Early Animal Husbandry in the Northern Levant

Maria Saña SeguiDaniel HelmerJoris PetersAngela Von Den Driesch

Early Animal Husbandry in the Northern LevantIn: Paléorient. 1999, Vol. 25 N°2. pp. 27-48.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Saña Segui Maria, Helmer Daniel, Peters Joris, Von Den Driesch Angela. Early Animal Husbandry in the Northern Levant. In:Paléorient. 1999, Vol. 25 N°2. pp. 27-48.

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AbstractMorphometrical as well as circumstantial evidence indicate that the domestication of sheep andprobably also of goat took place in the southern Taurus piedmont during the Early Pre-Pottery NeolithicВ period (EPPNB). Though caprine husbandry becomes more common in the Northern Levant in thecourse of the Middle Pre-Pottery Neolithic В (MPPNB), it is observed that remains of sheep and goataccount for less than 30 % of the MPPNB bone samples. Thus the incorporation of sheep and goat intothe economy of these early sites is less "revolutionary " than the term "Neolithic revolution " mightsuggest. In the course of the MPPNB two other species acquired domestic status, though apparently indifferent regions : Bos in the Middle Euphrates Basin and Sus in south-eastern Turkey. By the end ofthe PPNB, livestock husbandry formed a major component of human subsistence economiesthroughout the Northern Levant. Except for Ovis, which seem to have been introduced into the SouthernLevant from the north, much about the process of diffusion of these farm animals from their centre(s) ofdomestication to adjacent regions needs to be learned.While the socio-cultural changes during the 11th and 10th millennia cal. ВС leading to more complex,socially stratified societies in the Northern Levant conceivably provided the cultural background againstwhich caprine domestication could take place, we still continue to speculate on why livestock came tobe incorporated into the ace ramie Neolithic economy. According to archaeological and palaeobotanicalevidence, large scale climatic change and/or landscape deterioration now seem unlikely, reinforcing theidea that socio-cultural factors were primarily responsible for this shift in the pattern of animalexploitation.

RésuméQue ce soient les arguments morphométriques ou. d'autres plus indirects, la domestication du moutonet fort probablement celle de la chèvre prend place durant, le PPNB ancien dans les piémonts sud duTaurus. Même si l'élevage se généralise dans le Levant Nord, au cours du PPNB moyen, lesfréquences de chèvres et de moutons ne dépassent pas 30 % des restes osseux de cette période.Ainsi, l'introduction de ces petits ruminants dans l'économie de ces sites anciens parait moins «révolutionnaire » que l'expression « Révolution Néolithique » ne l'implique. Au cours du PPNB moyen,deux autres espèces acquièrent un statut domestique dans deux régions différentes : Bos dans lebassin du moyen Euphrate et Sus dans le sud-est de la Turquie. A la fin du. PPNB l'élevage du bétailformait une importante composante de l'économie de subsistance humaine dans tout le Levant nord. Àl'exception d''Ovis qui semble avoir été introduit dans le Levant sud à partir du Nord, les modalités duprocessus de diffusion des animaux de ferme depuis leur(s) centre(s) de domestication vers les régionsadjacentes, ont encore besoin d'être étudiées.Même si nous sommes assurés que les changements socioculturels du 11e et du 10e millénaire ВСcalibré se complexifient et que les sociétés socialement stratifiées du Levant nord bâtissent l'arrière-plan culturel, dans lequel la domestication des caprines prend place, nous continuons encore à nousinterroger sur les causes de l'introduction du bétail dans l'économie du Néolithique précéramique. En.nous fondant sur les évidences archéozoologiques et paléobotaniques, les changements climatiques degrande amplitude et/ou les détériorations du milieu nous paraissent maintenant improbables dans cetterégion. Ceci nous renforce dans l'idée que les facteurs socioculturels ont été à l'origine du changementd'exploitation des animaux.

