyalty/national identity of Bhutan.
The findings in this section continue to reaffirm the efforts that Bhutan is
making towards balancing the discourse of the global and the local in all the three
documents. The QEPGI 1988 tries to balance this mainly through localisation of the
head teachers. The head teacher can, therefore, guide the school towards an education
that promotes Bhutanese values through global best practices.
The EPGI 2012 document discusses emerging youth issues which are due to
the influence of globalisation and the students’ exposure to a life different from the
one they know and live. The Ministry of Education understands the gravity of the
youth issues and has developed a local intervention policy which can help curb these
problems.
The final EPGI 2017 document focuses mainly on inclusion. The Ministry of
Education has now included specific policies for ECCD and SEN.
In conclusion, all three policy documents play a crucial role in the Bhutanese
education system. The weight of the responsibility, however, was on the 1st QEPGI as
it had a sovereign duty to lay a proper foundation whereby the Bhutanese education
system could evolve into one that is fit for its citizens. The 1st QEPGI played a pivotal
role in shaping education as it was the sole means through which information was
disseminated. Nowadays, with the advancement in technology, policy documents can
be circulated to schools through the press of a button. Also, information today can be
circulated through journals, newsletters and the media.
The importance of the 30th EPGI, 2012 cannot be underestimated either. This
document has provided information on how education has progressed and evolved
over the years. The document indicates that education is not only about getting a
qualification and a job. It goes beyond that. The title of the document, ‘Cultivating the
grace of our mind’ sums up the essence of the document which indicates the need to
change and evolve to become better human beings, drawing from essential Bhutanese
Buddhist values. To show care and love and graciousness everywhere and at all times
is a central aspect of both Diglam Chogsum and the Gross National Happiness
philosophy and becomes a prominent sub- discourse of the loyalty discourse.
Chapter 6: Conclusions 171
The revival of the EPGI, through the 31st issue published in 2017 only reaffirms
the importance of these discourses, as values are projected explicitly in Appendix D
(Values Orientation Week). The Ministry of Education is continually evolving. This
document illustrates that there are new education practices that need to be shared along
with new leadership and management information. This document is important as it
provides information on new policy practices that were borrowed from 2013 to 2017.
6.4 OVERALL FINDINGS
The overall findings from the three policy documents that were analysed
include:
1. The past and the future are intricately woven in the policy documents
showing the historical significance of education and the future thrust and
aspiration of education in Bhutan.
2. The education system in Bhutan has evolved and changed over time.
Education has provided a means for the Bhutanese to perceive themselves
as progressing through education.
3. Different policies have been emphasised and introduced in the different
documents. The social context of the documents sets the norm for what can
be discussed and asserted at different historical times. Each also provides
rules and regulations on reshaping ideas on education.
4. The development of a national identity is stronger in the earliest document
(1988) as dictated by the social context of the time. The education system
was young and had to be developed into one that was robust and exhibited
Bhutanese ideology confidently.
5. The enhancement of a global identity is seen more explicitly in the latter
two documents as, by then, Bhutanese identity was established and well-
placed. The interconnectedness through the globalisation phenomenon
provides the necessary resources to examine national Bhutanese education
in the global context and provide an understanding of how Bhutan can cope
in the face of globalisation.
6. The professional development of the teacher is of national interest and
concern. The teacher’s knowledge is crucial to education advancement and
Chapter 6: Conclusions 172
student growth. The role model the teacher projects will be reflected in the
global citizens who are also the students of Bhutan.
7. Curriculum review and reform are ongoing and represent a continuous
process. The curriculum is at the heart of successful education and,
therefore, it is important that new best practices in education policy are
shared as a global effort and implemented at the local level. This should be
done to provide the best education for Bhutanese children.
8. The inclusion and infusion of Gross National Happiness (GHN) schools to
develop a Bhutanese identity is an important agenda which facilitates
global participation. Though Western liberal democratic ideology is starkly
visible in the documents; Bhutanese have managed to find a Bhutanese
identity that blends well with local qualities and global values.
