of European Portuguese Sónia Frota - Pompeu Fabra Universityprosodia.upf.edu/home/arxiu/activitats/905_frota_1.pdf · of European Portuguese Sónia Frota Dep. Linguística, Laboratório

UAB, May 11, 2009

The Prosodic PhonologyThe Prosodic Phonologyffof European Portugueseof European Portuguese

Sónia FrotaDep. Linguística, Laboratório de Fonética da FLUL (LinSe-CLUL)

http://www.fl.ul.pt/laboratoriofonetica/personal/sfrota/

Overview

1. Prosodic organization of Language2 P di d i i l h i2. Prosodic and intonational phrasing3. Intonational Phonology

Tones and tunes in intonation languages Phonetics and phonology of intonationTh i i f E P ( d d i )The intonation of European Portuguese (standard variety)

4. Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasing(recent experiment with EP data)

Prosodic organization of Language - I

Prosodic structure > Prosodic domains (Prosodic Phonology)

I I II I I

φ φ φ φ φ

ω ω ω ω ω ω ω

σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ

A introdução segundo ouvi dizer apresenta a teoria dos domínios

Prosodic organization of Language - IIP i d I t tiProminence and Intonation

I I IIw Iw Is

φs φs φw φw φs

Hi Hi Li

ωs ωw ωw ωs ωs ωs ωs

σ σ σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σ σ σsσ σ σ σs σ

L*+H L*+H H+L*


Prosody

1. Prosodic organization of LanguageKe notionsKey notions

Prosodic structure and prosodic domains (Prosodic Phonology)Prominence, rhythm and intonation (Intonational Phonology), y ( gy)

The higher levels of prosodic phrasingPhonological PhraseIntonational Phrase

European Portuguese

Prosodic structure (Prosodic Phonology)

• Morphosyntax – phonology Interface– Prosodic domains < mapping of morpho-syntactic information into– Prosodic domains < mapping of morpho-syntactic information into

prosodic structureEP: - morphological and syntactic word > prosodic word ω

Vi á i 2003Vigário 2003- XP (maximal projection) > phonological phrase φ- root sentence, parentheticals… > Intonational phrase I, p p

Frota 2000– Prosodic domains < phonological conditions (size, length, weight)

Th fl f h i i d i t di d i• The flow of speech is organized into prosodic domains: (i) the domains for sandhi phenomena, rhythmic phenomena, lengthening patterns; (ii) loci of pauses; (iii) the domains governing intonation (i.e. Distribution of pitch accents and boundary tones)

Phonological grammar: (other) relevant information

• Vowel system– Stressed system: i, e, E, a, ç, o, u– Unstressed system: i, ˆ, å, u– No quantity contrasts

• Syllable structure: CV-dominant + V and CVC• Word stress

– 3 syllable window, right edge; penult stress is dominant– No sensitivity to quantity: [tu»nE…]/[»tunE…] ‘large

k/t l’ [t »f ) )]/ [» f ) )] ‘t d / h ’cask/tunnel’ [tu»fåw]/ [»çRfåw] ‘tornado/orphan’• PWs (lexicon & most frequent words): 1 to >3

syllables monosyllabic with open syllables includedsyllables, monosyllabic with open syllables included– [»pE] ‘foot’; [»maR] ‘sea’; [tRå.bå.¥å.»do.RåS] ‘workers (fem)

Prosodic Word: Evidence for PW edges

Ri h d• Left-edge– Phonotactic constraints

*[¥/ / /ˆ ]

• Right-edge– Stressless vowels in σs closed

by sonorants are lowered*[¥/¯/R/ˆ…]ω

[{]ato vs. ca[R]o ‘mouse’/’expensive’*[ˆ] [ˆ] d ‘ i ’/l ’

by sonorants are lowered lÍd[E]r, Âmb[a]r vs. pOde, acAb[å]‘leader’ ‘amber’ ‘can’ ‘finish’*[ˆ]rguer vs. p[ˆ]rder ‘raise’/loose’

– Non-central vowels do not d f ll l d i

leader amber can finish

– Stressless Vs ending ωs within morphological compounds areundergo full vowel reduction

[e]rguEr vs. ro[ˆ]dOr ‘raise’/’rodent’

Ã

morphological compounds are lowered:

mOn[ç]-acentuAl vs. mon[u]grafIa[o]piniÃo vs. mi[u]lInho‘opinion’/ ‘soft part of bread-DIM’

‘mono-accentual’ ‘monograph’

– Non-high palatal Vs are deleted– Emphatic stress (optional)

high F0 levelpasse vs. pass[e]mos, pass[j]ar‘pass’ ‘pass-SUBJ-2pp’ ‘take a walk’

Prosodic Word in EP

• PW-bound phenomena–Two processes of PW-deletion

• Prominence-related phenomena– Word stress Two processes of PW deletion

clipping(tele) (móvel) > móvel ‘mobile’ vs

perceptually salient many segmental rules referring t th / b f t(tele)ω(móvel)ω > móvel mobile vs.

