Ebr-structure~MainLemma 3079 Structure

7/27/2019 Ebr-structure~MainLemma 3079 Structure

1/7

995 Ephai

oassyrian annals (8th cent. BCE), Ephah figures as a

tribe of Northwest Arabia between the name of Ha-a-a-ap-pa-a-a (Tiglath-pileser III, 734 BCE) and Ha-ia-pa-a (Sargon II, 716 BCE). Also, the Heb. conso-nants with the Akk. syllables suggest that the origi-

nal form of the tribal name was Ayapp. In 716BCE, Sargon II deported the survivals of Ephah

(Haiap) in Samaria, with the Tamudi, the [Ib]ad-idi, the Marsima[ni] and the distant Arabs living in

the desert, who knew neither overseers nor officials

and had not brought their tribute to any king

(Pritchard: 286a).

Bibliography: Ephal, I., The Ancient Arabs (Jerusalem1982). Knauf, E. A., Midianites and Ishmaelites, in

Midian, Moab and Edom (ed. F.A. Sawyer/D.J. A. Clines;JSOTSup 24; Sheffield 1983) 14762. Knauf, E. A., Mid-ian: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Palstinas und Nordarabiensam Ende des 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr. (ADPV 10; Wiesbaden1988). [Esp. 7980] Knoppers, G., 1 Chronicles 19 (AB 12;New York 2004). Pritchard, J. B. (ed.), ANET (Princeton,

N.J. 31969).Philippe Abadie

Ephai

Ephai is the father of some of the officers who as-

sembled around Gedaliah in Mizpah once the latter

had been appointed governor over Judah, after the

destruction of Jerusalem in 587/86 BCE. The names

of Ephais sons are not given, but he is identified as

a Netophathite.

While Ephai is mentioned in Jer 40 : 8, he is

omitted in the parallel passage in 2 Kgs 25 : 23.

Ephai, or pay, is the Qere reading. The Kethibreading is pay, and this is the form the LXX fol-lows ().

Christopher Clarke

Epher

Introduction. Epher (Heb. per) is a name of threeeponymous ancestors of tribes (or clans) in the HB.

As a personal name, Epher can be seen as a variant

of kid of a gazelle (Heb. per). According to

Knauf, three areas or towns in Northwestern Arabia

have preserved the name of this tribe: (1) WdiAfal;(2) Wdi al-Ilfriyah (South-east of Wdi Afal), and(3) Tayyib al-Ism (on the Midianite coast of the Gulfof Aqabah). He dates the settlement of this tribe

during the Early Iron Age.

Bibliography: Knauf, E. A., Midian (Wiesbaden 1988).

1. Son of Midian

Epher (Heb. per) is the name of a Midianite, sonof Keturah, the concubine of Abraham (Gen 25 : 4;

1 Chr 1: 33).

Bibliography: Knauf, E. A., Midian (Wiesbaden 1988). Knauf, E. A., Ismael (Wiesbaden 21989).

996

2. Son of Ezrah

Epher (Heb. per) is a son of Ezra (1Chr 4:17) probably identical to the Ezer (Heb. zer) in 1Chr4 : 4, a grandson of Judah and appears in a list of

Calebite clans (see v. 15).

Bibliography: Wellhausen, J., De gentibus et families Iu-

daeis quae 1 Chr 2.4 enumerantur (PhD diss.; University ofGttingen, 1870).

3. The Manassite

Epher (Heb. per; 1Chr 5:24) is also the name ofone of the heads of the half-tribe of Manasseh lo-

cated in the territory from Bashan to Baal-hermon,

Senir, and Mount Hermon (see 5 : 23). This is un-

doubtedly the name of an Israelite family exiled in

Transjordan by Tiglath-pileser III in 734 BCE, dur-

ing his campaigns primarily directed against Rezin

od Damascus (see the v. 26, and 2 Kgs 15 : 29). But

for P. Welten, who dates the compilation of that list

in Chronicles to the 3rd century BCE, the situationdescribed here fits into the Hellenistic period much

better than into the preexilic times.

Bibliography: Welten, P., Geschichte und Geschichtsdarstel-lung in den Chronikbchern (WMANT 4; Neukirchen-Vluyn1973).

Philippe Abadie

Ephes-Dammim

Ephes-Dammim (Heb. Epes dammm), a toponymmentioned in 1 Sam 17 : 1, is the place where thePhilistines gathered to fight the Israelites during a

battle in which David slew Goliath; see also 2 Sam23:9 LXXL, lost in MT due to haplography. Most

likely the name is also mentioned in 1 Chr 11 : 13where it is called Pas dammm (Klein: 293). Thename can be translated end/border of blood. The

place is located between Socoh and Azekah and can

be tentatively equated with modern Damun, about4 miles northeast of Socoh (McCarter: 290) in the

southern part of the Elah valley (Rasmussen: 232).