Early Animal Husbandry

in the Northern Levant

j. Peters, d. helmer, a. von den driesch and M. Sana Segui

Abstract : Morphometrical as well as circumstantial evidence indicate that the domestication of sheep and probably also of goat took place in the southern Taurus piedmont during the Early P re- Pottery Neolithic В period (EPPNB). Though caprine husbandry becomes more common in the Northern Levant in the course of the Middle Pre-Potterv Neolithic В (MPPNB), it is observed that remains of sheep and goat account for less than 30 % of the MPPNB bone samples. Thus the incorporation of sheep and goat into the economy of these early sites is less "revolutionary " than the term "Neolithic revolution " might suggest. In the course of the MPPNB two other species acquired domestic status, though apparently in different regions : Bos in the Middle Euphrates Basin and Sus in south-eastern Turkey. By the end of the PPNB, livestock husbandry formed a major component of human subsistence economies throughout the Northern Levant. Except for Ovis, which seem to have been introduced into the Southern Levant from the north, much about the process of diffusion of these farm animals from their centre(s) of domestication to adjacent regions needs to be learned. While the socio-cultural changes during the I Ith and 10th millennia cal. ВС leading to more complex, socially stratified societies in the Northern Levant conceivably provided the cultural background against which caprine domestication could take place, we still continue to speculate on why livestock came to be incorporated into the ace ramie Neolithic economy. According to arch.ae07.00- logical and palaeobotanical evidence, large scale climatic change and/or landscape deterioration now seem unlikely, reinforcing the idea that socio-cultural factors were primarily responsible for this shift in the pattern of animal exploitation.

Résumé : Que ce soient les arguments morphométriques ou. d'autres plus indirects, la domestication du mouton et fort probablement celle de la chèvre prend place durant, le PPNB ancien dans les piémonts sud du Taurus. Même si V élevage se généralise dans le Levant Nord, au cours du PPNB moyen, les fréquences de chèvres et de moutons ne dépassent pas 30 % des restes osseux de cette période. Ainsi, l'introduction de ces petits ruminants dans l'économie de ces sites anciens parait moins « révolutionnaire » que l'expression « Révolution Néolithique » ne l'implique. Au cours du PPNB moyen, deux autres espèces acquièrent un statut domestique dans deux régions différentes : Bos dans le bassin du moyen Euphrate et Sus dans le sud-est de la Turquie. A la fin du. PPNB l'élevage du bétail formait une importante composante de i économie de subsistance humaine dans tout le Levant nord. À l'exception c/'Ovis qui semble avoir été introduit dans le Levant sud à partir du Nord, les modalités du processus de diffusion des animaux de ferme depuis leur(s) centre(s) de domestication vers les régions adjacentes, ont encore besoin d'être étudiées. Même si nous sommes assurés que les changements socioculturels du 1 Ie et du 10e millénaire ВС calibré se complexifient et que les sociétés socialement stratifiées du Levant nord bâtissent i arrière-plan culturel, dans lequel la domestication des caprines prend place, nous continuons encore d nous interroger sur les causes de l'introduction du bétail dans l'économie du Néolithique précéramique. En. nous fondant sur les évidences archéoz.oologiques et paléobotaniques, les changements climatiques de grande amplitude et/ou les détériorations du milieu nous paraissent maintenant improbables dans cette région. Ceci nous renforce dans l'idée que les facteurs socioculturels ont été à l'origine du changement d'exploitation des animaux.

Key-Words : Northern. Levant, PPN. domestication, Capra. Ovis. Bos. Sus. Mots Clefs : Levant Nord, PPN, domestication, Capra. Ovis. Bos. Sus.

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 С CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000 Manuscrit reçu le 12 octobre, accepté le 16 décembre 1999

28 J. Peters, D. Helmer, A. von den Driesch and M. Saňa Segui

INTRODUCTION

In 1959 CA. Reed summarised the state of archaeozoological research in south-western Asia with respect to animal domestication as follows : "At present we can only say that domestication of the goat probably falls between 9 000 and 8 000 BP, and that the domestication of the other three primary food animals (cattle, sheep, pigs) followed some time thereafter... All archaeological work to date in the Near East suggests that both agriculture and animal domestication (with the possible exception of that of the dog) had their origins in the hilly, grassy, and open-forested flanks of the Zagros, Lebanese, and Palestinian mountains" '.