9. The inclusion of 21st century transformative pedagogy and policies like
ECCD, SEN, and ICT play an important role in education quality
enhancement. Inclusion is now viewed as normal and necessary, unlike in
the past. Primarily, the Bhutanese education system is taking great
initiatives to embed these educational practices into the current education
system.
10. The identification of the emergence of youth issues and addressing them is
significant. Youth issues are common all over the world. The documents
address these issues to provide support to the schools in dealing with these
issues without using practices like corporal punishment that was prevalent
in Bhutan in the 80’s.
11. The performance of schools as an indicator for quality of education is also
stressed. Schools are required to devise strategies to improve the quality of
education they provide to the students in their care. This is done to raise the
national level of education and also to provide more responsibilities to the
school.
All 11 findings from the research indicate that there is an overarching global
discourse on the purpose of education and the focus on the child is at the heart of
effective education systems; this has been enacted in the Bhutanese education system.
Chapter 6: Conclusions 173
6.5 WHAT SENSE DO I MAKE FROM THE FINDINGS?
The first chapter of this study mentions several assumptions made before the
analysis of the data. Through the data analysis, the researcher’s assumptions were
either confirmed or challenged. Below is a description of four assumptions expressed
prior to data analysis and the sense I made of these after the data was analysed.
The first assumption underlying the research was that educational policy
borrowing is occurring in the Bhutanese education system and therefore there was a
need to study it. Up until now, there have been no studies conducted to indicate that
educational policy borrowing was occurring in the education system. Analysis of the
three policy documents confirmed that educational policy borrowing is happening in
the Bhutanese education context, and has been over a long period, although there is no
terminology used like ‘borrowing’ to indicate policy borrowing. Over the years donor
countries have provided aid to Bhutan, and with it, new ideas for improving education
have also been brought into the education system. This practice continues today, so it
is clear that policy borrowing is a well-established practice in the continuing evolution
of education in Bhutan.
The second assumption was that comparative education scholarship is
necessitating educational policy borrowing in Bhutan. This again has been confirmed.
Although not explicitly mentioned, the language used in the policy documents reflects
the language used over time in relation to education globally. The inclusion of concepts
such as Early Childhood Care and Development, Special Educational Needs and ICT
(Information and Communication Technologies) is an indication of the influences of
comparative education, as these were not part of the early education discourse in
Bhutan. Another example is the PISA-D assessment conducted in 2015 which is a
strong indication of the comparative aspect of education influencing Bhutanese
education. The inclusion of Early Childhood Care and Development and Special
Educational Needs and ICT is also an indication of the influences of comparative
education. PISA testing has been a part of the global education community for some
years, but it is very recent in Bhutanese education. Educators in Bhutan are interested
in comparing the quality of their students’ learning with students from other nations.
The third assumption was that globalisation is influencing educational policy
borrowing in Bhutan and this has also been confirmed. Many global educational
Chapter 6: Conclusions 174
practices such as ICT are now embedded in Bhutanese education policy and schools
in order to provide schools with online resources for teaching and learning, and to
enhance the standard of education, another impact of globalisation.
The fourth assumption was that all educational policy borrowing is from
external global education systems and this assumption has been challenged. An
example of this is through the establishment of Gross National Happiness schools in
Bhutan, a policy exclusive to Bhutan. Educating for Gross National Happiness was
introduced, and pilot tested in a few Bhutanese schools from 2010. Over the years this
concept has proven to be beneficial and has been borrowed by all schools in Bhutan
now, thus showing that educational policy borrowing does not have to be external, it
can also be an internal borrowing of values and morals from local cultures and
traditions.
The four assumptions described above have allowed the researcher to
understand that policy change occurs at both the global and local levels and that it is a
continuous process. As new ideas and concepts in education appear and are shared
globally, a country such as Bhutan can either include them in their educational policies
or not. Along with the four clarifications on my assumptions, there are several
observations that the researcher has made from the process of data analysis is worth
mentioning.