(telefonia)ω > *fonia ‘radio’

deletion under identity

to the presence/absence of stress e.g. vowel reduction: dÁ [»da] / *[»då]

dÊ [»de] / *[»dˆ];deletion under identity (mono)ω(gamia)ω ou (poli)ω(gamia)ω > mono ou poligamia ‘mono/polygamy’

Morphophonological processes show the asymmetry between t d/ t d l lvs. (biografia)ω e (discografia)ω >

*bio e discografia‘biography and discography’

stressed/unstressed: e.g. plurals [fu»ni…] [fu»niS] ‘funnel / funnels’ [»fasi…] [»fasåjS] ‘easy / easy-PL’

biography and discography(Vigário 2003)

– Pitch accent association only refers to prosodic word stress

Lexical HeadMax Projection

Phonological Phrase in EP Size of φ

• Phonological Phrase (φ) Formation (Frota 2000)φ d i Th d i f φ f ti i d fi d b th fi tia. φ-domain: The domain of φ-formation is defined by the configuration

[ … Lex XP … ]Lexmax (where Lex stands for the head of a lexicalcategory, and Lexmax for the maximal projection of a lexical category).

b. φ-construction: Elements around Lex are organised into φs so thati. all elements on the non-recursive side of Lex which are still withinL max t i d i th φ ith LLexmax are contained in the same φ with Lex;ii. a φ may maximally contain (i) and a following phrase in the domain of (a).

• Branchingness (or weight) condition on φs (Frota 2000)A φ should contain more material than one prosodic word.

Phonological Phrase in EP

a. [ o café ]φ luta pelo prémio,,, SC[ o café ]φ lutou pelo prémio NSC[ o café ]φ lutou pelo prémio NSC

b. [ o café luso ]φ contém cevada... SC

Igual

[ o café lusitano ]φ contém grãosNSC

diferente


a. … [ V NP ]VPi d i [ ]φ [ b il i

* ** *i. o dançarino [ama]φ [a bailarina

russa]φ *dançarinamaii. *… [ama a bailarina russa]φ

* ** *[ ]φ

b. … [ V AdvP PP ]VPi. [ o dançaRIno ]φ [ Ama ]φ

* *o bailarino [anda sempre]φ

[de limusine preta]φok bailarinanda

* * ** * ** * *ok bailarinanda

ii. [ o bailaRIno ]φ [ ANda sempre ]φ


a. [… A N PP ]NPb [ i bid ]φ

[uma progressiva subida]φ [dos preços]φPA PA PAb. [uma progressiva subida]φ

[dos preços]φc *[uma progressiva subida

PA PA PA--- PA PA*PA --- PAc. *[uma progressiva subida

dos preços]φa [ N [ A ]AP PP ]NP

Patterns of pitch accenta. [… N [ A ]AP PP ]NPb. [uma subida progressiva]φ

[dos preços]φ

distributionin prenuclear position[dos preços]φ

Phonological Phrase in EP (summary)

• By default, prominence within the PhP is rightmost, that is the final PW is the PhP headthat is the final PW is the PhP-head.

• Evidence for this level of phrasing in EP comes from three sources:three sources:(i) It bounds the operation of stress strengthening (a stress clash

resolution process)(ii) it plays a crucial role in the definition of rhythmic constraints on the

output of vowel sandhi (namely, vowel deletion is not allowed is the words involved are the heads of PhP’s)

(iii) it accounts for the attested patterns of pitch accent distribution in prenuclear position (in particular, if a PW is pitch-accented within a PhP this PW is the head of the phrase, and no PW may be accented if p , ythe head is not accented as well

Phonological Phrase in EP (summary)

However, the PhP in EP is not the domain of any sandhi rule;

Languages phonological processes domain of any sandhi rule;

It does not exhibit temporal boundary marking (namely,

English Iambic ReversalFinal Lengthening

Italian Raddoppiamentothere is no final lengthening distinguishing the PW-level from the PhP-level;

Italian RaddoppiamentoStress Retraction

French (col.) Liaisonfrom the PhP level;

It does not have to be tonally marked. PhP-edges are not

Greek Unrounded 1stVowel Del.Less Sonorant 1stVowel Del.

