Early Prosody in European Portugueseprosodia.upf.edu/home/arxiu/activitats/905_frota_2.pdf · • Word-final Coda fricatives mastered before word-internal ones (e.g.Inês) ... 11.11

Early ProsodyEarly Prosodyin European Portuguesein European Portuguese

Sónia Frota

Universidade de LisboaDep. Linguística / Laboratório de Fonética da FLUL (LinSe-CLUL)

http://www.fl.ul.pt/laboratoriofonetica/personal/sfrota/

UAB12, May 2009

0. Overview0. Overview

z Early prosodic words in European Portuguese: input and grammar (collaboration with Marina Vigário & Maria João Freitas , Language & Speech 2006).

z The role of prosodic structure in coda development: words and phrases, edges and prominence (collaboration with Raquel Jordão: Jordão & Frota 2008, 2009)

z Early intonation: consequences to stress and phrasing (collaboration with Marina Vigário: Frota & Vigário 2008)

z Development of temporal patterns: consequences to the emergence of prosodic phrasing (collaboration with Nuno Matos: Frota & Matos 2008, submitted).

1. Early PWs and EP Grammar1. Early PWs and EP Grammar

¾ Cross-linguistic differences in PW structure: 9 Ls showing a constellation of phenomena cuing the PW: Dutch, German,

English (e.g. Booij 1995, 1999; Wiese 1996, Hall 1999; Raffelsiefen 1999)

9 Ls with weaker evidence for the PW: Italian, Spanish, Brazilian Portuguese, French (e.g. Kleinhenz 1997, Peperkamp 1997, Bisol 2000, Hannahs 1995a, 1995b)

¾ EP phonology offers a rich array of evidence for the PW (though resyllabification is Romance-like: Vigário 2003)

¾ If so, it’s reasonable to assume that grammar may play a role > facilitate early segmentation & production of the PW shapesfound in the language (e.g. Cutler 1996, Peters & Strömqvist 1996, Demuth 1996)

¾ It is excepted that early child speech exhibits word-based phonology, matching the target system

Evidence for the PW in the acquisition dataEvidence for the PW in the acquisition data

PW-edges are treated differently from word-internal positions

• Word-final Coda fricatives mastered before word-internal ones

(e.g.Inês) (Freitas 1997; Freitas, Miguel & Faria 2001)

festa /¥H'5Vm/ [¥t'Vm] (1;9.19) ‘party’

estas /¥'5Vm5/ [¥'Vm5] (1;10.29) ‘these’

versus

bolos /¥DQNW5/ [¥DQNQ5] (1;9.19) ‘cakes’

bonecas /DW¥P'Mm5/ [OÓ¥Õ'Mm5] (1;9.19) ‘dolls’


• Sequences of consoants to be syllabified in diff. syllables appear word-initially: sC clusters (Marta) (Fikkert & Freitas 1999; Freitas & Rodrigues 2004)

estrela /5.¥V4GNm/ [5¥t'lm] (2;1.19) ‘star’

esticar /5.Vi¥ka4/ [5:Vi¥kaj] (2;2.17) ‘to stretch’

• POA assignment – word-left periphery first (Inês 1;8.2 – 1;9.19) (Costa & Freitas 2003; Costa 2004)

copo /¥MnRW/ [¥patu] ‘glass’

tampa /¥Vm�Rm/ [¥Rm�Vm] ‘cover’

folha /§fo�n/[§ku�n] ‘leaf’


• Unstressed word-initial vowels do not reduce as word-internal ones, matching the target system:

orelhas /o¥4m�m5/ [nNÓ¥NG4m5] (Inês: 1;10.29) ‘ears’*/u/

elefante /eNÓ¥Hm�VÓ/ [i¥Hm�VÓ] (Luís: 2;0;27) ‘elephant’

*/Ó/orelhas /o¥4m�m5/ [o¥dmjm5] (Luís: 2;2.27) ‘ears’

*/u/These facts confirm our expectations: word-based phonology

(matching the target system) emerges early in EP.

A Frequency Study of PW shapeA Frequency Study of PW shape

z Language-specific frequency distributions of PW shapes in the input may constrain PW development

z Variation depending on the statistical properties of the input language: emergence and development of subminimal PWs and/or PWs with more than a binary foot (e.g. Demuth & Johnson 2003, Lléo 2004, Prieto 2004)

z Analysis of PW shape frequencies in adult speech, child-directed speech and in children’s early productions

CS: spontaneous data from 3 monolingual Portuguese children – 4.073 tokens (prosodic word forms):

AS: spontaneous adult speech (Português falado 90s): 23.459 tokensCDS: spontaneous adult speech: 23.207 tokens

PW shape frequencies in the inputPW shape frequencies in the input

z Similarities– Frequency of disyllabic PWs

– Frequency of monosyllabic non-CV PWs

z Differences– CDS: monosyllabic CV

shapes prevail over trisyllabic and 3+

– AS: balanced distribution monosyllabic and PWs larger than binary foot (28.6% and 27%), monosyllabic CV and long PWs (7.4% and 8%)

z Different frequency-based predictions

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

1:CV 1:other 2 3 3+

PW shapes

% o

ver

tota

l nº t

oken

s

CDS

AS

PW shape frequencies in the inputPW shape frequencies in the input

z Different frequency-based predictions– CDS : child speech

will show a high incidence of subminimal PWs, while complying with maximality constraints (i.e. 3+ avoided/truncated in early speech & acquired later)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