Bibliography: Hamilton, J. M., Ephes-Dammim (Place),

ABD 2 (New York 1992) 535. Klein, R. W., 1 Chronicles(Philadelphia, Pa. 2006). McCarter, P. K., 1Samuel (NewYork 1980). Rasmussen, C. G., Historisch geographischer Atlaszur Bibel (Neuhausen-Stuttgart 1997).

Klaus-Peter Adam

See also/Pas-Dammim

Ephesians, Epistle to the

I. New Testament

II. Christianity

III. Music

I. New Testament

1. A Pauline Epistle to Ephesus? Ephesus, a

metropolis situated on the west coast of Asia Minor,

was made capital of the Roman province of Asia in


2/7

997 Ephesians, Epistle to the

29 CE by Emperor Augustus. In all likelihood, Paul

lived and worked there from early 53 until the sum-

mer of 55 CE. In the course of his sojourn of just

over two years, he was probably arrested (cf. 1 Cor

15 : 32; 2 Cor 1 : 89; 11 : 23). For the image of Paul,

as it is conveyed in the Epistle to the Ephesians, the

motif of the apostles imprisonment for the sake of

Christ is of vital importance (cf. Eph 3 : 1; for ques-

tions of authorship see below, 4.). Apart from that,

however, the figure of Paul mostly remains on the

sideline. The epistle can instead be characterized,

particularly with regards to Eph 13, as a ceremo-

nial liturgical text of prayer. Theologically, it may

be regarded as the most self-contained among the

Pauline epistles.

Even in the oldest collections of Pauline epis-

tles, dating from the second century CE, Ephesians

ranks among the other epistles by Paul, thus in Pa-

pyrus 46, the Muratorian fragment, and in the

canon of Marcion, probably corresponding with theEpistle to the Laodiceans which is named in the lat-

ter (cf. Tertullian, Marc. 5.17).However, the address to the saints who are in

Ephesus (Eph 1 : 1) is uncertain from the point of

view of textual criticism, as it is not attested in the

oldest manuscripts. This has led some scholars to

suggest that the mention of the toponym Ephesus

is of secondary nature (Sellin: 6570). In all likeli-

hood, the question of the original attestation will

have to remain open, although the authenticity of

the toponym is relatively likely due to the pseudepi-

graphic character of the text (see below, 4.). After

all, even Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Clement of Alex-andria already link the epistle with the metropolis

in Asia Minor.

2. Structure and Disposition. The text can be sub-

divided into two parts of similar length. The pre-

script (Eph 1 : 12) is followed by a didactic (Eph

1 : 33 : 21) and an exhortative part (Eph 4 : 1

6 : 20), as well as a concluding passage (6 : 2124).

The first part opens with a theologically dense eu-

logy (Eph 1 : 314), followed by an intercession ask-

ing for insight into the divine saving action (Eph

1 : 1523) and a reminder to the addressees of their

new existence, characterized by their raising from

the dead together with Christ (Eph 2 : 110). Thus,the central topic of the epistle is clearly outlined:

the universal church as the space of revelation of

the secret of divine salvation, where Jews and Gen-

tiles as representatives of humanity (formerly di-

vided, but pacified thanks to the reconciliation

granted by Jesus Christ) have been brought together

(Eph 2 : 1122). The reminder of the addressees

raising from the dead with Christ corresponds with

the reminder of the revelation of the mystery of

Christ to Paul and, through him, to the apostles

and prophets. The mystery consists in the involve-

ment of Gentiles in Christs saving action; the

church is charged with the proclamation of this

998

gospel with the authority of Paul, apostle of the na-

tions (Eph 3 : 113). Supplication and praise, corre-

sponding to the initial praise of Eph 1 : 314, con-

clude the first part of the epistle (Eph 3 : 1421).

The second part begins with a call to unity (Eph

4 : 16), which is substantiated in the various differ-

ent ecclesial services offered by apostles, prophets,

evangelists, pastors, and teachers (Eph 4 : 716). It

is aimed at the realization of the new self (Eph

4 : 1724). This consists in the establishment of a

practice of love within the community (Eph 4 : 25

5 : 2) and a general attitude in speaking and acting

that complies with the granted salvation (Eph 5 : 3

20). The epistle proceeds with admonitions calling

for a Christian conduct at home and in public (Eph

5 : 216 : 9), as well as a Christian engagement with

the powers of evil in this world (Eph 6 : 1020). The

text is concluded with references to the messenger

Tychicus and the order he issues to the community,

as well as a final blessing (Eph 6 : 2124).3. Who are the Addressees? The text is shaped in

epistolary form. The prescript (Eph 1 : 12), refer-

ring to the addressees, and the postscript (Eph

6 : 2124), containing the final blessing, form the

textual frame bordering the epistolary text, which

consistently and directly addresses its recipients. A

specific communicative situation, however, that

would illustrate the reason for the writing of this

letter, the condition of or the developments within

the community, and the relationship between the

author and the community, cannot be identified,

and the conclusive greetings, either general or indi-

vidual (a typical feature of other Pauline epistles),are missing in this case. The only passages referring

to a specific situation are the personal testimonial

of Paul as a prisoner (Eph 3 : 1) and the intention

uttered at the end of the epistle to send his associate

Tychicus to his addressees (Eph 6 : 21). However, we

learn almost nothing about the circumstances and

outcome of Pauls imprisonment, quite differently

from the Epistle to the Philippians (cf. Phil 1 : 20

24). We get the general impression that Ephesians

is not addressed to a specific community and its

current questions of faith and existence, but that it

could be characterized as a circular letter dealing

with general topics of theology and conduct of life.The addressees are Gentile Christians, who share in