One assumption that was not made was how challenging research can be,
particularly when faced with substantial policy texts. I found that the data analysis
consisted of several trial and error phases before I was able to find valid means of
analysis. At first, a table was used to code and categorise the data. However, this did
not provide the required insight and entry into the preliminary analysis of data, and the
table had to be recreated with several more columns and rows with additional
information. This process had to be done several times before a useful was developed.
Once the table was determined, there was the issue of how to draw on the detailed
coding to form the major themes to write the analysis. Here again, there were several
writing processes. This research went through until the appropriate themes and
processes were identified.
The next observation was the inclusion and exclusion of the data. The raw data
generated from each document for the data analysis constituted 12-14 pages each.
However, careful selection had to be made to provide findings and interpretation.
Chapter 6: Conclusions 175
Despite these challenges, findings derived from the research provide a fascinating,
educative perspective at my country’s educational evolvement has been a worthwhile
endeavour.
6.6 NEW INSIGHTS GAINED FROM THE PHENOMENON UNDER
DISCUSSION
From this study, it is clear that Gee’s (2011) six building blocks and five tools
of inquiry were well chosen for data analysis of the policy documents and helped to
draw out significant findings in relation to Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing over
time. Gee’s six building blocks allowed the researcher to fit words/phrases/ sentences
into different themes categorically. It further allowed the researcher to understand the
place of these words and phrases in the wider discussion of educational policy
borrowing and the various discourses that influenced and shaped educational policy
borrowing. The five tools of inquiry provided the researcher with a thick descriptive
tool to critically analyse these words and phrases in relation to the Bhutanese
educational context of educational policy borrowing and the global comparative
education discourse at large.
Educational policy borrowing within the realm of comparative education
through the influences of the globalisation/localisation process is a complex
phenomenon. This is one of the major insights the researcher gained from the study,
especially from the data analysis process. Further, it would seem that education policy
borrowing is inevitable. The desire for Bhutan to have an education system relevant to
the 21st century has mandated the Ministry of Education, Bhutan to borrow education
policies from global education systems. Over the past 57 years of Western-style
education, educational policy borrowing has continued as seen through the three
education policy documents analysed for the current research, where a wide range of
practices has been borrowed. Throughout all the five-year plan periods set by the
government to achieve progressive development, there have been new policies
borrowed through new donor initiatives. These initiatives have provided training and
learning opportunities for teachers’ professional development, and this has provided
enhanced learning opportunities to students in Bhutan. Bhutan will have to continue
borrowing education policies from donor countries and transnational agencies so long
as Bhutan’s dependency on financial aid continues. Therefore, Johnson’s (2006)
Chapter 6: Conclusions 176
metaphor of compelling and Philips and Ochs (2003) descriptor of negotiated under
constraints will continue to be Bhutan’s ways towards negotiating a pathway for
enhancing the quality of its education system under global standards.
Next, although external borrowing through globalisation is Bhutan’s usual
process to improve education, the localisation policy has provided a means for Bhutan
to enhance local and national identity. Within the localisation phenomenon,
educational policy borrowing can also be internal and borrowed from one local
institution to another, such as the case with Bhutan’s Educating for Gross National
Happiness philosophy. Localisation, therefore, brings the balance between the global
and local milieu. It also provides the Bhutanese education system with an opportunity
to share good, enlightening aspects of Bhutanese culture and practices to the outside
world during international education conferences and seminars. Grewel and Kaplan
(1994) argue that the global and the local are difficult to separate, especially as “each
thoroughly infiltrates the other” (p.11). Consequently, the global/local discussion is
just a relational space for enacting and understanding social worlds.
The next thing that can be learnt from this research is that education policies
may be borrowed from global systems; however, the reception and translation
(Stenier-Khamsi, 2014) of these policies will depend on how these policies are
understood and adopted/adapted in borrowing countries such as Bhutan to fit within
Bhutanese objectives and context. Stenier-Khamsi’s (2014) discussion on the
interpretation and implementation of these policies is largely dependent on how they
are understood. This is, therefore, a reminder to the different stakeholders in the
education system that success or failure of the policy is within their mandate. For
example, the boarding school policy which is presented in all three policy documents
indicate the need to reform its practices. The policy constantly reminds the District
office and the schools for the need to follow the mandates prescribed by the Ministry
of Education strictly. These reminders from 1988 to 2017 imply that the policy needs
better indicators for efficient functionality.