Bengali r-Assimilationsignalled by edge-tones in EP, and PhP’s need not be pitch accented

Voicing-Assimilation

accented .

Root sentenceIndependent phrases

Intonational Phrase in EP Sense unitSize

• Intonational Phrase (I) Formation (Frota 2000)I d i th d i f I f ti i t fa. I-domain: the domain of I-formation may consist ofi. all the φs in a string that is not structurally attached to the sentencetree (parentheticals, topics, etc), orii. any remaining sequence of adjacent φs in a root sentence.

b. I-construction: the constituents included in an I must bear ah d/ l t l tihead/complement relation.

• Weight conditions on Is (F t 2000)• Weight conditions on Is (Frota 2000)Long phrases tend to be divided (> 8 syllables); balanced phrases, or the

longest phrase in the rightmost position are preferred.g p g p p

Intonational Phrase in EP• Sandhi within I (Frota 2000) • Domain for resyllabification• Sandhi within I (Frota 2000)- Fricative Voicing (FV): word final

fricative becomes [z] before a word-initial vowel;

• Domain for resyllabification(Romance)

(cf., Mateus 1975, Andrade 1977 e Frota 1993 para FV Sá Nogueira 1938 1941 para SDinitial vowel;

- Syllable Degemination (SD): haplologia,in a sequence […σ1]w1 [σ2 …]w2

h 1 2 i il th fi l V

para FV, Sá Nogueira 1938,1941 para SD, e Sá Nogueira 1938, Frota 1993, 1995a, 1996, Ellison & Viana 1996, Vigário 1998, 1999, 2003 para resolução de encontros

where σ1 e σ2 are similar, the final Vod σ1 is deleted and the 2 Cs geminateor reduce to 1 C.

V l M (VM) th hi t [ ] i

vocálicos)1 Ligação é o modo como se transita do

último fonema de uma palavra para o- Vowel Merger (VM): the hiatus [å å] is

resolved into [a].- Back Vowel Deletion (VD): deletion of a

primeiro de uma outra no corpo deuma frase. O problema da ligação teminteresse prático e teórico. Temi á i i ã dword final back vowel if V1 in a

sequence V1 V2.- Semivocalization (SV): SV of the high

interesse prático, visto que se não podedizer que fala bem o português, porex., quem faz ligações como estas:h jié d ij i h j éword final vowel if V1 in a sequence

V1 V2.hojié, doijomens, cincoras, por hoje é,dois homens, cinco horas. A ligaçãonormal é: hojé, doizomens, cincuoras.”

Intonational Phrase in EP

a. [As alunas obtiveram boasavaliações]Iavaliações]I

z z zSS

b. [As alunas até ao nono ano]Iorganizaram uma manifestaçãog ç

(Hi) L*+H L*+H Hic. [As alunas]I [até ao nono ano]I[ ] [ ]

organizaram uma manifestação

(Hi) L*+H Hi

Intonational Phrase in EP (summary)

• Properties of I • I-RecursionAmple evidence: - Direct segmental evidence:

d i f dhi

- Compounding restricted to onelayer (No Xi dominates & isdominated by Xj i=j) and to adomain for sandhi;

- Boundary lengthening;

dominated by Xj, i=j), and to abinary setting (n-ary/binary).

- Boundary tones;- Other tonal properties:

d i f th i i ldomain for the minimaltune /T* T%/;

Pause insertion- Pause insertion.

Prosodic organization of Language - IIP i d I t tiProminence and Intonation

I I IIw Iw Is

φs φs φw φw φs

Hi Hi Li

ωs ωw ωw ωs ωs ωs ωs

σ σ σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σ σ σsσ σ σ σs σ

L*+H L*+H H+L*


Intonation Languages

• Tonal / Pitch accent • IntonationLexically defined pitch

configurations > differences between words

Pitch configurations are pot-lexically defined (phrasal domain) > differencesbetween words

Lexical meaningsSt d d Chi

domain) > differences among sentence types, pragmatic and discouse Standard Chinese

Cantonese, ThaiG ti l t t

p ag a c a d d scousedistinctions,phrase-level meaning

Grammatical contrastsWords with or without ‘accent’

p gdiferencesRomance Ls, English, Dutch,

accentJapanese, Basque

Bengali, Arabic, etc

Intonational PhonologyP i l ti b d f lt ( t l k d) l• Prominence relation by default (neutral, unmarked): language-

specific rightmost (prosodic head final) or leftmost (prosodic head initial) [ PhP: Romance vs. Japanese, Turkish; IP: Romance vs.initial) [ PhP: Romance vs. Japanese, Turkish; IP: Romance vs. Hungarian, Servo-Croatian?]