Israels promise in the one church and who, from

the onset, are promised to be gods chosen, just like

Jewish Christians (Eph 1 : 4; 2 : 19). The primary fo-

cus lies on the context of Asia Minor, which is re-

flected in the address of the Christians in Ephesus,

although ultimately, Ephesians has a universal

scope.

4. The Author of the Epistle. We thus turn to the

question of authorship. After prominent scholars of

the 19th century, e.g., W. M. L. De Wette and F. C.

Baur, contested Pauline authorship of Ephesians, it

is mostly believed today (with the exceptions of,


3/7


e.g., H. W. Hoehner and H. Schlier) that the epistle

is a pseudepigraphic text in the Pauline tradition

which was written at the end of the first century

CE. This thesis is substantiated on the basis of lin-

guistic features, which differ considerably from

those of the Pauline epistles that are considered to

be authentic, and mainly on the basis of Christolog-

ical aspects which seem much further developed.

The background is provided by the Hellenistic con-

cept of the world being a unified cosmic body (cf.

Orph. fr. 168: Zeus is head, Zeus is center, all

things are from Zeus) which serves as the model

for the body of Christ imagery developed in Ephe-

sians, considering Christ to be the head of the

church (his body). The Pauline idea of the commu-

nity as an organism (1 Cor 12; Rom 12) is expanded

in Ephesians to form a spatially conceived universal-ized ecclesiology (Eph 1 : 2223). In his concept ofcommunity and church, Paul sometimes goes be-

yond matters of the individual community (cf. Gal1 : 13), but in Ephesians the idea of the universal

church constitutes the crucial ecclesiological aspect.

Although the Pauline idea of the body as a dynamic

organism is not completely displaced in Ephesians

(cf. 4 : 16), the image of the church forming the

body of Christ with Christ as its head remains dom-

inant.

The importance attributed to tradition points to-wards a time later than Paul: While in 1 Cor 3 : 11,

Paul considers Jesus Christ himself to be the funda-

ment of the community, Eph 2 : 20 names the

apostles and prophets as guarantors of the stabil-

ity of the house with Jesus Christ as its cornerstone(speaking in the metaphorical terms of Eph 2 : 20).

Thus, the text attributes central importance to tra-

dition for the formation of the individuals identity.

Tradition guarantees continuity from the origins.

Post-Pauline authorship is further evidenced by

the fact that the author of Ephesians receives and

uses large parts of the Epistle to the Colossians. As-

suming that Colossians was an authentic letter by

Paul himself, the Paul of Ephesians mainly took up

the parenesis of Colossians (Col 3 : 54 : 6) and de-

veloped it in ecclesiological terms (cf. the domestic

code of Eph 5:216:9 as opposed to Col 3:18

4 : 1). He did not, however, use the motif of thethreat that philosophy posed to the community

from the point of view of the author of Colossians

(Col 2 : 823). Similarly, the author of Ephesians

probably knew the texts of Romans, 12 Corinthi-

ans, Galatians, and 1 Thessalonians. For this reason,

it is very likely that he was among the teachers

mentioned in Eph 4 : 11 and thus preserved Pauline

tradition in the time after Paul. By claiming Pauls

authorship for himself, he identified with the apos-

tle of the nations and aimed to summarize and con-

clude his gospel for the Gentiles.

5. Spatial thought in Ephesians. No other NT

text features as many spatial categories as Ephe-

1000

sians. Even if in Colossians there are notions of

space involved in the image of Christ the universal

savior (Col 1 : 1520), Ephesians conceptually devel-

ops its theology in terms of spatial categories. Sal-

vation and misery are depicted on the basis of

the spatial antagonism of heavenly and earthly

spheres: above all the heavens, there is God/Christ

(Eph 4 : 10), and the heavenly spheres are filled with

light which the believers share in (Eph 5 : 8), while

the earthly spheres are dominated by the course of

this world (Eph 2 : 2). The ruler of this world is

still active in those who are disobedient and the

passions of our flesh (Eph 2 : 23), as well as in all

forms of godless life. The church as the body of

Christ covers both spheres and grows to be a cosmic

body, which, as a space of salvation, is subjected to

Christ alone (Eph 1 : 23; 4 : 16). The heavenly sphere

of salvation and the earthly sphere of misery used

to be divided by a wall, which has now been torn

down by Christ through his reconciling death onthe cross (Eph 2 : 1418).