Ochs and Philips’ (2003) theoretical framework for educational policy
borrowing cannot be used for analysing Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing
practices, since most of them, as mentioned in Chapter 2, come pre-packaged. Here,
the donor country/transnational agencies bring the policies, the resources and the
human expertise into the country and train local teachers on how to implement the new
Chapter 6: Conclusions 177
policy. The policy analysis for the current research indicates Bhutan’s movement away
from pre-packaged education in favour of developing one with a strong local context.
Resistance towards the Indian curriculum and initiatives such as Gross National
Happiness shows how Bhutan is prepared to develop its policies.
In Phillips and Ochs’ (2003) framework, the first stage of educational policy
borrowing is cross-national attraction. The cross-national attraction came to Bhutan
through awareness of globalisation in education. Cross-national was accessed through
agencies bringing in the pre-packaged education resources. These often led to a ‘quick
fix’ which Philips and Ochs (2003) describe as stage two of borrowing. In the third or
the implementation stage, there was some implementation through changes to
infrastructure and curriculum needs, with support from national and local education
bodies. The curriculum was developed along with the manuals and teaching/learning
materials. Training was provided to the teachers, and the policy was then implemented
in some schools in Bhutan. The fourth stage, where internalisation took place, allowed
policy makers and implementers to evaluate the policy. The larger decisions were then
indigenised with external features being absorbed.
However, such cross-national attraction was also resisted as depicted by the
QEPGI 1988 document. As the later EPGI policy document illustrates, the Ministry
of Education wanted to create an education system which drew on the philosophy of
Gross National Happiness and to make education more relevant for Bhutanese.
Through a conscious realisation, the philosophy of Gross National Happiness and the
notions of inclusive education, student-centred education and constructivist education
are all woven together to create an indigenised blend. The results indicate that
educating for Gross National Happiness was successful and thus this model of
education was replicated in other schools in Bhutan. This process then aligns with
international research on how educational policy borrowing can be managed at a local
level.
In conclusion, educational policy borrowing will continue to be part of
educational policy in Bhutan. Bhutan will continue to borrow, emulate and draw
lessons from different global education systems as it continues to review and reform
the education system. Giddens (1994) explains that there is now a “global society”
(p.96) which is defined as borderless spaces. This idea of borderless spaces suggests
that no one is outside or inside but rather that everyone is a part of this space as we
Chapter 6: Conclusions 178
interact and collide within it. As long as this collision happens, education policies will
continue to move freely.
6.7 LIMITATIONS
Although the study set out to fulfil its aim of policy analysis, some limitations
were identified. The first is that only three policy documents were chosen for this
research as to analyse more documents was beyond the scope of the study. This, then,
is identified as a limitation due to some of the intermediate policies not being
examined. However, the research attempted to study policy implementation over two
decades and only a representative set of documents could be taken for analysis.
The other limitation is that this research engaged in policy text analysis. Although
rigour is achieved, by examining each document in a detailed manner, however, it is
not ‘triangulated’ by interviews and surveys, which were beyond the scope of this
research. A limitation, therefore, is the lack of lived experiences that could have
contributed to enriching the examination of discourses to perceive how these are
received and comprehended. The study is limited in that it looked at discursive
analysis. A limitation, therefore, is related to researcher subjectivity that was evident
in the choices made for analysis. While researcher subjectivity is acknowledged, the
attempt was to move from relative, subjective conclusions being made on data by
adhering strictly to Gee’s process of discourse analysis.
6.8 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
The literature review provides a broad scope of educational policy borrowing at
the international level. The educational policy borrowing research in Bhutan, however,
is limited; more research should be conducted in this field for educators in the country
to understand better how policy borrowing impacts on the system. It is also necessary
to comprehend the processes of the educational policy borrowing to continue to grow
Bhutan’s education system to produce excellence in education.