• Marked prominence: focus elements (not positional EP• Marked prominence: focus elements (not positional – EP, Neapolitan / Palermo Italian: D’Imperio 2001, Grice 1995 )

• Intonation: non le ical ling istic pitch config rations;• Intonation: non-lexical linguistic pitch configurations; phonologically a sequence of tonal categories; phonetically a continuous F0 contour.continuous F0 contour.

• Tonal events: associate with edges of prosodic domnains or heads of prosodic domains (following general principles of autosegmentalprosodic domains (following general principles of autosegmental phonology); Tα (edge tones), T* (pitch accents); T=H ou L; monotonal or bitonal

Intonational PhonologyT l t T ( d t ) T* ( it h t ) T H L• Tonal events: Tα (edge tones), T* (pitch accents); T=H ou L;

monotonal or bitonal• Tones and Tunes: T* (pitch accents): nuclear, pre-nuclear, post-Tones and Tunes: T (pitch accents): nuclear, pre nuclear, postnuclearEstrutura entoacional

s s [ ]I

s (w) s (w)

T T T T T T prenuclear nuclear postnuclear

• Phonology and phonetics of intonation >

Intonational Phonology

Phonology and phonetics of intonation– interpolation H H L H L L

– spreading H L L H

– Tonal association: tones and heads / tones and edges– Tonal alignment: phonetic coordination between tonal

targets and the segmental string (early, late)CV. C´V. CV ]

L* Hx

Intonational Phonology• For any intonation language• For any intonation language

– Prosodic structure (phrases > edges and heads)– Intonational lexicon

• Inventory of pitch accents and edges tones, and the meanings they convey in context / usage

– Relevant domain for PAD– Distributional contraints (‘tonotactics’)

• Tonal events that only appear in/are banned from certain y pppositions; that may not co-occur with others

– Implementation rules: early/late alignment; spreading / p y g ; p ginterpolation; contextual upstep (^) / downstep (!); compression / truncation

Research on prosodic constituency

Prosodic variation: RLs differ in their phrasing patternsS|VO phrasing in Romance

120

100

Prosodic branching

?Syntactic branching

60

80

%

SEP

NEP

Sp

g

40

It

Cat

20Phrase length

0ShortS LongS BranchS BranchL DBranchS DBranchL

Subject conditions

Pitch accent distribution

• SEPThe stretch of the contour

• NEPI-phrase internal words areThe stretch of the contour

intermediate between the initial peak and the nuclear fall is

I phrase internal words are usually accented > a higher density of pitch

usually acentless, and realized as a plateau.

accentse.g.

e.g.Only 27% of I-phrase internal t d ’ t d (

74% of I-phrase internal stressed σ’s are accented (Frota & Vigário 2000)

stressed σ’s are accented (utterances with >3 words)

Pitch accent distributionA LOUra graVAva uma meloDIa maraviLHOsa do lagaREIro

the blond girl recorded a wonderful song from the olive-pressman

Phrasing domains and pitch accents

• Two dimensions of variation 1. Prosodic phrasing1. Prosodic phrasing2. Pitch accent distribution (rich / sparse PAD)• PredictionsPredictions

Larger phrase domains & rich distribution (PAD is word-based) e.g. EALarger phrase domains & sparse distribution (PAD is phrase-based) e.g. SEPS ll h d i & i h di t ib ti (PAD iSmaller phrase domains & rich distribution (PAD is word-based) e.g. BPSmaller phrase domains & ‘in-between’ distributionSmaller phrase domains & in between distribution (PAD is phrase-based) e.g. NEP (arguably Sp)

Intonational Phonology of EP• The intonation of EP (Standard)

– T*: H*, L*, L*+H, H*+L, H+L*, H+!H*, (L+H*)– Ti: Li Hi !Hi LHi HLi– Ti: Li, Hi, !Hi, LHi, HLi

• Association and alignment– The relation between a tonal evant and the prominent syllable > *p y

H L* H* L

T d t d l t li t– Tendency towards late alignment

• Only the heads of IPs require tonal marking > minimal tune /T* Ti/ (IP is the relevant PAD domain)tune /T Ti/ (IP is the relevant PAD domain)

• Interpolation between targets (except vocative chant)• Lengthening/epenthesis of segmental materialLengthening/epenthesis of segmental material• Standard declarative contour: (H*) H+L* Li

1. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement

the poet sang a morning angelic

1. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement

H+L*, as in Italian varieties (Grice et al. 2005), or American Spanish (Sosa 1991)

the blond girl recorded a song wonderful from-the olive-pressman

Neutral declarative (1 I, N φs)

a. a.