1:CV 1:other 2 3 3+

PW shapes

% o

ver

tota

l nº t

oken

s

CDS

AS

- AS : early child speech will show bothboththe presence of subminimal PWs and larger PWs, thus not complying with constraints on word size

The shape of early wordsThe shape of early wordsWord shape frequency in Child Speech and in the input compared (tokens)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

1:CV 1:other 2 3 3+

word shapes

% o

ver

tota

l nº t

oken

s

CDS

AS

CS

The shape of early wordsThe shape of early words

Correlation CS AS CDS

CS __ ,99* ,88

AS ,99* __ ,91

CDS ,88 ,91 __

z Disyllabic shapes predominate, as expected (≈AS/CDS)

z Crucial data: 1, 3, 3+

z CDS: the % 1 is lower 28/43the % 3 and 3+ is much higher 25/10

z AS: the % 1 is ≈ 28/29the % 3 and 3+ is also ≈ 25/27

Word shape frequency in Child Speech and in the input compared (tokens)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

1:CV 1:other 2 3 3+

word shapes

% o

ver

tota

l nº

toke

ns

CDS

AS

CS

The prediction based on AS frequency patterns was borne out: early CS shows BOTH subminimal and larger words

The prediction based on AS frequency patterns was borne out: early CS shows BOTH subminimal and larger words

Early words: Summary and DiscussionEarly words: Summary and Discussion

z Summary of findings– PW shape frequencies in the

input contribute to explain PW acquisition (AS in particular)

– As predicted by the frequency patterns, 3 targets appear early (1;01/1;02) & are produced early (1;02/1;07); 1:CV remain frequent until later stages

– The properties of the input grammar concur to promote the same effect

z Discussion– In EP, both the grammar and

frequency effects promote the early production of the ≠ word shapes

– Strong evidence for PW in the input grammar may strengthen the frequency effects

e.g. PW-edges are relatively well-delimited (> other RLs) a tendency is expected to faithfuly reproduce edges in CS

Early words in EP are NOT constrained by minimality or maximality requirements

Early words in EP are NOT constrained by minimality or maximality requirements

Early words: Grammar and FrequencyEarly words: Grammar and Frequency

z English, Spanish, Catalan, EP– Grammar: Eng > EP > Sp, Cat

Prediction: Early production of the ≠ word shapes

But shapes larger than a binary foot Sp, EP > Eng, Cat(Roak & Demuth 2000, Demuth & Johnson 2003, Lléo & Demuth 1999, Lléo 2004, Prieto 2004, 2006)

– Frequency: Sp (≈30%), EP (27%) > Cat (15%) > Eng (≈5%)

But Sp, EP > Eng, Cat If frequency alone explains the early appearance in Sp and EP, it does not explain the fact that they seem to emerge equally late in Cat and Eng

9 If a Grammar & Frequency interaction is assumed: a considerably higher frequency in Cat, but much strong grammar cues in Eng.

• Still, little data available!• Still, little data available!

2. Prosodic structure and coda development2. Prosodic structure and coda development

z Prosody is acquired at a very early stage (Gerken 1996, Morgan & Demuth 1996, Christophe et al 2003a, 2003b, Peperkamp 2003, Prieto & Bosch-Baliarda 2006, a.o )

z However, the potential relevance of higher-level prosodic structure to syllable development is largely unstudied

z Goal: PW, PhP and IP (edges and prominence)

z Materials: linguistic diary database of spontaneous production data of L, 1;05-3;04, 6.426 utterances, 18.496 words, annotated for prosodic phrasing on the basis of the target+insights from temporal&intonational properties of the speech of L (LumaLiDa,www.fl.ul.pt/laboratoriofonetica/lumalidaon.htm)


z Total nº of [6, 5��O] codas in the target: 5535

Total nº of codas produced by L: 354

z Most common repair strategies: epenthesis [i], C deletion+[i]


z Most common repair strategies: epenthesis [i], C deletion+[i]

RS[Vn�j §DOL] [[sem ar]ϕ]I (airless) 02;05.16

[X W§itu] … [kojtnd§i×u] [ k§( bi �k§ai]

[[o Tito]ϕ]I [[coitadinho]ϕ]I [[queR brincar]ϕ]I 02;07.16

z (Tito, poor thing, (he) wants to play)[§ew v§o n=ud§a t§u // §ew v§o n=ud §ai]

[[eu] ϕ[vou ajudaR-te] ϕ ]I [[eu] ϕ [vou ajudar] ϕ ]I 02;08.07[k§(5X det§ami // k§(5X det§ai

[[quero deitaR-me ]ϕ]I [[quero deitar ]ϕ]I 02;11.11

2. Prosodic structure and coda emergence2. Prosodic structure and coda emergence

z Before 3;00: 86,7% of L’s utterances > 1PW (MLU of 1,5 at 2;02)

Repair strategies: edges

Phrase edges promote RS production



z

Repair strategies: prominence

Higher-level prominence promotes RS production


z Coda production[v§nmu buk§a n ln�t§(nn�] … [n On�t§(nn�] // [v§nmu buk§a n ln�t§(nn�]