Four decades later, the number of Upper Palaeolithic and Neolithic archaeofaunas analysed and published has increased considerably. Among the Upper Palaeolithic sites, those associated with the Natufian culture have received much attention, because this culture occupies a special place in the evolution of societies in the Near East. In many, though not all, Natufian communities cereals formed a major element of the human diet, implying a (semi)sedentary way of life, which eventually developed into a kind of simple agriculture2. For their animal proteins, however, the Natufians depended ex

clusively on wild animals3, even though they kept domestic dogs4, which supposedly did not contribute to the diet.

Since the transition from hunter-gatherer to farmer in the Near East is most apparent in Palestine and the southern Levant, it was assumed that the Proto-Neolithic inhabitants of these regions were also involved in the domestication of sheep and goat. This view had to be abandoned in the 1980's after it was realised that in the southern Levant there was no major change in the pattern of exploitation of animal resources from the early Natufian until the MPPNB5. As such, PPNA and EPPNB faunal assemblages from the southern Levant fit the generalised hunting pattern with a dominance of gazelle6. Though MPPNB sites do show an increase in caprine remains, the bones morphometrically still resemble the wild form(s), while caprine remains from LPPNB contexts exhibit both metric and morphological features characteristic of domestic animals7. The local domestication of sheep and goat in the

southern Levant being doubtful, it was concluded that domesticated caprines must have been introduced into the region from the north. The diffusion explanation, now widely accepted for sheep8, is still debated for goat9.

Originally the appearance of Neolithic sedentary food-producing economies in the northern Levant was believed to be the result of an endemic movement from the southern Levant by the beginning of the PPNB. After the discovery of PPNA sites such as Tell Mureybet in Syria, however, the initial area of the Neolithic formation was expanded northward to include the Middle Euphrates basin. Moreover, recent archaeological work has shown that south-eastern Turkey also must be considered part of this area10.

Of particular interest in the context of early food-producing economies are the origin and spread of animal husbandry. Archaeozoological work in the 1970' s and 1980' s already suggested that the PPNB inhabitants of the Northern Levant might have been involved in this process11. As a result of the intensive fieldwork in the area during the last decade, important findings regarding ungulate domestication and development of livestock husbandry have been made. Therefore a site by site synopsis of the state of research will be presented in this paper.

Figure 1 gives the locations of the sites mentioned in the text. Culturally these PPN sites exhibit close affinities to the Levantine sites, so the different PPN phases devised for the Levant are applicable (fig. 2)12.

THE ARCHAEOFAUNAS

The following overview of the sites with their dating and main faunal characteristics includes the results of earlier faunal work (in short) as well as recently published fauna! studies and unpublished data (in more detail). For the two sub-regions concerned, the sites are listed according to their archaeological chronology.

NORTHERN SYRIA

The number of aceramic Neolithic sites in northern Syria which had been studied by the end of the seventies was very

1. Reed, 1959. 2. Henry, 1989. 3. E.g. Tchernov, 1991, 1994. 4. Davis and Valla, 1978; Tchernov and Valla, 1997. 5. Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen, 1989; Tchernov, 1993. 6. Horwitz, 1989, 1993; Horwitz and Ducos, 1998. 7. Horwitz, 1993; Von den Driesch and Wodtke, 1997; Horwitz et

ai, this volume : 61-80.

8. Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen, 1989; Ducos, 1993; Horwitz and Ducos, 1998.

9. Von den Driesch and Wodtke, 1997 ; Horwitz et al, this volume. 10. Ózdogan, 1998. 11. Legge, 1975, 1996; Helmer, 1994. 12. Ózdogan, 1998.