Casaramb

O pintor retratou uma manhã âmbarbb. s

sb. w w s

s s w s[ [ Casaram ]φ ]I

| |[ [ o pintor ]φ [retratou]φ [uma manhã âmbar ]φ ]I

| | |H+L* Li H* H+L* Li

2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement vs focus

(they got) married (they got) married

What about John and Mary? What happened to them?

John and Mary broke up ?

2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus

focus

Was it an angelic night that the poet sang ?

2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus

focus

Who offered spices to the journalists ?

H*+L, as in Bari or Palermo Italian (Grice 1995, Grice et al. 2005)

Focus intonation: nuclear accent (position & shape)

Neutral:w w ss s w s

[(O pinTOR) (canTOU) (uma maNHÃ angeliCAL)]H* H+L* Li

Focus on manhã:w w ss s s w

[(O pinTOR) (canTOU) (uma maNHÃ angeliCAL)]H* H*+L H+L* Li

No change in prosodic phrasing!

3. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question

the poet sang a morning angelic ?Interrogation is signalled by the tonal boundary (like in e.g. Standard Italian or French, Avesani 1995, Post 2000); unlike in Southern varieties of Italian or in Catalan, Grice 2005, Prieto 2000)


the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ?


340

400

y (H

z)

0 0.5 1

160

220

280

340

ndam

enta

l fre

quen

cy

100100Fun

H* H+L* LH%

ela foi ver o mar

44

2. Basic tunes in SEP: focus in yes-no question

focus

I’ve seen that movie but I don’t recall who drives a

the hero drives a Porsche ?Porsche.


focus

the poet sang a morning angelic ?


focus

I would like to know if they bought slides and not something

L*+H HL% acounts for the higher level of the H target (as in L*+HH%, Vigário 1998, Frota 2000); the end point of the rising pitch is always the pre-final syllable (Frota 2002b)

the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ?different.

5. Basic tunes in SEP: wh-question

Same contour as in neutral declarative statements (like in e.g. Standard Italian, Avesani 1995)who painted a morning amber ?

6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing

parenthetical

IP: domain for sandhi, e.g. Fricative voicing; final lengthening; boundary rise; nuclear accent plus a H boundary (Frota 2000)


parenthetical

H+L* H%

Minor IP: smaller final lengthening; smaller boundary rise; but the same sequence nuclear accent plus a H boundary; phrasing into minor IPs depends on phrase length (Frota 2000)


• Compound IP (Ladd 1992, 1996 F t 2000 Vi á i 2003)

• Why not the intermediate phrase?1996, Frota 2000, Vigário 2003)

IPs: sandhi, final lengthening, nucleus plus a tonal boundary (H or L)

phrase?No evidence in terms of the distribution

of categorical phonological markers, Relative length of IPs > CompoundInner IP boundary within a Compound

M j IP i k th th t

e.g. T-T% for the IP and just T- for the ip Frota 2000, 2002a,b

or Major IP is weaker than the outer IP boundary (degree of final lengthening and size of pitch

No evidence for an edge tone that determines the contour from the last pitch accent until the end of the

excursion)Proposal: Outer IP > T%, level 4

Inner IP > T% level 3

phrase, as in the definition of the ip (B&P 1986, Ladd 1996, Beckman et al. 2005, Grice at al. 2005) F t 2002 bInner IP > T% , level 3 Frota 2002a,b


• What makes a diff di

• Levels of phrasing are il l l fdifferent prosodic

constituent?not necessarily levels of prosodic constituency

the morpho-syntactic constituent it relates to and at least a subset of the phonetic and phonological

recursion and compounding refer to forms of grouping of instances of a given prosodic category, yielding

properties it shows should be different in type from those defining the other prosodic

levels of phrasing that are reflected only by gradient differences in the strength of the same phonetic g p

constituentsg p

properties.