[[vamoS buScaR) ] [aS lanteRnas] ]I [[aS lanteRnas] ]I [[vamoSbuScaR] [aS lanteRnas] ]I 03;02.10

(Let´s get the torches, the torches, let´s get the torches)

[t§a n 6uv§H b§olns] [[está] [a choveR] [bolas] ]I

(it’s raining balls) 03;02.15[n m§i×n 6§u6n6] [[aS minhaS chuchas] ]I

((the)my pacifiers) 03;02.07[s§n�wÁ n m§njn6 // du d§in] [[são] [aS meias] ]I [[do dia] ]I

[§(tn s§n�wÁ n m§njn du d§in] [estaS] [são as meiaS] [do dia] ]I

(these are the socks of the day) 03;04.04



Coda production: prominence

Prominence has no effect on coda production



z

Coda production: edges

Phrase edges promote coda production


z Coda production: the IP edge

Coda production at prosodic boundaries.

% relative to the total of codas produced by the child

(monosyllabic IPs excluded).

z IP-final position as the main prosodic factor that triggers coda production

Coda production at prosodic boundaries: 3;00 - 3;02

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

PW final - PhP not final PhP final - IP not final IP-final

z Summary

RS (2:04): emerge at phrase edges and in prominent positions > 65% of RS occur in words which are heads of IPs and/or syllables at the IP-edge (20% are PhP-related)

Produced codas (3:00): emerge at phrase edges. However the edge effect is not incremental: the crucial factor is the IP-edge.

z Conclusion: higher-level prosodic structure plays a key role!

3. Early intonational development3. Early intonational development

z Early intonational development in European Portuguese (EP) is largely unstudied.

z Recent studies have reported different results on the relation between the acquisition of intonation and the development of grammar (and the lexicon):

– Adult inventory acquired before the two-word stage; tone-text alignment mastered from the beginning; pitch scaling mastered later (Catalan: Prieto & Vanrell 2007, Prieto et al. 2008);

– Adult inventory not acquired before the two-word stage; systematic differences in peak alignment between early CS and AS; correlation with vocabulary size (Dutch: Chen & Fikkert 2007);

– Intonational development associated with the onset of word combinations; accent range at 1;06 similar to 4;00 (English: Snow 2006).

z

3. Early intonational development3. Early intonational development

z Our first goal: to describe the intonational properties of early utterances in EP in the AM framework

– We address three questions:

1. Is the inventory of pitch accents and boundary tones adult-like?

2. Does the child master the alignment and scaling properties of tonal events?

3. What does intonation tell us about other prosodic properties of early utterances, namely word stress and prosodic phrasing)?

z Our second goal: to assess whether intonational development is correlated with grammatical and lexical development

Prosodic organization of Language Prosodic organization of Language -- IIIIProminence and Intonation

Iw Iw Is

φs φs φw φw φs

ωs ωw ωw ωs ωs ωs ωs

σ σ σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σ σ σsσ σ σ σs σ

A introdução segundo ouvi dizer apresenta a teoria dos domínios

L*+H L*+H H+L*

Hi Hi Li

MethodMethod

z A case studyOne monolingual child aged

between 1;00 and 2;02 (L)Empirical database:

- a longitudinal corpus of every other week videotape recordings of about 60 minutes each (inv+par; Lab. Psicolinguística, FLUL)- a corpus of audio recordings made on a nearly daily basis (par; Lab. Fonética, FLUL; available)

z Materials443 utterances (all 1 & 2 word

meaningful utterances from 1;00 to 1;05; first 20 utterances from 1;06 to 1;11 and 2;02). 22 utts were unusable (poor sound quality) > 421

Average 32,4 utts / monthCriteria for meaningful utterances:

1. Relation to adult word2. Context: appropriate use3. Consistency (in relevant stage)4. Adult confirmation (interaction)

CDS: exploratory analysis random sample of 50 utterances

MethodMethod

z Prosodic analysis

Guided by the description of EP prosody in Frota 2000, 2002, 2009

H+L* is the most common nuclear accent

2. Method2. Method

H*+L is used in focused declaratives and commands

Requests are all low

Two kinds of calling contours

Only 17% of IP-internal stressed syll are accented

Our observations strongly suggest that the same set of contours is used in CDS(although with wider pitch range)