6. Theology of Unity. The resolution of the hostile

antagonism between the heavenly and earthly

spheres is thus presented in the axiom of unity whichis characteristic of the Paul of Ephesians. This topic

is at the center of the opening eulogy in Eph 1 : 3

14, and it reaches its first culminating point in the

assertion that all things are gathered in Christ,

things in heaven and things on earth (Eph 1 : 10).

Both the anthropologically conceived salvation

through the cross of Jesus (Eph 1 : 7) and the revela-

tion of the mystery of divine will (Eph 1 : 9) lead

directly to this center. In Christ, everything is gath-ered that is in heaven and on earth, and the dualism

between the heavenly spheres and the earthly world

is overcome in the unification of the universe. In

Christ, the worlds of heavenly and earthly, which

seemed to diverge more and more in the eyes of the

inhabitants of the ancient world, are reconciled and

consolidated. In the church, salvation can be experi-

enced: He is peace (Eph 2 : 14), and he has brought

together the two hostile groups of Jews and Gen-

tiles in the church, by tearing down the wall of

their hostility (Eph 2 : 16).

Contemporary analogies of this image can be

found on a political level in the Roman world,where the imperial cult reflected the hope for peace

within the shattered Roman Empire and Augustus

was celebrated as a unifying bringer of peace (cf.

Faust: 25979). On a religio-philosophical level,

Philo of Alexandria attributed to the logos a recon-

ciling function, for it had pacified hostile cosmic

elements and taken its unifying effect (cf. the evi-

dence from Philo in Sellin: 2089). This concept of

cosmic and social peace on a political, social, and

religious level constituted for the author of Ephe-

sians the systematic realization of the Pauline gos-

pel and its option of overcoming all ethnical, reli-

gious, and gender-related antagonisms (Gal 3 : 28).


4/7


For the author of Ephesians, the idea of unity

proves itself in the ecclesial community, but it alsobecomes a postulate for the structure of the church.

The different functions of apostle, prophet, evan-

gelist, pastor, and teacher (Eph 4 : 11) constitute the

edification of the body of Christ, in which every

ligament and part sustains the whole (Eph 4 : 16).

The theological foundation for the option of eccle-

sial unity can be found in the seven acclamations of

unity in Eph 4 : 46: one body, one Spirit, one hope,one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and Fatherof all. It can easily be seen that this passage draws

on the theologico-christological acclamation of

1 Cor 8 : 6. Although the one God stands above all,

this is precisely how he keeps everything together

and joins it all in Christ.

7. The Relation of Theology and Parenesis.

Given the motif of unity, which characterizes the

entire epistle, we have to ask ourselves about the

connection of the didactic part and the exhorta-tive part of Ephesians. Not only is the extensive

parenesis, which constitutes about half of the entire

text, of special importance, but there are also a

number of significant central concepts that connect

the two parts of the epistle with each other. In the

eulogy of 1 : 314, the reminding confrontation of

old and new life in 2 : 110, and the reflection on

the reconciliation of Jews and Gentiles in one body

(2 : 1122), we encounter central assertions which

are taken up in the parenesis. By way of illustration,

mention may be made of the notion and motif of

redemption in 1 : 7, 14, and 4 : 30, the metaphor

of the seal in 1 : 13 and 4 : 30, as well as the antago-nism of life and death in 2 : 110, which is materi-

ally picked up in 4 : 1724. For the author of Ephe-

sians, a lifestyle complying with Gods will

effectively corresponds to applied ecclesiology.

Without the criterion of day-to-day living, ecclesiol-

ogy would be an idea without history and turn into

pure abstraction. Thus, the parenesis is to be under-

stood as a representation of theology and ecclesiol-

ogy, and the theologically succinct acclamation of

4 : 46 serves as a basis for the following admoni-

tions.

8. Religio-historical Context. Ephesians is situ-

ated within a network of religio-historical influences.The Gnostic explanatory model, which character-

ized Schliers commentary on Ephesians, is no

longer held to be viable in recent exegesis. We must

assume that categories of thought of its Hellenistic

environment (cosmic pantheism), middle-Platonic

influences and their reception in Hellenistic Juda-

ism (represented by Philo of Alexandria and the Al-

exandrian theology of wisdom), as well as Stoic

thought were significant for Ephesians. An impor-

tant role must also be attributed to the political

theology of the imperial period. Bringing together

heterogeneous approaches to form a theology of

unity at the turn of the first to the second century

1002

CE, Ephesians gains its meaningful power and

makes Pauline theology give Pauline answers to

contemporary questions of existence which had

changed as compared with the situation of the mid-

first century.