( b i d)Frota (submitted)


Long subject

Subjects more than 8 syllables long (Elordieta, Frota & Vigário 2005)

the boyfriend megalomaniac of-the Brazilian looked (at the) dark-haired women’


topic


Two root sentencesTwo root sentences

7. Basic tunes in SEP: vocative chant

270

330

390

450

l fre

quen

cy (H

z)

0 0.5 1 1.5 2

150150

210

270

Fund

amen

tal

(L+)H* !H% H* L%

mariana mariana

4 4

Two variants: vocative chant and the insistent callAnalysis: H* !H% (spreading of !H%) / H* L%Analysis: H !H% (spreading of !H%) / H L%Spreading goes hand in hand with lengthening


220

280

340

400

tal f

requ

ency

(Hz)

0 0.5 1 1.5

100100

160

Fund

amen

t

H* !H% H* L%

j ã j ãjoão joão

4 4

Analysis: H* !H% (spreading of !H%) / H* L%Only with H* !H% is there syllable split as a strategy toOnly with H !H% is there syllable split as a strategy to extend the segmental string


• Difference between f ( * ) d hfocus (H*+L) and the insistent call (H* L%)

Trajectory of theTrajectory of the fall

Focus: most of the fall on the 1st post-tonic

C ll h f ll iCall: the fall is spread between the tonic and the lasttonic and the last syllable

8. Basic tunes in SEP: request

Canta uma manhã ang(e)liCAL

H* L* L%H* L* L%

Dá-m(e) as LÂminas

H* L* L%H* L* L%

8. Basic tunes in SEP: command

DÁ-m(e) as lâminas

L*+H L%L H L%

Dá-m(e) as LÂminas

> H* H*+L L%> H H +L L%

Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description

H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Three main nuclear accents


H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Previous peak + fall within the accented syllable

L t t ll th b tt f th k ’Low target usually near the bottom of the speaker’s range

Nucleus in neutral/broad focus statements and questionsNucleus in neutral/broad focus statements and questions

Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Falé 1995; Vigário1998


H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Peak within the accented syllable immediately followed by a fall; usually followed by compressed pitch range within ; y y p p gthe same IP

Nucleus in narrow/contrastive focus declaratives; also commandsNucleus in narrow/contrastive focus declaratives; also commands

Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Vigário1998; Fernandes 2007


H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Low target in the accented syllable followed by a rise, starting within this syllable and usually reaching its peak g y y g pon the next syllable

Nucleus in initial/internal IPs within statements (continuation);Nucleus in initial/internal IPs within statements (continuation); nucleus in contrastive yes-no questions; also in commands (V)

Frota 2000, 2002b; Frota et al. 2007; Vigário 2003


H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Three main nuclear accents Pre-nuclear position


H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Accented syllable preceded by immediately previous peak

A t d ll bl d idAccented syllable around mid range

Common prenuclear accent in statementsCommon prenuclear accent in statements

Frota 2002b


H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Accented syllable is high

F0 k t ft ( b t ti l) i f llF0 peak not after a (substantial) rise or fall

Frequent initial accent in statements and questions; not co-occurs with %H or phrase initial H

Frota 2000, 2002b; 2003; Vigário1998


H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*

Accented syllable is high and immediately preceded by a low target leading to a rise in the accented syllableg g y

Fairly infrequent accent in SEP; b bl i f *probably a variant of H*

Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007


H+L* H*+L L*+H H* L*

Other nuclear accents


Default accent

Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents

• Description




Vocative chant

Default accentFrota, 2009





Requests

Default accentFrota, 2009

Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries

L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H

A low target on the boundary syllable

Pre-final and final IPs in statements; Wh-questions; RequestsPre final and final IPs in statements; Wh questions; Requests

Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b



A high target on the boundary syllable

Initial and internal IPs in statements (continuation)Initial and internal IPs in statements (continuation)

Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b, Frota et al. 2007



Low and High targets (rise) on the boundary syllable

Neutral yes-no questions Contrastive yes-no questionsNeutral yes no questions, Contrastive yes no questions (early nucleus); ‘Polite’ wh-questions

Frota 2002b



High and low targets (fall) on the boundary syllable

Contrastive yes-no questions (late nucleus)Contrastive yes no questions (late nucleus)

Frota 2002b



A downstepped high target on the boundary syllable (also responsible for sustained pitch)y ( p p )

Initial and internal IPs in statementsInitial and internal IPs in statements

Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007



With spreading and segmental lengthening

Vocative chantVocative chant

Frota, 2009



Initial high boundary (optional)

Statements and questions

Co-occurrence restrictions at IP beginning: %H phrasal H I[w H*

Frota 2003

Co occurrence restrictions at IP beginning: %H, phrasal H I[w, H

Basic tunes in SEP, NEP and BP

SEP NEP BPNeutral Decl H+L* L% L* L% H+L* L%F i D l H* L L* H L ( H* L)Focus in Decl H*+L L*+H L- (or H*+L)Wh-question H+L* L% L* L%Neutral yes-no Q H+L* LH% L* H(L)%Neutral yes no Q H+L LH% L H(L)%Contrastive yes-no L*+H LH/HL%Request (H*) L* L%Command L*+H /H*+LVocative chant H* !H %I i t t lli H* L%Insistent calling H* L%I-phrasing long phrases short phrasesSparse/rich PAD sparse rich richSparse/rich PAD sparse rich rich(accented I-phrase internal w) 27% 74% 80%Accent on every IP PhP PW (Hellmuth 2007)

Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasingF t Vi á i & S i i

• Processing utterances i h

• Lexical and syntactic bi i i i EP

Frota, Vigário & Severino, in progress

with temporary ambiguities

ambiguities in EPGoal: to examine the effects of

h f ll f diProsody is known to constrain lexical access and syntactic analysis:

the full range of prosodic constituent boundaries

IP > PhP > PWG > PWand syntactic analysis:Dilley & McAuley (2008),Millotte et al. (2007, 2008)

IP > PhP > PWG > PW[(grande)w (área)w]PhP

big areaLi & Wang (2009)

General agreement on IP

big area[ ((grand[j])w (área)w)pwg]PhP

penalty areaLower phrase and PW

boundaries ?

p yVigário 2008, 2009

Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasingF t Vi á i & S i i

• Examples:Frota, Vigário & Severino, in progress

Completion task

1.2.

Table 1. Experimental conditions Prosodic structure pairs Examples of test items Within PW / PW boundary PW boundary / Within PWG

Gosto da [pintadela]PW que deste ao armário. Gosto da [pinta]PW [dela]PW neste filme espanhol O miúdo [foi [mal]PW [criado]PW]PhP pelos avós. O miúdo foi [[mal]PW[criado]]PWG com os avós 2.

3. fita-cola/ fita cola4. suja (Adj) /suja (V)

Within PWG / PhP boundary Between PWs / PhP boundary Between PWs / IP boundary

O miúdo foi [[mal]PW[criado]]PWG com os avósA estagiária [surda-muda]PWG desfez os preconceitos alheios. A estagiária surda ]PhP muda de penteado todas as semanas A toalha ]PW larga mancha a roupa branca. A toalha ]PhP larga muita tinta vermelha. Penso que aquele arco ]PW colorido fica bem no jardim da Maria. Penso que aquele arco ]IP colorido pelas crianças está no sótão

5.6.

PhP boundary / IP boundary

Penso que aquele arco ]IP colorido pelas crianças, está no sótãoEstando ausente ]PhP o João, ficou um lugar vazio na mesa. Estando ausente ]IP o João fazia telefonemas diários

Utterances were cut right after thee.g. 4: Adj > completion with V

V > completion with N, Adv

- Utterances were cut right after the end of the ambiguous word- Participants listened to the cut

d k d ip ,

utterances and were asked to write the listened sentence and complete it as they saw fit

Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasingF t Vi á i & S i iFrota, Vigário & Severino, in progress

• Results • Results (p<.01) 12 educated native speakers of EP

(6 for each block)396 responses=33 pairs X 12

PW, PWG ≠ PhPA garrafa]PW suja abriu A garrafa]PhP suja a prateleira396 responses 33 pairs X 12 A garrafa]PhP suja a prateleira PW ≠ IP ; PhP ≠ IPEstando ausente]PhP o João, ficou ]Estando ausente]IP o João fazia PW ≈ within PWG (strong response

bi t d [PW PW]PWG)bias towards [PW PW]PWG)Diz-se que passa]PW tempos]PhP /

passatempos]PWGp pWithin ≈ PW PW (variation across items)

A Primavera / A prima]PW Vera

Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasing

• Conclusions (provisional) • The role of phrasal dResults support a

disambiguating role of the IP (as excepted) and also

prosody– Add to the claim that

l h lik hIP (as excepted) and also of the PhP

The PhP shows a stronger

lower phrases, like the PhP, are used in processing (mainlyThe PhP shows a stronger

effect than the PW (contra expectation)

processing (mainly based on French data)