ResultsResults

z Intonation and

language

development

Lexicon size

0,00

10,00

20,00

30,00

40,00

50,00

60,00

1;00 1;01 1;02 1;03 1;04 1;05 1;06 1;07 1;08 1;09 1;10 1;11 2;00 2;01 2;02

age

nº

un

iqu

e w

ord

s

Lexicon size

1;00 1;01 1;02 1;03 1;04 1;05 1;06 1;07 1;08 1;09 1;10 1;11 2;00 2;01 2;02

MLUw

1,06 1,14 1,10 1;03 1,18 1,05 1,20 1,29 1,26 1,46 1,25 1,18 1,06 1,07 1,67

wsize 1,13 1,37 1,62 1,40 1,52 1,54 1,53 1,72 1,43 1,63 1,70 1,88 nd nd 1,80

ResultsResults

Utte ranc e type

0 ,0 0

10 ,0 0

2 0 ,0 0

3 0 ,0 0

4 0 ,0 0

50 ,0 0

6 0 ,0 0

70 ,0 0

8 0 ,0 0

9 0 ,0 0

1;0 0 1;0 1 1;0 2 1;03 1;0 4 1;0 5 1;0 6 1;07 1;08 1;0 9 1;10 1;11 2 ;0 2

a g e

De c l

Foc

Re q

Com

Ca ll

Low c a ll

Voc

Excl

Int

Doubt

Cont

List

S us

• Utterance type

38,95 Decl17,10 Foc12,35 Req7,36 Com8,79 Call4,28 Low call

Word size >1,5

ResultsResults

Utte ranc e type

0 ,0 0

10 ,0 0

2 0 ,0 0

3 0 ,0 0

4 0 ,0 0

50 ,0 0

6 0 ,0 0

70 ,0 0

8 0 ,0 0

9 0 ,0 0

1;0 0 1;0 1 1;0 2 1;03 1;0 4 1;0 5 1;0 6 1;07 1;08 1;0 9 1;10 1;11 2 ;0 2

a g e

De c l

Foc

Re q

Com

Ca ll

Low c a ll

Voc

Excl

Int

Doubt

Cont

List

S us

• Utterance type

38,95 Decl17,10 Foc12,35 Req7,36 Com8,79 Call4,28 Low call

Word size >1,5

H L

200200

300

400

500

600

700

Fundamental frequency (Hz)

0

0.5

1

H*+L

L%

dá

4

200200

260

320

380

440

500

Fundamental frequency (Hz)

0

0.5

1

%H

L*

L%

H+L*

LH%

dá

dás(-me) ?

4

4

Request

Question

Com

mand

1;05

1;05

´da ‘give’

100100

180

260

340

420

500

Fund

amen

tal f

requ

ency

(H

z)

0 0 . 5 1 1 . 5 2

L + H * ! H % H * L %

b e á b e á

4 4

100100

200

300

400

500

600

Fund

amen

tal f

requ

ency

(H

z)

0 0 . 5 1 1 . 5 2 2 . 5

H * ! H % H * L %

t i t o t i t o

4 4

CallLow call

CallLow call

1;07

1;08

be´a be´a ‘Mami, Mami’

´te: ´te: ‘Tito, Tito’

ResultsResults

z Choice of tonal events (% correct shape)

z Main deviant patternsAS/CDS: Decl: H+L* L% Req: H L* L% Com: H*L L%

Call: (L)H* !H Int: H+L* LH%

Decl 91Focus 100Req 21Com 97Calling 89Low call 100Int 14

1;00 1;01 1;02 1;03 1;04 1;05 1;06 1;07 1;08 1;09 1;10 1;11 2;02

dec lev lev

req LH call call call LH call H*L call call

com HL*

call L*H^L

^H+L*

H%

int LH* L*H L*H L*H H*L

ResultsResults

z Accent and Stress Stress patterns in disyllables:

Initially: level stress and stress shift

Final stress becames stable first

Types of stress errors

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

1;00 1;01 1;02 1;03 1;04 1;05 1;06 1;07 1;08 1;09 1;10 1;11 2;02

age

%

*ac |

| *ac

*ac ac

Stress pattern

0,00

10,00

20,00

30,00

40,00

50,00

60,00

70,00

80,00

90,00

100,00

1;00 1;01 1;02 1;03 1;04 1;05 1;06 1;07 1;08 1;09 1;10 1;11 2;02

age

% c

orr

ect

ac 0

0 ac

Level stress: with different pitch accents & both final and penult

R Stress shift: with diff accents, including H+L* and H*+L

L Stress shift: with H*+LH*T is dominant

´m6´m6~ (1;05) m6´m6~ ‘mum’´pa´pa (1;06) ´bOl6 ‘ball’

pa´pa (1;08) ´bOl6 ‘ball’

´m6m6 (1;06) m6´m6~ ‘mum’

ResultsResults

z Accent and StressOur findings strongly suggest an interplay between accent and

stress in acquisitionStress patterns in EP: Penult 76%; Final 22%+ Monosyl 22% Frota et al. 2006

Phrasal prominence is final

Main phonetic correlate for word stress: duration Delgado Martins 2002

Stress is not cued by tone: pitch accent distribution is sparse (only 17% of IP-internal word stresses are pitch accented Vigário & Frota 2003)

HL* is the most common nuclear accent

Assuming Heads must bear a H tone (§initial bias), along the lines of de Lacy 2002, 2007, Yip 2007) + properties of EPMay account for (i) why stress is not straightforward, (ii) tendency to have

H*T with penult stress or L stress shift, (iii) initial later alignment of leading H in HL* (no L stress shift with HL*)

ResultsResults

***

NS

200200

250

300

350

400

450

Fund

amen

tal f

requ

ency

(H

z)

0 0 . 5 1

< H + L * < H + L *

k 6 t 6z PhrasingInitial stage: disyllabic targets, if uttered with 2 syllables, tend to be

produced with one pitch accent per syllable (usually falling accent)

88.4% of such cases occur until 1;04;

44% of words uttered with 2 syllables show 2 pitch accents (n=38/87)

End of this stage coincides with the onset of disyllabic words: word size > 1.5 at 1;04