Bibliography: Barth, M., Ephesians: Introduction, Translation

and Commentary, 2 vols. (AB 34, 34A; New Haven, Conn./Garden City, N.Y. 1974). Best, E., A Critical and ExegeticalCommentary on Ephesians (ICC; Edinburgh 1998). Calvin,

J., Ioannis Calvini Opera Exegetica (Geneva 1992). Faust, E.,Pax Christi et Pax Caesaris: Religionsgeschichtliche, Traditionsge-schichtliche und Sozialgeschichtliche Studien zum Epheserbrief(NTOA 24; Freiburg i.Ue./Gttingen 1993). Gnilka, J.,

Der Epheserbrief (HTKNT 10/2; Freiburg i.Br. 1971). Hoehner, H. W., Ephesians: An Exegetical Commentary (GrandRapids, Mich. 2002). Landgraf, A. (ed.), CommentariusCantabrigiensis in Epistolas Pauli e Schola Petri Abaelardi, 3 vols.(Notre Dame, Ind. 1939). Nicholas of Lyra, Postilla supertotam Bibliam, vol. 4 (Frankfurt a.M. 1971 [= Strasbourg1492]). Robert of Melun, Oevres de Robert de Melun, 3 vols.(ed. R. Martin, Leuven 1932). Schlier, H., Der Brief an die

Epheser: Ein Kommentar (Dsseldorf7

1971). Schnacken-burg, R., Der Brief an die Epheser (EKKNT 10; Zrich 1982). Schwindt, R., Das Weltbild des Epheserbriefes (WUNT 148;Tbingen 2002). Sellin, G., Der Brief an die Epheser (KEK8; Gttingen 92008). Souter, A. (ed.), Pelagius Expositionsof Thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, 2 vols. (Cambridge 1926). Thomas Aquinas, In Omnes S. Pauli Apostoli Epistolas Com-mentaria (Turin 1929).

Rudolf Hoppe

II. Christianity

The first of the Lat. commentators on Ephesians,

Marius Victorinus, finds the epistle to be chiefly

concerned with the mystery of Christ and all that

pertains to this mystery. Thus the epistle embracesboth the principle of theology itself and the means

to live out the Christian life. The Apostle Paul

thereby emphasizes that Jesus Christ is the eternal

Son of God and that we may place our hope in him,

since his promises are the very promises of God. As

that is the case there must be, according to Victori-

nus, a strict separation from Judaism with regard

to divine knowledge and manner of life. In fact, Vic-

torinus contends that the Ephesians had been cor-

rupted by false apostles such that they were now

combining Judaism with Christian discipline. Paul

is attempting, therefore, to correct such errors,

while also preserving the true theology that theyhave received (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 8.1235bc). Yetmost commentators reckoned the Ephesians to be

well established in the truth. The ancient and

widely circulated Marcionite prologues state that

the Ephesians had received the word of truth and

persisted in the faith; hence the Apostle Paul highly

praises them. Since these prologues were employed

throughout the early and medieval church, this

positive assessment gained currency (see, for in-

stance, Peter Lombards In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 192.169b).In the 4th-century Eastern church, John Chrysos-

tom also found reason to praise the Ephesians, not-

ing that they were already so well instructed that


5/7


Paul saw fit to entrust them with the deepest mys-

teries of the faith. Indeed, Chrysostom reckons this

epistle unmatched in its theological profundity (InEp. ad Eph.; Hom. 1; PG 62.1112). In the early 5thcentury, Pelagius also reckoned the Ephesians

praiseworthy for having preserved the apostolic

faith. He contends, moreover, that Pauls purpose

in writing the epistle was to explicate the mystery

of Christs incarnation for Jews while summoning

Gentiles to gratitude for all the benefits they have

received (In Ep. ad Eph.; ed. Souter, 2.5; 2.344). The9th-century commentator, Haimo of Auxerre, like-

wise commends the Ephesians for having perse-

vered in the faith, thereby distinguishing them

from the Galatians who had received false apostles.

Haimo also believes that this is perhaps the most

complex of all Pauls epistles (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL117.699bc).

By the end of the 11th century, a further moral

dimension is introduced to the general commenda-tion of the Ephesians. Bruno the Carthusian sees

Paul warning the Ephesians against pride; they

must realize that the good things they have re-

ceived owe nothing to their own merit but to Gods

good pleasure (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 153.317a). In his12th-century Questions on Ephesians, Robert of

Melun believes Paul to be calling the Ephesians into

still greater perseverance while teaching them that

all good things must be attributed to divine grace

(Ad Ep. ad Eph., ed. Martin, 2.251). The anonymous12th-century Cambridge Commentator also of

the Abelardian school like Robert finds that Paul

must now fortify the Ephesians inasmuch as noman can remain fixed in the same state; one must

either increase or decrease. Thus Paul exhorts the

Ephesians so that they might grow in the virtues as

he also seeks to establish them in humility lest they

become prideful and fail to attribute all the good

they have to God (In Ep. ad Eph.; ed. Landgraf,2.386). Peter Lombard also finds that Paul wishes to

confirm the Ephesians in their good habits, exhort

them to be even better, and instill in them a sense

of humility. Offering the reader a structural over-

view of the epistle, in keeping with the medieval

accessus ad auctores tradition, the Lombard notes that

Paul will begin by showing the Ephesians fromwhat, and to what, they are called; then he will