– In a language wherep )Difficulty to detect PW

boundaries calls for

In a language where cues to the PhP are weak (NO sandhi, NO

further research (Chinese, Li & Wang 2009)

final lengthening, NO obligatory pitch accent

Nenhum vento sopra a favor de quem não sabe para onde ir

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phrasing in Spanish and Portuguese. Studia Linguistica 59 (2/3): 110–143 .Frota, Sónia. 2000. Prosody and Focus in European Portuguese. Phonological Phrasing and Intonation New York: Garland Publishing Chap 2 3 5 6Phrasing and Intonation. New York: Garland Publishing. Chap 2,3,5,6.Frota, Sónia. 2002a. Nuclear falls and rises in European Portuguese: a phonological analysis of declarative and question intonation. Probus 14-1 (Special Issue on Intonation in Romance edited by José-Ignacio Hualde) 113-146Issue on Intonation in Romance, edited by José-Ignacio Hualde), 113-146.Frota, Sónia. 2002b. Tonal association and target alignment in European Portuguese nuclear falls. In Gussenhoven, Carlos; Warner, Natasha (eds). Laboratory Phonology 7 Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter pp 387 418Laboratory Phonology 7, Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.387-418.Frota, Sónia. 2002c. The Prosody of Focus: a Case-Study with Cross-Linguistic Implications. In Proceedings of Speech Prosody 2002, Aix en Provence, 319-322.Frota, S. (2003). The phonological status of initial peaks in European Portuguese. Catalan Journal of Linguistics 2, 133-152.

S. Frota, DLGR & Lab.Fonética da FLUL [email protected]

Frota, S. (2009) The intonational phonology of European Portuguese. In Jun, Sun-Ah (ed ) Prosodic Typology II: The Phonology and Intonation ofSun Ah (ed.) Prosodic Typology II: The Phonology and Intonation of Phrasing. Oxford University Press. Chap. 2.Frota (submitted) Prosodic structure, constituents and their implementation. In A Cohn C Fougeron & M Huffman (eds ) Handbook of LaboratoryA. Cohn, C. Fougeron & M. Huffman (eds.) Handbook of Laboratory Phonology. OUP.Frota, S. & Vigário, M. 2007. Intonational Phrasing in two varieties of EP. In T Riad & C Gussenhoven (eds ) Tones and Tunes 265 291 Berlin: MoutonT. Riad & C. Gussenhoven (eds.) Tones and Tunes, 265-291. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Frota, S., D’Imperio, M., Elordieta, G., Prieto, P. & Vigário, M. 2007. The phonetics and phonolog of intonational phrasing in Romance In P Prieto etphonetics and phonology of intonational phrasing in Romance. In P. Prieto et al. (eds). Prosodic and Segmental Issues in (Romance) Phonology, 131-153.Amsterdam: John Benjamins.F t S M Vi á i & C S i (i ) P i bi it thFrota, S., M. Vigário & C. Severino (in progress) Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic structure.Gussenhoven, Carlos. 2004. The Phonology of Tone and Intonation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Hayes, Bruce & Aditi Lahiri. 1991. Bengali Intonational Phonology. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 9: 47–96Language and Linguistic Theory 9: 47 96.


Hellmuth, Sam. 2007. The relationship between prosodic structure and pitch accent distribution: evidence from Egyptian Arabic. The Linguistic Review(Special issue on Prosodic Phrasing) 24 291 316(Special issue on Prosodic Phrasing) 24, 291-316.Jun, Sun-Ah. (ed.) 2006. Prosodic Typology. The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Ladd, D. Robert. (1996). Intonational Phonology. Cambridge: CUP.Ladd, D. Robert. 2000. Bruce, Pierrehumbert, and the elements of Intonational Phonology. In M. Horne (ed.) Prosody: Theory and Experiment (Studies presented to Gösta Bruce). Dordrecht: Kluwer, 37-50.Millotte, Wales & Christophe (2007). Phrasal prosody disambiguates syntax. Language and Cognitive Processes, 22, pp.898-909.g g g , , ppViana, C. & S. Frota (with the collaboration of I. Falé, F. Fernandes, I. Marcarenhas, A. I. Mata, H. Moniz & M. Vigário). 2007. Towards a P_ToBI. www.fl.ul.pt/mestrados/sonsemelodias/P-ToBI/P-ToBI.htmlpVigário, M. 1998. Aspectos da Prosódia do Português Europeu: estruturas com advérbio de exclusão e negação frásica. Braga: Univ. Minho/CEHUM.Vigário M 2003 “Prosody and sentence disambiguation in EuropeanVigário, M. 2003. Prosody and sentence disambiguation in European Portuguese”. Catalan Journal of Linguistics 2 (Special Issue on Romance Intonation, editado por P. Prieto), 249-278.Vigário M & Frota S 2003 The intonation of Standard and NorthernVigário, M. & Frota, S. 2003. The intonation of Standard and Northern European Portuguese. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 2-2: 115–137


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of European Portuguese Sónia Frota - Pompeu Fabra Universityprosodia.upf.edu/home/arxiu/activitats/905_frota_1.pdf · of European Portuguese Sónia Frota Dep. Linguística, Laboratório