Other properties:

level stress predominates (64%)

longer duration of C2 in C1VC2V

(similar to C2 between words) e.g. Demuth & McCullough 2008

Suggests: syllable§PW§phrase>>

PW§phrase

1;01Tata

3. Intonational development: summary3. Intonational development: summaryz Choice of tonal events (for the range of contours produced) is

mostly correct as early as at 1;05; coincides with (i) use of a variety of utterance types, (ii) word size > 1.5

z Inventory of pitch accents and boundary tones is adult-like at 1;09 (=Catalan); coincides with lexicon size > 20)

z No early mastery of tone-text alignment (�Catalan, =Dutch): initially <H+L*. At 1;09 alignment similar to AEP. Initially, level stress and stress shift. After 1;09, stress patterns stable. Interplay between pitch accent and stress.

z Scaling not mastered from the beginning. It seems to become stable before alignment (�Cat), for Decl. at 1;06. But there are aspects of scaling not mastered until later (!H in calls).

z Evidence (tonal, duration) for the construction of prosodic phrasing

Intonational development largely independent of the onset of the two-word stage (for L: 2;02)

4. Development of temporal patterns4. Development of temporal patterns

z Temporal patterns in adult speech may differ across languages:

– Is final lengthening universal? (Oller & Smith 1977; Nathani, Oller & Cobo-Lewis 2003)

– The stretch over which FL is realized varies (Frota 2000; Byrd, Krivokapic & Lee 2006)

– Shortening of syllabic duration as a function of nº syllables (Oller 1973)

– Rhythm (Ramus, Nespor & Melher 1999, Frota & Vigário 2001)

z Development of temporal patterns? Two main issues:– Biological based (motor, neuro-maturation phenomena) / language

specific (Robb & Saxman 1990, Natani et al. 2003 vs. Snow 1994, Vihman, Nakai & DePaolis 2006)

– Development of prosodic structure (‘bottom-up’ or ‘top-down’constrains on speech production - e.g. Gerken 1996, Natani et al. 2003)

.

4. Development of temporal patterns4. Development of temporal patterns

z Goals:– Examine the development of temporal patterns in EP, with two

aims:

1. Contribute to the debate over the role of biological factors and the native language (by examining similarities/differences across languages)

2. Contribute to the study of the emergence of prosodic structure in production (especially utterance/intonational phrase and word)

z 1st study of the development of temporal patterns in EP: integration with research on intonational development (Frota & Vigário 2008) >> same child, same materials

MethodMethod

z Case studyOne monolingual child: 1;04 a

2;04 (L)Database:

- a corpus of audio recordings made on a nearly daily basis (LumaLiDaAudy, Lab. Fonética da FLUL)- targets and actual production orthographically and phonetically transcribed( M. Cruz & N. Matos; S. Frota)

z MaterialsAll utterances with meaning &

that could be acoustically analysed

Criteria for meaningful utterances:1. Relation to adult word2. Context: appropriate use3. Consistency (in relevant stage)4. Adult confirmation (interaction)

Idade 1;04 1;06 1;08-09 2;02 2;03-04 Total Sil

101 46 179 94 212 632 PW 79 39 122 75 146 461 E 71 29 74 57 68 299

MethodMethod

z Acoustic analysisSpeechStation 2.0:Spectrograms + waveforms

Silence of stops in initial position excluded from the measures

Duration measures: Syllable, PW(target), Utterance (=IP)(“vocalizations separated from all others by audible breaths or in accord with adult judges’ intuitions about utterance boundaries” Oller & Linch 1992)

z Other measuresStatus of each syllable >

stress

position in PW and IP(initial, medial, final, monosyllabic)

Size of the PW >nº segments; nº syllables

Size of the IP >nº segments; nº syllables; nº PWs

z StatisticsSPSS16.0 & Statistica5.1Correlations analysis (Pearson) and analysis

of variance (p<.01)

Posição na

GravaçãoSequência Sílaba Palavra Utterance

Utterance sem

silêncioSilêncio

Sílaba Acento

Sim (1)/Não

(0)

Sílaba Palavra -

Ini (1)/Med (2)/Fin

(3)/Mono (5)

Sílaba Utterance

- Ini (1)/Med (2)/Fin

(3)/Mono (5)

Nº. Palavras/Utterance

Nº. Sílabas/Pa

lavra

Nº. Sílabas/Ut

terance

N.ºSegmentos/Palavra

Nº. Segmentos/Utteranc

e

5,9 �W`` 0,319 0,319 0,319 0,319 0 1 5 5 1 1 1 1 1

6 �W``� 1,758 1,758 1,758 1,758 0 1 5 5 1 1 1 1 1

11 �V'� 2,988 2,988 2,988 2,988 0 1 5 5 1 1 1 2 2

�MC 0,605 2,341 2,341 2,341 0 1 1 1 1 2 2 4 4

V1� 1,736 2,341 2,341 2,341 0 0 3 3 1 2 2 4 4

18,9 �UK``� 0,978 0,978 0,978 0,978 0 1 5 5 1 1 1 2 2

�P�``Y`` 0,437 0,437 1,523 1,523 0 1 5 1 2 1 2 3 4

�W``� 1,086 1,086 1,523 1,523 0 1 5 3 2 1 2 1 4

31 �VL'� 0,905 0,905 0,905 0,905 0 1 5 5 1 1 1 3 3

34,9 �UK`` 0,467 0,467 0,467 0,467 0 1 5 5 1 1 1 2 2

�PC 0,301 0,301 1,282 1,282 0 1 5 1 3 1 4 2 8VC 0,214 0,493 1,282 1,282 0 0 1 2 3 2 4 4 8�VC 0,279 0,493 1,282 1,282 0 1 3 2 3 2 4 4 8

�UK`` 0,488 0,488 1,282 1,282 0 1 5 3 3 1 4 2 8

39 �W``� 1,176 1,176 1,176 1,176 0 1 5 5 1 1 1 1 1

==��R��C?R��C?