demonstrate the dignity of Christ; invite them to

patience and charity; commend to them the unity

of faith and the Church while recounting the gifts

of grace; and finally exhort them to struggle against

the forces of darkness as he describes the weaponry

of Christs army (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 192.169c70b).In the 13th century, Thomas Aquinas likewise finds

that Paul must confirm the Ephesians in their faith

lest they vacillate, much as a builder seeks to secure

a structure lest it fall (In Ep. ad Eph.; Turin, 2.1). Inthe 16th century, John Calvin notes that Paul has

already instructed the Ephesians in the pure doc-

1004

trine of the gospel and now offers further confir-

mation (In Ep. ad Eph.; Op. Exeg., 16.151). And Mar-tin Luther in his brief introduction to the

epistle finds Paul teaching how Christ frees us

from the law, sin, and death, and how with spiri-

tual weapons we may resist the devil and endure

in hope through the cross (An die Epheser; WA.DB7 : 19091).

Among the great mysteries treated in Ephesians

is the divine election of believers before the foun-

dation of the world (Eph 1 : 4). Jerome rejects Ori-

gens contention itself made in an effort to safe-

guard the justice of God that divine election was

based on the merits of invisible creatures prior to

their fall into the present vale of tears (In Ep. adEph.; PL 26.476c). Pelagius too warns that this mustnot be taken as the heretics imagine to refer to some

segregation of pre-existent souls in heaven, but

rather to the fact that nothing is new to God for

whom all events are present before him (In Ep. adEph.; ed. Souter, 2.345). That believers are to beholy and blameless (Eph 1 : 4) leads Chrysostom to

caution that divine election must not lead one to

suppose that faith alone is sufficient for the Chris-

tian apart from a holy life. God has made Christians

virtuous by his grace, to be sure, but not to the ex-

clusion of their own future effort (In Ep. ad Eph.;Hom. 1; PG 62.1112). Moving into the MiddleAges, Peter Lombard contends that Gods election

is itself the source of all future holiness. Taking an

Augustinian line, the Lombard points out that, as

all human merits are the result of grace, so God will

finally crown in us his very own gifts. Hence the

Lombard specifically rejects as Pelagian the notionthat election could be based upon Gods foreknowl-

edge of which people will be holy of their own free

will (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 192.171d72a). Aquinas alsostresses that election is not based on merits but

upon the grace of Christ. There is no sense in which

a debt is owed to the predestined. The cause of di-

vine predestination is purely the divine will. Gods

will cannot be caused by anything outside of him-

self, since he is the first cause of all things (In Ep.ad Eph.; Turin, 2.45). The 14th-century Franciscanexegete, Nicholas of Lyra, notes that while election

has taken place from all eternity, the effect of elec-

tion takes place in time, namely the sanctificationof the rational creature. Hence Paul adds that we

might be holy through grace in our mind and im-

maculate through purity of conduct. (Postilla;Strassburg/Frankfurt a.M., 4: unpaginated). Calvin

notes that Gods election is the foundation for all

the benefits that we receive. It is an absolutely free

act of God apart from any foreseen human merits;

this over against any objections that some sophist

of the Sorbonne might offer. For all good works

and holiness are the fruit of divine election (In Ep.ad Eph.; Op. Exeg., 16.15759).

When addressing the glory of [Gods] grace

(Eph 1 : 6) Ambrosiaster speaks of a double effect of


6/7


grace: it redeems us by Christs blood while sins

are not imputed to us (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 17.374b).Pelagius will note that it is by divine grace (gratia)that God has made believers pleasing (gratos) tohimself in Christ. This transformation is tied to the

redemption and remission of sins attained through

Christs blood (Eph 1 : 7) as God makes us righteous

apart from our own effort (In Ep. ad Eph.; ed. Souter,2.346). For Haimo of Auxerre, having been re-

deemed and granted the remission of sins, God

then made us pleasing and acceptable to himself

through the passion of his Beloved Son (In Ep. adEph.; PL 117.703c). And Aquinas notes that Godmakes us pleasing in order that we might be worthy

of his love. We are loved not on account of our-

selves, but on account of Christ the Son who is be-

loved to the Father. We are then conformed to

Christ the Son so that we might participate in the

divine love shared by the Father and the Son (In Ep.