To overcome the limitation of the lived experience of principals, teachers and
students, there is scope to look further in this area where case studies or interviews
could be conducted with teachers and students:
Chapter 6: Conclusions 179
To understand teachers and students’ perspectives on the Ministry of
Education’s policies
To see how teachers’, understand and implement these polices in their
practices and professional learning
To see how students, understand the implementation of these policies and the
benefits they can derive from them
To understand expectations from the principals and other key administrators
in leadership positions regarding the policy in focus
To examine the role and responsibilities, they share in the successful
implementation of certain policies
While the study provides a general picture of the emergence and influences of
educational policy borrowing in Bhutan, there could be future research done in specific
subject areas which discusses:
How these policies are received and translated in the different subject areas
and the causes of success or failure rate of these policies within each subject
area
Whether the inclusion of Special Educational Needs practices in the different
subjects (a new policy in Bhutan), has had any impact on the teaching and
learning practices
The role and place of ICT in enhancing the teaching and learning practice in
schools
The effectiveness of policy on the child while transitioning from Early
Childhood Care and Development based learning to school-based learning.
Another research possibility in educational policy borrowing can be undertaken
from the donor’s perspective. Although the policy has clear mandates from the donor/
transnational agencies, once these policies are absorbed at the local level, several
issues emerge. Research studies may shed light on:
How donor/transnational agencies deal with issues related to the social
and cultural milieu of the receiving country
How donors assert the benefits of a policy which a borrowing country
may be reluctant to adopt
Chapter 6: Conclusions 180
How receptive donor/transnational agencies are towards localisation of
educational policy borrowing
What mode of assessment they use to select countries they wish to support
The donor/transnational agency’s obligations towards the financially
dependent countries receiving the aid
What can be learned from educational policy borrowing from the different
education systems the donor/transnational agencies have encountered and
how these lessons inform the development of future educational policy
borrowing practices?
The current research was conducted by focusing on forms of discourse analysis
and in the adoption of selective forms of analysis from Gee (2011). Undoubtedly
further study is needed in using discourse analysis in relation to studying policy
borrowing by developing countries. Future studies could continue to look at
educational policy borrowing through other aspects of Gee’s discourse analysis or
incorporate other forms of discourse analysis, for example, critical discourse analysis.
Another research possibility is looking at educational policy borrowing
through the educational policy learning lens. As explained earlier in Chapter 2 in the
literature review, educational policy learning can be an effective way of helping
Bhutan borrow education policies which are more meaningful to the Bhutanese
context. Currently, Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing is mostly direct and one
way, as the policies come pre-packaged from the donor agencies. However, while
engaging in these direct educational policy borrowing practices, authentic learning can
occur, as Deutsch (1963) the pioneer of policy learning concurs. He states that while
educational policy borrowing means looking at different international education
system for best practices and then borrowing them, EPL uses educational policy
borrowing for broader purposes. For example, through EPL education system can be
used to understand how policies work, what trends and pressures affect the system,
what issues can be raises through different policies and how policies can be made
clearer. Hence educational policy borrowing goes through certain processes of
learning; it does not happen in a vacuum (Moyson, Scholten & Weible, 2017). Future
research can, therefore, focus on the process of policy learning that takes place in
Bhutan and the implications for future Educational Policy Borrowing practices.
Chapter 6: Conclusions 181
Another research possibility is by looking at how Bhutanese educators perceive
the two discourses of loyalty/national identity and globalisation/localisation. Although
the influences of these two discourses are acutely evident in the three policy
documents, the perceptions and attitudes of educators towards these discourses are not
visible. Therefore, a research/study to this effect would provide Bhutanese
educationists with an understanding of how these discourses are interpreted.
Most importantly, with the institutionalisation of a constitutional monarchy
and the role of the government in education development with the increasing impact
of globalisation, it would be timely to research the role of education in Bhutan’s
democratisation process. This would help us to understand what is needed to
strengthen the education system to provide the government with a smoother transition
into the democratic nation envisioned by our Kings.