Nome do ficheiro: 010505b Período: 1,06 anos de idadePalavra alvo: péPosição no Enunciado: 5

==��O��O��?O��O��?

Nome do ficheiro: 010505aDecLindo

Período: 1,06 anos de idade

Palavra alvo: mamã

Posição no Enunciado: 5

==��M��C��M��C�� W?W?

Nome do ficheiro: 080106cDecl

Período: 2,02 anos de idade

Palavra alvo: carro

Posição no Enunciado: 5

ResultsResults

z Linguistic

development of L,

audio+video(Frota & Vigário 2008)

Lexicon size

0,00

10,00

20,00

30,00

40,00

50,00

60,00

1;00 1;01 1;02 1;03 1;04 1;05 1;06 1;07 1;08 1;09 1;10 1;11 2;00 2;01 2;02

age

nº

un

iqu

e w

ord

s

Lexicon size

1;00 1;01 1;02 1;03 1;04 1;05 1;06 1;07 1;08 1;09 1;10 1;11 2;00 2;01 2;02

MLUw

1,06 1,14 1,10 1;03 1,18 1,05 1,20 1,29 1,26 1,46 1,25 1,18 1,06 1,07 1,67

wsize 1,13 1,37 1,62 1,40 1,52 1,54 1,53 1,72 1,43 1,63 1,70 1,88 nd nd 1,80

Wp10-20a Wp10-20bWp>20

Wp>50a

Wp>50b

ResultsResults

Idade 1;04 1;06 1;08-09 2;02 2;03-04 MLUw

1,1

1,3

1,67 1,3 2,2 Sil/PW 1,3 1,2

1,47 1,25 1,45 Sil/E 1,4 1,6 2,4 1,7 3,1

• In our dataIs the size of the units under analysis different?Tukey HSD test; sig. =p<.01• Only for IP at wp>50b

Idade wp Wp10-20a Wp10-10b Wp>20 Wp>50a Wp>50b

1;04 Wp10-20a ,865878 ,085521 ,998214 ,115425

1;06 Wp10-10b ,865878 ,021325 ,951466 ,028906

1;08-09 Wp>20 ,085521 ,021325 ,039277 ,999285

2;02 Wp>50a ,998214 ,951466 ,039277 ,053861

2;03-04 Wp>50b ,115425 ,028906 ,999285 ,053861 ,115425

SIL_PW

Idade wp Wp10-20a Wp10-10b Wp>20 Wp>50a Wp>50b

1;04 Wp10-20a ,888951 ,020420 ,814555 ,000017

1;06 Wp10-10b ,888951 ,644328 ,999999 ,007594

1;08-09 Wp>20 ,020420 ,644328 ,394037 ,068100

2;02 Wp>50a ,814555 ,999999 ,394037 ,000299

2;03-04 Wp>50b ,000017 ,007594 ,068100 ,000299

PW_IP• Different predictionsFrota & Vigário (2008):

• 1;04; 1;09; 2;02In this set of data:

• 2;03-04

ResultsResults

Idade wp Dur.sil/ Dur.PW

Dur.sil/ nºsil.PW

Dur.sil/ nºsil.E

Dur.PW nºsil.PW

Dur.PW nºsil.E

1;04 wp10-20a ,413** -,431** -,305** ,162 -,066 1;06 wp10-20b ,762** ,135 -,430** ,642** -,393** 1;08-09 wp>20 ,485** -,173* -,027 ,604** ,164* 2;02 wp>50a ,620** -,292** -,447** ,363** -,239* 2;03-04 wp>50b ,769** -,267** -,310** ,274** -,213**

• Correlations and their development

Results suggest two moments of reorganization of temporal patterns:

¾ 1;04 – syllable / word (PW duration and nº of syllables)¾ 1;08-09 – syllable duration and nº of units at higher domains

Dur syl/nºsyl IP>Dur syl/nºsylPW>Dur PW/nºsyl IP¾ 2;02 e 2;03-04 show the same behaviour

Results support the predictions based on general measures of development and not on measures derived from the specific set of data under analysis.

Development of correlation patterns between syllable duration and nº of units at higher levels > ‘u-shape’ – discontinuity pattern explained by linguistic acquisition vs. Continuity based on biological factores (Robb & Saxman 1990, Snow 1994, 2006) > emergence of prosodic structure

ResultsResults

z Syllable duration by position– Up to wp>20, similar

pattern of durations in PW and IP

– From wp>20 (1;08-09), onwards, clear final lengthening at IP-level and reduction of duration of syl at I and M positions

– Supports reorganizationat 1;08-09 (correlations)

– Separation PW / IP: final lengthening at IP-level in adult speech vs. PW (Frota 2000)