ad Eph.; Turin, 2.6).Questions of divine grace and human free willcome to the fore when Paul states: By grace you

have been saved through faith not by works

(Eph 2 : 89). John Chrysostom insists that this is

not meant to exclude human free will from the pro-

cess. While there could be no faith, had believers

not first been called, faith must still be adorned by

works. One must not remain idle, therefore, but

must continue to walk in good works. Indeed, the

Christian has to persevere in all the virtues so as to

be found acceptable on the judgment day (In Ep. adEph.; Hom. 4; PG 62.3334). Jerome concludes that

while faith is not a product of our own will, andthus a gift from God, human free will is not thereby

nullified. God is the author of the very freedom that

the will enjoys, and in that sense it is a benefit from

God which permits us to will the good (In Ep. adEph.; PL 26.501a). For Bruno the Carthusian, eventhe faith the Ephesians have is a gift of God and

thus not dependent on human merits. The point is

to preserve the Ephesians from the pride that leads

to the fall of men and angels. For as faith itself is a

gift from God, so the works which follow faith are

also accomplished through Gods grace. God leaves

nothing to man, therefore, in which he might boast

(In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 153.327ab). The Cambridgecommentator notes that while the first movement

of ones salvation should be attributed to the grace

of God so as to exclude all boasting, we are none-

theless meant to make progress in the good (In Ep.ad Eph.; ed. Landgraf, 2.398). For Aquinas, faith isthe foundation of the whole spiritual edifice, a gift

that man has received from God apart from preced-

ing merits. Not only are we given the habit of grace,

says Aquinas, but we are renewed interiorly by the

Spirit so that we might do good. Yet even as good

works are prepared for us by God, this does not

exclude human cooperation. God has prepared

these good works so that we might then implement

1006

them through own free will (In Ep. ad Eph.; Turin,2.2324). Lyra takes this to mean one has been

saved through the faith of Christ as opposed to the

law of Moses. The beginning of belief and all meri-

torious works depends upon God. For among those

who witness the same miracles and hear the same

word, the one who comes to believe has thus been

moved by God (Postilla; Strassburg/Frankfurt a.M.,4: unpaginated). Calvin finds here a neat summary

of what Paul had proclaimed to the Romans and

Galatians: salvation is obtained by faith alone. Faith

brings man empty before God so that he might

then be filled with the blessings of Christ. Whatever

good man does is the super-natural work of God

himself; good works are thus the fruit of regenera-

tion. Hence Calvin rejects any contention that faith

is merely the commencement of righteousness

which is then attained by human good works (In Ep.ad Eph.; Op. Exeg., 16.18485).

Finally, in an ecclesiological vein, when Paulspeaks of the church having been built upon the

foundation of the apostles and prophets (Eph

2 : 20), the medieval commentators often took this

in a christological direction. For Haimo of Auxerre,

Christ is the principal foundation for all the faithful

(In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 117.711d12a). For Bruno theCarthusian, while this verse may indicate apostolic

and prophetic teaching, it can also refer to Christ

upon whom the apostles and prophets are them-

selves founded (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 153.329b). PeterLombard notes here that Christ is the first and

greatest foundation apart from which nothing can

be built (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL 192.186a). Aquinas con-tends that the apostles and prophets are the second-ary foundation since they are themselves founded

upon Christ. There is really no disjunction, how-

ever, since they preach only Christ; to accept their

teaching, therefore, is to accept Christ himself. (InEp. ad Eph.; Turin, 2.30). Calvin adopts a polemicalstance, arguing that this verse refers to the apostolic

doctrine that allows one to distinguish between the

true and false church. As it is genuine doctrine that

forms the foundation of the true church, so Calvin

insists that Protestants cannot be blamed for deser-

tion if they leave Rome to embrace the pure doc-

trine of God (In Ep. ad Eph.; Op. Exeg., 16.197).When Paul speaks of the great mystery of Christ

and the Church analogous to a marriage (Eph

5 : 3132), Haimo of Auxerre located a further anal-

ogy to the Incarnation as the divine and human na-

tures are united in the one person of Christ (In Ep.ad Eph.; PL 117.730d). Bruno the Carthusian pointsout that the Son of God departs from his Father so

as to assume the form of a servant, and leaves his

mother the Synagogue in which he was nurtured so

as to cling to his wife the Church whom he betroths

to himself with the ring of faith. In fact, says Bruno,

were every other reason for marriage to cease, it still

must be celebrated for the sole dignity of this divine


7/7

1007 Ephesus

reality which it symbolizes (In Ep. ad Eph.; PL153.346cd).

Bibliography: Alszeghy, Z., Nova Creatura: La Nozione dellaGrazia nei Commentari Medievali di S. Paolo (Rome 1956). Collins, A., Teacher in Faith and Virtue: Lanfranc of Becs Com-mentary on Saint Paul (Leiden 2007). Cooper, S. A., Meta-physics and Morals in Marius Victorinus Commentary on the Letter

to the Ephesians (New York 1995). Dahl, N., The Originof the Earliest Prologues on the Pauline Letters, Semeia 12(1978) 23365. Gibson, M., Lanfrancs Commentary on

the Pauline Epistles, JTS 22 (1971) 86112. Heine, R.,The Commentaries of Origen and Jerome on St. Pauls Epistle to theEphesians (Oxford 2002). Landgraf, A., Untersuchungenzu den Paulinenkommentaren des 12. Jahrhunderts, RTAM8 (1936) 25381. Levy, I. C., Trinity and Christology in