Paléorient, vol. 25/2, 1999, p. 27-47 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000

Early Animal Husbandry in the Northern Levant 29

Fig. 1 : Map of the study area with location of the sites mentioned.

Dates cal. B.C.

6000

7000

8000

9000

10000

11000

1 2000

Dates 14C years B.P. 7000

7600

8000

SOOO

9600

10300

12000

Cultures

Ceramic Neolithic and Final PPNB

LPPNB

M PPNB

EřPNU

PPNA

Khiamian

Final Natufian

Late Natufian

F.arly Natufian

Geometric Kebaran

El Kowm2 PNA Aray 2 El Kowm2 PPNB limmelTlel Qdeir

Ras Shamra VA/B Ras Shamra VC

Cmm el Tlei

[Га Ab

Ha Ab

H Mu Ab

Mur Che Jcrf Mur Che M

M

Abu

Sabi Abyad ula 20-34 x Hurcyra 1С

ula 10-19 j Hurcyra 2B Tell Assouad ilula 1-9 eybetlVB i Flureyra 2A Dja'dé cybel 1 VA kh Hassan el Ahmar eybet III kh Hassan rcybct II

jreybet I

Hureyra I

Sites

Bouqras6-1 Giirculepc

Bouqrasll-7 Cjiirciitcpc Hayaz Tell es Sinn

Neval i Çori IV 111

Gobekli Tepe Nevalí Çori I/ II Gflbckh lepe

Ça Ça

Ça

Ça Cafe

Ça Cafe Ça Halla

Flalla

Halla

vonii Tell Sotto Kul Tepe yotra

yonu Magzalia? itille

viinii Hôyûk

yonii Hoyûk vônù n Çcmi

n Çcmi

n Çcmi

Fig. 2 : Chronology of PPN sites in Northern Syria and So ut h- Eastern Turkey.

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 G CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000

30 J. Peters, D. Helmer, A. von den Dríesch and M. Sana Seglt

low : Tell Mureybet and Tell Abu Hureyra. The following decade tripled this number with four new sites (Bouqras, Tell es Sinn, Tell Assouad, Ras Shamra). During the 1990's, eight new sites have been published more or less exhaustively from either long term excavations (El Kowm 2, Qdeir, Umm el Tlel, Aray 2, Tell Sabi Abyad) or from rescue excavations in the Euphrates valley (Jerf el Ahmar, Dja'de, Tell Halula). To these, unpublished data from Tell Mureybet and Tell Cheikh Hassan can be added.

Tell Mureybet is situated on the left bank of the Euphrates near a ford. The study by Ducos l3 examined the fauna! material from the excavations by van Loon (Phases II and III - Khiamian and PPNA) and Cauvin (Phase IV - EPPNB and MPPNB), with emphasis on the larger mammals, from gazelle to aurochs and concluded that remains of domestic animals are lacking. It was observed that over time hunting focussed increasingly on larger species and that during the Khiamian and the PPNA hunting of Bos concentrated on young animals and adult bulls. The EPPNB and MPPNB faunas, however, are characterised by a high proportion of remains from adults, cows and bulls being present in almost equal proportions14. Ducos called this shift in exploitation pattern "proto-élevage" (proto-breeding), a misleading term to refer to what is in fact a case of selective hunting.

More recent excavations at Tell Mureybet produced large samples of animal remains from the late Natufian (Phase I) to the MPPNB (Phase IVB), including the Khiamian (Phase II), the PPNA (Phase III), and the EPPNB (Phase IVA). The fauna! analysis by Helmer confirms the observations by Ducos that domestic ungulates are absent from the Late Natufian through the EPPNB, though dogs are present15. The dominant taxa are Gaze lia, Equus (at least two species), and Bos. Birds, rodents, and fishes are relatively abundant in the oldest phases and become much rarer in the course of time. Two bones from the MPPNB may indicate the presence of Copra : a humérus of small size certainly identified as goat16 and an incomplete proximal metatarsal which may also belong to this species. The Bos remains from this phase are on average relatively small in size, but it is not possible to say whether they belonged to female aurochs or to large domestic cattle. The "proto-élevage" hunting pattern appears to be specific for PPNB Tell Mureybet, it has not been observed either at EPPNB Dja'de or at EPPNB Cheikh Hassan17.