Dur. Sil Wp10-20a Wp10-20b Wp>20 Wp>50a Wp>50b

Inicial 194 -- 543 Ns 317 ns 298 ns 277 ns

Medial 213 -- --- -- 362 ns --- -- 272 ns

Final 249 -- 557 ns 541 *i 503 ns 392 ns

Monossíl 457 *i 463 ns 491 *i 518 *i 551 *i

Dur. Sil Wp10-20a Wp10-20b Wp>20 Wp>50a Wp>50b

Inicial 201 ns 455 ns 381 ns 269 *f,o 312 *f,o

Medial 280 ns 294 ns 433 ns 240 *f,o 309 *f,o

Final 257 ns 480 ns 511 (*i) 578 *i,m 529 *i,m,o

Monossíl 482 *i,f 587 ns 457 ns 600 *i,m 976 *i,m,f

Total 359 n=101 490 n=46 443 n=179 456 n=94 420 n=212

PW: average values

IP: average values

* sig. =p<.01

ResultsResults

Syllable duration and position at IP

0100200300400500600700800900

1000

inicial

medial

final

monossil

Final lengthening: Syllable duration and stress, by position

*

*

*

*

No significant result. Just a tendency towards longer stressed syllables, that disapears at wp>20, and the final position effect emerges at wp>50

ResultsResults

z Syllable duration and stress, by position

Wp>20

Wp>50a

Wp>50b

1=Initial; 2=Medial; 3=Final; 5=Monosyllabic

ResultsResults

z Duration of similar

syllables– [pa, ma, mn @; N=99

– Tendency towards shorter syllables (after 1;04); diff. Significant wp10-20b (1;06) & wp>50b (2;03-04)

– EP different from French (DeBoysson-Bardies et al. (1981) > longer syllables between18 e 20 months);

– EP different from English (Robb & Saxman (1990) > no regular pattern change between 7 and 27 months; Kent & Forner 1982 > reduction of duration as a function of maturation from 4;00 onwards)

SummarySummaryz Results show two moments of reorganization of temporal patterns:

1;04, coincides with the emergence of disyllabic words (‘wsize’ > 1.5); 1;08-09, coincides with 1st lexical explosion and precedes IP>1.5PW (Frota & Vigário 2008) ]

z Development of correlation patterns between syl duration and nº of units at higher levels > ‘u-shape’ – discontinuity explained by acquisition (Robb & Saxman 1990, Snow 1994, 2006) > emergence of prosodic structure

z From1;08-09, FL at the IP-level and reduction of syl duration at I e M, clear distinction between PW and the IP patterns (§ PE, Frota 2000)

z Evidence for the role played by native languagez Temporal patterns provide evidence for construction of prosodic structure

DiscussionDiscussion

z Development of prosodic structure: ‘bottom-up’ or ‘top-down process

– Findings from the intonational development of L (Frota & Vigário 2008)have shown an inital stage where ‘syllable§PW§phrase’. The end of this stage coincides with the emergence of disyllabic PW at 1;04: ‘syllable�PW§phrase’

– This matched with 1º moment of reorganization of temporal patterns: e.g. Correlation between PW duration and nºsyls.

– Duration findings show 2º moment of reorganization at 1;08-09, compatible with the interpretation that PW�phrase. Coincides with 1st lexical explosion, with the development of the intonational system, and it is precursor of ‘two-word stage’: e.g. dif. Duration patterns PW / IP.

z Evidence for the Hypothesis of development of prosodic structure (Frota & Vigário 2008): syllable§PW§phrase>> syllable�PW§phrase>> syllable�PW�phrase

Early prosody: General summaryEarly prosody: General summary

z Early production of the ≠ word shapes (input frequency

and grammar effects), matching the target

z Higher-level structure constrains coda development: RS (2;04)/Coda production (3;00)

z Inventory of pitch accents and boundary tones is adult-like at 1;09 (coincides with lexicon size)

z Convergent evidence from intonation and duration patterns for the emergence of prosodic structure syllable§PW§phrase>> syllable�PW§phrase>> syllable�PW�phrase

Obrigada!

ReferencesReferencesBYRD, D., J. Krivokapic & S. Lee. (2006). How far, how long: On the temporal scope of prosodic

boundary effects. JASA 120 (3): 1589-1599.

Boysson-Bardies, Sagart & Durand. 1984. Discernible differences in the babbling of infants according to target language. Journal of Child Language 11, 1-15.

BOYSSON-BARDIES, B., N. Bacri, L. Sagart & M. Poizat. (1981). Timing in late babbling. Journal of Child Language 8: 525-539.

Chen & Fikkert. 2007. Intonation of early two-word utterances in Dutch. Proceedings of ICPhS XVI, Saarbrücken, 315-320.

CRISTOPHE, A., GOUT, A., PEPERKAMP, S. E MORGAN, J. (2003a). “Discovering Words in the Continuous Speech Stream: the Role of Prosody”. Journal of Phonetics, 31, 585-598.

CRISTOPHE, A., NESPOR, M., GUASTI, M.T. E VAN OOYEN, B. (2003b). “Prosodic Structure and Syntactic Acquisition: the Case of the Head-Direction Parameter”. Developmental Science, 6:2, 211-220. Blackwell Publishing, Ltd.

CORREIA, S. (2004). Aquisição da Rima em PE. Ditongos e Consoantes em Final de Sílaba. Dissertação de Mestrado. Faculdade de Letras. Universidade de Lisboa.