Haimo of Auxerres Pauline Commentaries, in The MultipleMeaning of Scripture: The Role of Exegesis in Early-Christian andMedieval Culture (ed. I. vant Spijker; Leiden 2009) 10123. Lindemann, A., Paul in the Writings of the Apostolic Fa-

thers, in Paul and the Legacies of Paul (ed. W. S. Babcock; Dal-las, Tex. 1990) 2545. Luther, M., D. Martin Luthers Werke:

Kritische Ausgabe, 120 vols. (WA; Weimar 18832009). Schfer, K. T., Marius Victorinus und die MarcionitischenProloge zu den Paulusbriefen, RBn 80 (1970) 716. Souter, A., Earliest Latin Commentaries on the Epistles of St.Paul (Oxford 1927). Stoelen, A., Les commentaires scrip-turaires attribus a Bruno le Chartreux, RTAM 25 (1958)177247. Wiles, M., The Divine Apostle: The Interpretationof St. Pauls Epistles in the Early Church (Cambridge 1967).

Ian Christopher Levy

III. Music

Apart from the musical interpretations of verses

from the Epistle to the Ephesians (see Epistles

(Pauline). II. Music), verses from this text have

contributed significantly to musico-theological dis-courses concerning the question of the role and

quality of singing in Christian religious practice. In

various ways, throughout the history of biblical in-

terpretations, the pericope 5 : 1821, often applied

together with the parallel utterance in Col 3 : 16

17, has contributed to the idea that religious sing-

ing must be carried with the assistance of the Holy

Spirit (cf. v. 18), and founded in the heart of man

(see v. 19b, singing and making melody in your

heart to the Lord), thus pointing to an existential

precondition for a legitimate Christian music prac-

tice. This implies a doxological use of psalms,

hymns, and spiritual songs (odes), men-tioned in v. 19a (that is, to the praise of God), al-

though the definite meaning of the different terms

employed for songs in the text has not been finally

determined. In the history of Christianity, the focus

of the text pericope (as similarly true for the men-

tioned passage from Colossians) on the interior and

spiritual aspect of singing has kept alive a critical

note in relation to a superficial and sensually orien-

tated music practice, and in this way contributed to

the formation of a theological ideal of spiritual mu-

sic that has been a salient feature of Christian music

thinking since the patristic era, even though the

concrete historical materializations have assumed

1008

very different shapes and in some cases have even

lead to a rejection of liturgical music altogether, so

for instance the Swiss Reformer Ulrich Zwingli.

Instances where Eph 5 forms part of theological

music reflections, are numerous. An early example

is the Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians bySt. Jerome (d. 420), a medieval text like St. Thomas

Aquinas Summa theologiae (13th cent.; IIa-II, Qu.91, art. 2) (quoting St Jerome), from the Protestant

context the music poem Lob und Preis der lblichenKunst Musica (1538) by Johann Walter, Michael Pr-torius Preface to Polyhymnia Caducetrix & Panegyrica(1619), the music treatise (music sermons) Music-

Bchlein (1631) by Christopher Frick, John CottonsSinging of Psalms (1647), and Christian Stock, Homi-letisches Real-Lexicon (1725), (s.v. Das LobGottes).

Bibliography: Laube-Przygodda, G. Das alttestamentlicheund neutestamentliche musikalische Gotteslob in der Rezeption

durch die christlichen Autoren des 2. bis 11. Jahrhunderts (Regens-burg 1980). Schnackenburg, R., Der Brief an die Epheser(EKKNT 10; Zrich 1982). Shngen, O., Theologie derMusik (Kassel 1967).

Sven Rune Havsteen

Ephesus

I. Archaeology

II. Early Christian Sources

I. Archaeology

The oldest Christian monuments in Ephesus date

back to no earlier than the 4th century CE. There-fore, we must rely exclusively on the written sour-

ces for the origins of Christian Ephesus (Pillinger

1996). Futhermore, Christianity in Ephesus as

elsewhere is closely connected to the Jewish com-

munity (Pillinger 2011a). According to Rom 16 : 3

5, for example, Prisca and Aquila are Jewish Chris-

tians who host the community in their home. From

Acts 19 : 8 we learn of Pauls influence in the syna-

gogue, a building which has not been located to

this day. As described in Acts 19 : 2340, silver-

smiths rioted in the theater of Ephesus when they

saw that the preaching of Paul endangered their

business in silver Artemis shrines. Once the peoplehad been calmed, Paul left the city. He remained in

Ephesus approximately two years in total, though

it seems he consistently encountered difficulties

since he reports in 1 Cor 15 : 32 that he fought

with wild animals in Ephesus. Yet one could not

conclude that his mission there was unsuccessful,

for he is portrayed on the west wall of a cave church

on the northern slope of Blbl dag. The apostle

is shown sitting in front of a house with a book

opened on his lap, his right hand raised in a gesture

of speaking while Thekla is perched at the window

of the house (see/plate 14a). Once their identities

were confirmed by names painted next to the fig-

Documents

Ebr-structure~MainLemma 3079 Structure