Tell Abu Hureyra is situated on the right bank of the Euphrates near Meskene. It was the object of several trial excavations, exposing zones with differing cultures : Late Natufian, MPPNB, LPPNB, and ceramic Neolithic. In a preliminary study by Legge18, changes in the management of animal resources between the earliest and the most recent occupation are described. The Natufian remains indicate that economic subsistence strategies were centred on gazelles, complemented by equids and caprines. Analogous results have been obtained for the MPPNB. A significant change is observed during the LPPNB occupation, with an inversion in the frequencies of gazelles (18.6%) and caprines (70.5 %). A similar pattern is attested during the ceramic Neolithic (gazelles 21.6 %, caprines 68.7 %). Throughout the sequence, the genera Cervus, Bos, and Sus have much lower frequencies. Interestingly, the exploitation of gazelles was seasonal, in contrast to that of the caprines, which were slaughtered all the year round19.

Contrary to an earlier study20, however, it is now clear that Capra is absent during the late Natufian, its introduction (as a domesticate) dating to the MPPNB21. This coincides with a slight increase in caprine remains (from 6% to 12- 14 % of the large mammal bones). But it is not until the LPPNB that remains of caprines dominate the assemblage (65-75 %). The change in the gazelle/caprine ratio is to be explained both by the increase in caprine husbandry and by a reduction in gazelle hunting because the reduced vegetation cover due to the feeding activities of livestock near the settlement in the later phases would have rendered the site catchment increasingly less attractive to wild ungulates.

The criteria used to illustrate the practice of caprine herding are : 1 ) the reduced height at the withers, 2) the similar size of the sheep/goat remains from Abu Hureyra and other south-west Asian sites, and 3) the fact that the slaughter patterns in the earlier and later PPN levels are virtually identical.

The large Early Neolithic village of Jerf el Ahmar is situated on the left bank of the Euphrates circa 70 km to the north of Tell Mureybet (fig. 1). The occupation of the site began in the PPNA, with levels which may be EPPNB at the summit of the tell. As in other sites of the same period, there are no domesticated animals except dogs22. Hunting essentially focussed on Equus, Gaz.ella, and Bos. From the fauna!

13. Ducos. 1978: Ducos and Helmer, 1980. 1.4. Helmer et ai, in prep. 15. Helmer. 1991. 16. Diagnosis confirmed by J.-D. Vigne, to whom our warmest thanks. 17. Helmer. 1994.

18. Legge, 1975. 19. Legge and Rowley-Conwy, 1987. 20. Legge, 1972. 1977. 21. Legge, 1996: 256 ff. 22. Helmer. 1994; Helmer et al., 1998.

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 О CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000


composition and the larger size of certain species it can be deduced that the environment near Jerf el Ahmar was more humid than at Tell Mureybet23.

Excavations at Tell Cheikh Hassan, a site located to the north of Tell Mureybet, focussed on levels dating to the PPNA and EPPNB. A preliminary study of the fauna24 indicates the absence of domestic animals except for the dog. The PPNA faunal spectrum is similar to the one at Tell Mureybet, with high percentages of Equus, Gaze lia and Bos. The EPPNB fauna closely resembles that of the preceding period, except for a higher percentage of gazelles.

The EPPNB site of Dja'de lies on the left bank of the Euphrates, 30 kilometres north of Jerf el Ahmar. Excavations still continue and only preliminary information about its fauna is available25. It differs only in detail from other PPNA faunas and from the EPPNB assemblage of Tell Cheikh Hassan, both in terms of taxa present and frequencies.