The possibilities of studying educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese
education system are numerous; only a few have been illustrated above.
6.9 SUMMARY
The process of educational policy borrowing has allowed Bhutan to borrow
education policies from all over the world as a method to improve its education system.
Education policies of more successful education systems have been borrowed over the
years through direct educational policy borrowing related to teacher education,
curriculum, human resource development, and educational ideologies, among others.
The practice of educational policy borrowing maybe a contested area as the
literature review in Chapter 3 has discussed. Also, the three selected articles used to
position Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing practice provide evidence that
educational policy borrowing has roots in colonisation and has implications for
tradition and culture. Hence, educational policy borrowing may seem to be negative,
but the Bhutanese education system has managed to strike a balance and address a
possibly negative dilemma by turning this into a positive/ successful story of
educational policy borrowing.
Educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education system has been a
learning process and has advanced to educational policy learning (EPL). While there
is no evidence that EPL has been consciously learned through the recurrent educational
policy borrowing practice in Bhutan, the result, the development and infusion of the
Chapter 6: Conclusions 182
Gross National Happiness policy in the schools, provides a living model of educational
policy learning.
This study is a small contribution towards understanding this process of
educational policy borrowing and the influences this has had on the Bhutanese
education system.
In conclusion, this study suggests that educational policy borrowing is an
integral aspect of policy decisions in the education system of Bhutan. Educational
policy borrowing and educational policy learning through comparative education and
globalisation will continue to allow Bhutan to engage in good educational policy
practices. The education system in Bhutan will continue to strive to balance national
policies with international standards through which Bhutan will become a knowledge-
based society which includes all learners irrespective of their special education needs.
Lifelong learning will continue to be promoted through non-formal education, and
continuing education and schools will continue to be assessed through performance
evaluations. However, all this will happen within the perimeters of the national
objectives of school education in Bhutan and the philosophy of Gross National
Happiness
References 183
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Appendices 203
Appendices
Appendix A
1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services Thimphu:
Bhutan
Gee’s 6
building
blocks
Key words/phrases under each
discourse indicated by page found
in and frequency in brackets
(p=page; F=frequency)
Discourses identified in
this document
Semiotic
building
(signs and
symbols,
belief
systems)
Provide our children with a
wholesome education ((p.1; F=1). 2;
F=1), appreciation of the driglam
chogsum (p.2; F=1)
Great importance to the teaching
profession (p. 3; F=1),
caderisation of the teaching
profession (p.3; F=1),
development of human resources
(p.4; F=1),
consolidation and improvement of
the existing facilities (p.4; F=1),
enhancing the quality and relevance
of education (p.4; F=1),
teacher training (p.4; F=1),
wholesome education to the
students (p.4; F=1),
driglam chogsum and Dzongkha to
receive highest priority (p.5; F=1),
national values derived from our
sacred traditions (p.5; F=1)
consolidated remuneration system
(p.6; F=1),
will continue to attract highly
qualified, trained, experience and
dedicated non-national teachers
((p.1; F=1) ,
manual on hostel management
system (p.7; F=1),
inculcate qualities of leadership
(p.8; F=1),
The semiotic building block
allows the researcher to
identify all the significant
words, phrases and
sentences which discusses
the three relevant themes
identified for this current
study:
1. Discourse on loyalty
to the Monarch.