FREITAS, M.J. (1997). Aquisição da Estrutura Silábica do PE. Dissertação de Doutoramento em Linguística Portuguesa, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras.

Frota, S. 2000. Prosody and focus in European Portuguese. Phonological phrasing and intonation. New York: Garland Publishing.

Frota, S. 2002. Tonal association and target alignment in European Portuguese nuclear falls. In Laboratory Phonology 7, ed. by Carlos Gussenhoven & Natasha Warner, 387-418. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

ReferencesReferencesFrota, S. In press. The intonational phonology of European Portuguese. In to Jun (ed) Prosodic

Typology II. OUP, chap.2.

Frota & Vigário. 1993. Aquisição da Prosódia - II : Categorias, Evolução e Interacção. Análise Psicológica , 4 (XI): 531-555.

Frota & Vigário. 1995. The intonation of one European Portuguese infant: a first approach. In Faria & Freitas (eds) Studies on the Acquisition of Portuguese. Lisboa: APL/Colibri, 17-34.

FROTA, S. & M. Vigário (2008) Early intonation in European Portuguese. Talk given at the Third Conference on Tone and Intonation (TIE3), Universidade de Lisboa.

GERKEN, L.A. (1996). “Prosodic Structure in Young Children’s Language Production”. Language, Vol. 72, nº4, 638-712. Linguistics Society of America.

HALLE, P. A., B. De Boysoon-Bardies & M. Vihman. (1991). Beginnings of prosodic organization: intonation and duration patterns of disyllables produced by Japanese and French infants. Language and Speech 34(4), 299-318.

JORDÃO, R. & S. FROTA (2008) Prosodic Structure and the Emergence of Coda Segments in EP: A Case Study. XIth IASCL. Poster presentation, Edinburgh, July.

KENT, R., & L. Forner. (1980). Speech segment durations in sentences recitations by children and adults. Journal of Phonetics 8: 157-168.

MAROCO, João (2007). Análise Estatística – Com Utilização do SPSS. Lisboa: Edições Sílabo, LDA.

MARTINS, F., M. Vigário & S. Frota (2004-2007) FreP - Frequências no Português. Software in CD-ROM ( registered at IGAC under the nº 3179/ 2007) .

MORGAN, J.L. & DEMUTH, K. (1996). Signal to Syntax: Bootstrapping from Speech to Grammar in Early Acquisition. Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates

ReferencesReferencesNATHANI, S., D. K. Oller & A. B. Cobo-Lewis. (2003). Final Syllable Lenghtening (FSL) in infant

vocalizations. Journal of Child Language 30: 3-25.

OLLER, D. K. (1973). The effect of position in utterance on speech segment duration in English. JASA 54: 1235-47.

PEPERKAMP, S. (2003). “Phonological Acquisition: Recent Attainments and New Challenges”. Language and Speech, 46(2-3), 87-113. Kingstone Press Ltd..

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Robb, Saxman & Grant. 1989. Vocal fundamental frequency characteristics during the first two years of life. JASA 85.4, 1708-1717.

ROBB, Michael P. & John H. Saxman (1990). Syllable Durations Of Preword And Early Word Vocalizations. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research 33: 583-593.

SNOW, David. (1994). “Phrase-Final Syllable Lengthening and Intonation in Early Child Speech” in Journal of Speech and Hearing Research. Volume 37, 831-840.

Snow, D. 2006. Regression and reorganization of intonation between 6 and 23 months. Child Development 77(2), 281-296.

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ReferencesReferences

VIGÁRIO, M. (2003). The Prosodic Word in European Portuguese, Ed. Mouton de Gruyter Berlin. New York.

VIGÁRIO, M. (2009). The Prosodic Word Group (PWG) as a domain of prosody hierarchy. The Sixth Old Word Conference in Phonology (OCP 6), Edinburgh, January.

Vigário, Freitas, M. J. & Frota, S. (2006) Grammar and frequency effects in the acquisition of prosodic words in European Portuguese. Language and Speech (Special Issue Crosslinguistic Perspectives on the Development of Prosodic Words, guest-edited by K. Demuth) 49(2), 175-203.

VIHMAN, M., S. Nakai & R. DePaolis. (2006). Getting the rhythm right: A cross-linguistic study of segmental duration in babbling and first words, in Goldstein, Louis, D. H. Whalen & Catherine T. Best (eds.). Laboratory Phonology 8. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 341-366.

Papers and presentations (co)authored by S. Frota are available at http://www.fl.ul.pt/laboratoriofonetica/personal/sfrota/

AcknowledgmentsAcknowledgments

z Laboratório de Psicolinguística da FLUL

z Susana Correia, Teresa Costa, Marisa Cruz, Pilar Prieto

z Audience at IASCL 2008 (esp. K. Demuth, P. Prieto, R. Mazuka, A.L. Santos), TIE3 (esp. A. Chen, B. Ladd), and APL 2008

z Luma for her speech

Sponsoring:

FCT grant PTDC/LIN/70367/2006 and Project 3599/PPCDT

Laboratório de Fonética da FLUL / CLUL,

Universidade de Lisboa

Documents

Early Prosody in European Portugueseprosodia.upf.edu/home/arxiu/activitats/905_frota_2.pdf · • Word-final Coda fricatives mastered before word-internal ones (e.g.Inês) ... 11.11