Upstream from Jerf el Ahmar on the north bank of the Wadi Kalkal, two kilometres west of the Euphrates, lies Tell Halula. The archaeological sequence of this large Neolithic village indicates occupation from the MPPNB to the Halaf period. Fauna! analysis of the bone material from the PPN levels has indicated the moment of domestication and/or introduction of the four main domestic species26. During the early MPPNB, subsistence was based mainly upon the hunting of aurochs (10.5 % to 21.8 %), gazelles (13.1 % to 26.0 %). suids (4.2 % to 15.7 %), cervids (3.6 % to 14.4 %) and equids (0.3 % to 3.2 %). It also included the husbandry of goats, which contributed significantly to the diet of the site inhabitants (26.3 % to 39.5 %)27. The frequency of Ovis does not exceed 0.1 % in any of the levels of this early occupation stage. Towards the end of the MPPNB, however, the site witnessed the introduction of domestic sheep, as well as an increasing importance of caprine husbandry in the economy of the site.

Once caprine husbandry was firmly established at the beginning of the LPPNB, domestic cattle appear in the faunal record of Tell Halula and the number of wild animals declined drastically. Consequently, the domestication of Bos must already have started during the preceding MPPNB. Considering

that reduction in size is one of the characteristic features of animal domestication, we compared measurements of Bos tali from Natufian to LPPNB levels of the Syrian Euphrates Basin. On figure 3a diminution in size of Bos from the MPPNB onward becomes visible : While the Bos tali from the earlier occupation stages (Final Natufian/Khiamian. PPNA. and EPPNB) form two clusters (cows and bulls) in the scattergrams (fig. 3a-c), such a clear division is lacking in the scattergrams of Bos tali from later deposits (fig. 3d, e) because of the appearance of smaller individuals of both sexes in the assemblages. Furthermore, a size comparison by means of the LSI (or log size index) method28 between wild cattle remains from PPNA Gobekli Tepe and EPPNB Ne vah Çori on the one hand and the Bos remains from MPPNB Tell Halula and LPPNB Gu'rcutepe on the other hand (fig. 7) revealed that the MPPNB cattle from Tell Halula were significantly smaller than those from earlier periods. If not an artefact of sampling, this shift in size toward smaller individuals can be considered indicative for the keeping and breeding in captivity of at least part of the Bos population.

The scarce remains of Sus recovered at Tell Halula do not provide enough information to understand in detail its domestication. However, the presence of domestic pig at the beginning of the LPPNB implies, as for cattle, that it was domesticated at least by the end of the MPPNB. Parallel to the appearance of domestic cattle and pigs in the fauna! record, sheep gradually acquired a quantitative importance superior to that of goats29.

The site of Bouqras30 is located near the junction of the Habur and Euphrates rivers. The archaeofaunas come from levels dating to the LPPNB and the ceramic Neolithic and are characterised by a prevalence of domestic caprines, with sheep being dominant3'. Bos also played an important role in the economy of the site, both wild and domestic cattle being present. Some of the remains of Sus are probably domestic. Hunting was of minor importance and essentially focussed upon gazelles.

The LPPNB site of Tell es Sinn is situated 30 km upstream from Bouqras on the north side of the Euphrates. The majority of the faunal remains pertain to caprines, with

23. Helmer et ai. 1998. 24. Helmer. 1994: Helmer et ai. 1998. 25. I hid, 26. Sana Seguí. 1997. 1999. 27. Probably because goat herding had only barely begun. This situation

is comparable to that at Tell Abu Hureyra. in that there existed a cultural inertia characterising the transition between an economy based exclusively on hunting and one with a fully developed animal husbandry.

28. This technique is employed to investigate variability in animal size through time and across space when analytical units of interest contain only small numbers of measurable skeletal parts: for details see Meadow. 1981. 1999.

29. Sana Segi i. 1997. 1999. 30. Clason. 1979-1980: Buitenhuis. 1988. 31. According to Buitenhuis. sheep and goats are in equal proportions

in the earlier levels. The proportion shifts in favour of sheep in the latest levels.