Nation and the
people which also
help in developing a
national identity
discourse
2. Discourses on
Globalisation+
discourses on
localisation
World
building
The first year is a period of
probation for most of the head of
schools/institutes (p.3; F=1), heads
of schools/institutes to show
dedication and ability to effectively
Global/ Neoliberal discourse
on making people in power
accountable for their
words/actions
Appendices 204
implement policies and programmes
(p.3; F=1), heads should be able to
instil and maintain a high degree of
discipline amongst students and
teachers (p.3; F=1)
To facilitate the students to have a
major say (p.8; F=1), develop
responsibilities and accountabilities
for application in their adult lives
(p.8; T-1), reduction in wastage
during preparation and storage of
food (p.8; T-1), devise a better
control system to avoid misuse and
corruptions of stipends (p.8; T-1)
Global/neoliberal discourse
on providing children with
responsibilities in order for
them to learn and engage in
real life experiences
Activity
building
heads of the bulk of our schools
have been nationalised (p.1; F=1),
heads of schools/institute show
love, loyalty and dedication to his
Majesty, the country and the people
(p.3; F=1),
the reason for this policy is to utilise
our schools to develop loyal and
dedicated Bhutanese citizens (p.2;
F=1)
headed by nationals who can ably
instil a deep sense of … (p.2; F=1)
attaches great importance to the
teaching profession (p.3; F=1)
Enhance recognition, prestige and
status of teachers, (p.3; F=1)
increase their service benefits and
facilities, (p.3; F=1)
teachers will be entitled to all the
benefits of civil services (p.3; F=1)
the main thrust of the development
of education sector during the Sixth
Plan will be however the
consolidation and improvement of
the existing facilities enhancing the
quality and relevance of education,
teacher training and improving their
remuneration and other service
benefits (p.3; F=1)
Localisation discourse
Global/neoliberal discourse
on professional
development of teachers to
develop lifelong learning
skills
Localisation discourse
Loyalty and national
identity discourse
Appendices 205
Utilise our schools/institutes to
develop loyal and dedicated
Bhutanese citizens (p.3; F=1)
Socio-
culturally
situated
identity and
relationship
building
expatriates will be replaced by
nationals (p.2; F=1)
in addition to learning the 3 R’s the
schools and institutions will also
instil in our students a full
awareness and understanding of our
national policies and aspirations
(p.3; F=1)
teaching and learning of the Diglam
Chogsum and Dzongkha shall
henceforth receive the highest
priority (p.4; F=1)
continue to provide Bhutan with its
unique national identity (p.4; F=1)
to make education more relevant to
the national needs and aspiration
(p.7; F=1)
numerous projects and shrines
within the country are selected for
the purpose of future educational
tours (p.8; F=1)
All government scholarships in
India upto ICSE shall be
discontinued (p.8; F=1)
aware of national policies (p.1; F=1)
develop loyal and dedicated
Bhutanese citizens (p.2; F=1)
love and loyalty to the King/country
(p.3; F=1)
develop a deep sense of pride and
respect for our traditional values
(p.4; F=1)
make education more relevant to the
national needs and aspirations (p.8;
F=1) (p.9; F=1) same phrase has
been repeated.
Loyalty and national
identity discourse on
developing a national
workforce who are
dedicated to the course of
education
Localisation discourse on
learning about local places
of interest
Global/neoliberal discourse
on maximising resources
and limiting wastage
Global/neoliberal discourse
on utilising foreign
manpower to enhance
education
Political
building
Attract high trained and dedicated
non-national teachers (p.5; F=1)
Withdrawing of scholarships to
study in India for PP- class X after
1988 academic session (p.9; F=1)
Global/ Neoliberal discourse
on sustainability and using
resources wisely
Appendices 206
Discontinuation/prohibition of
educational tours to outside
countries (p.1: F=1)
Connection
building
Our forefathers have passed to us
national values derived from the
sacred tradition (p.5: F=1)
Department of Education shall be
henceforth issuing quarterly briefs
and instructions (p.1; F=1)
The heads of the bulk of our
schools/institutes have been
nationalised (p.2; F=1)
Make education tours more relevant
to national needs and aspirations
(p.8; F=1), education tours to
outside countries are henceforth
discontinued and prohibited (p.8;
F=1)
Government scholarships to India
for PP-X shall be discontinued after
1988 (p.9; F=1), Government to use
this saving from the withdrawal of
scholarships to India for improving
facilities in schools within Bhutan
(p.9; F=1)
Loyalty/national identity
Global discourse on the
importance of
communication of
information or the idea of
transparency
Localisation discourse on
developing a nationalised
workforce
Localisation discourse on
sustainable development
Appendices 207
Appendix B
1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services Thimphu:
Bhutan