Paléoiïenl. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 ^ CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000

32 J. Peters, D. Helmer, A. von den Driesch and M. Sana Segui

65 п 63 -1 61 59 57

S 55- 53 ч 51 49 47 -

Bos - Talus - Syrian Euphrates P

P P П

G \.

П 1

GLm PPNA

65 -, 63 61 59 57 ->

S 55- 53 51 49 47 -

a

6os - Talus -

D П

П ! ■*. Ol 00 О

Syrian Euphrates

D G

□ x \

GLm EPPNB

65 -, 63 61 59 57 ■

S 55 53 51 49 ■ 47 ■ 45 a к

Bos - Talus - Syrian Euphrates

п

р ^С ff \

п \ п D п п

GLm LPPNB

Bos - Talus - Syrian Euphrates 65 -, 63 61 59 ■ 57

S 55 53 51 49 47 45

an \ a D gag a \ □ D- '

G GLm

MPPNB

Fig. 3 : Bos. Measurements of tali from Natufian to LPPNB contexts from sites located in the Syrian Euphrates Basin. Tali from male and female wild cattle are separated by a line.

Ovis outnumbering Capra. Bos ranks second, followed by Gaze lia and Sus. Osteometrically both the wild and the domestic form are present for Ovis, Capra, and Bos, though the latter is clearly dominant32.

Tell Assouad is located 20 km to the south of Tell Sabi Abyad on the left bank of the Nahr el Turkman, a tributary of the Balikh. During the LPPNB occupation of the site, people kept sheep and goats in large numbers, the latter being the dominant species. Bos is large in size and perhaps wild, while Sus is large for certain bones, smaller for others.

However, the presence of domestic pig could not be ascertained due to the small sample size33.

Human inhabitation at Ras Shamra, a site located on the Mediterranean coast, lasted from the beginning of the LPPNB to the Early Bronze Age. A preliminary faunal analysis has shown that besides caprines, domestic cattle and pigs are also present in the LPPNB. In all the occupation periods, cattle and pigs are characterised by high frequencies, generally even higher than that of sheep and goats34.

32. Clason, 1979-1980. 33. Helmer, 1985. 34. Helmer, 1989, 1992.



Sites dating to the final PPNB (PPNC) and earliest ceramic Neolithic are El Kowm 235. Umm el Tlel36, Qdeir37, Tell Aray 238, and Tell Sabi Abyad39. At these sites, animal husbandry forms the basis of the economy, but the species composition depended on the natural environment surrounding the sites. For instance, at El Kowm 2, Qdeir and Umm el Tlel, located in the Syrian steppe, pig remains are absent except for a single Sus bone (from Umm el Tlel), which probably belongs to a wild boar, while respectively 4 % and 27 % of the Sus bones from Tell Sabi Abyad and Tell Aray belonged to domestic pigs.

Three Neolithic settlements located in the piedmont of Jebel Sinjar40 in North Iraq should briefly be mentioned, i.e. LPPNB Magzalia41 and early ceramic Neolithic Tell Sotto and Kiil Tepe. At LPPNB Magzalia domestic sheep and goats are already present in the earliest levels. The domestication status of Bos is uncertain : if its size corresponds to that of wild cattle in the earliest levels, the remains of the later levels indicate much smaller animals (though the sample is small). Sus is poorly represented and of large size. At Tell Sotto and Kiil Tepe Ovis, Capra, Bos, and Sus are domestic.

SOUTH-EASTERN AND EASTERN TURKEY

At the end of the eighties, published faunal analyses were available for only four sites in south-eastern Turkey, namely Cayônii Tepesi, Hayaz Hôyiik, Gritille Hôyiik, and Cafer Hoyiik. Recent archaeozoological studies deal with the faunal remains from Hallan Çemi Tepesi, Cayonii Tepesi, Go'bekli Tepe and Giircutepe, while a detailed report on the fauna from Nevah Çori will be published in the near future.

Hallan Çemi Tepesi is a small mound situated in the eastern Taurus. It is located on the western bank of a tributary of the Batman River and the Tigris. Site occupation is broadly contemporary with the end of the Natufian and the beginning of the PPNA in the Levant. During excavation three aceramic levels with circular structures arranged around a central area were recognised. The central area produced most of the bone material, together with three crania of Ovis orientalis that had been arranged purposefully. Caprines account for 45 % of the

sample, Ovis outnumbering Capra by far (18: I)42. Other important species are red deer (25 %) and Sus (17 %). Except for one Bos primigenius skull, remains of wild cattle were not found at the site43. Based on bone morphology and the high percentage (66 %) of adults (> 42 months), the Ovis/Ca- pra remains, which show a bias in favour of male individuals, are considered to represent wild animals44. Conversely, tooth size, kill-off pattern, bias toward males, body part data, and inter-site comparison were interpreted as evidence that the site inhabitants practised some form of pig husbandry45 (but see below).

The extensive site of Çayônii Tepesi is situated by a small tributary of the Tigris River in the Taurus foothills. Ongoing excavations since 1 963 have shown that the site covers almost the entire span of the Neolithic period and that each sub-phase is characterised by particular types of buildings46. In two earlier faunal reports the remains have been lumped into material from "earlier" and "uppermost" levels47. The earlier level is now known to correspond to the Round Building (PPNA) to the Cobble-paved and Cell-plan Building sub-phases and the uppermost levels to the late Cell-plan and Large Room Building sub-phases48. During the earlier occupation phase people hunted a variety of ungulates, essentially wild boar (46.8 %), aurochs (15.4 %), and red deer (17.7 %), whereas caprines only accounted for 20 % of the sample49. In the later assemblage 76 % of the material comes from caprines50 and a shift within the caprines from predominantly goats to a dominance of sheep is visible51. The increased proportion of caprines in the uppermost levels, the changed proportion of sheep and goat, and the fact that the animals of these Late/Final PPNB levels appear to be smaller than

35. Helmer. 2000. 36. Helmer and Sana. 1993. 37. Excavation in progress: Helmer. 1992. 38. Hongo. 1996b. 39. Cavallo. 1995. 1997. 40. Helmer. 1994. 41. A preliminary faunal study was carried out by Gadjief in 1989.

42. Rosenberg el al.. 1995 : 5 ff . : 1998. 43. Rosenberg el ai, 1998 : 28 ff. 44. Of the 28 caprine bones that could be reliably sexed. 19 are from

males and only 9 from females: Rosenberg el ai, 1998 : 33. According to Redding, such selective hunting of males is more typical of animal husbandry than of hunting. However, bone samples from wild ruminants, for example gazelle, often show male biassed sex ratios (e.g. Cope. 1991).

45. Rosenberg et ai, 1995. 1998. 46. This building sequence is essential for our understanding of the

cultural developments during the PPN of the East Taurus Region. From bottom to top the (sub)-phases are : 1) Round Building (PPNA). 2) Grill-plan Building (final PPNA and EPPNB). 3) Channel Building (MPPNB). 4) Cobble-paved Building (MPPNB). 5) Cell-plan Building (LPPNB), 6) Large Room Building (Final PPNB = PPNC of the Southern Levant). 7) Pottery Neolithic: see Çambel and Braidwood. 1980: Braidwood and Braidwood. 1982: Ozdogan and Ôzdogan. 1998 : 584.

47. Lawrence. 1980. 1982. 48. Hongo and Meadow, in press. 49. Lawrence. 1982 : 199. Table 4: based on relative frequency counts

sensu Perkins and Daly. 1968 : 98 ff. 50. Lawrence. 1982 : 183. 51. Lawrence. 1982 : 199. Table 4.

Paléorienl. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 ^ CNRS EDITIONS 2000

34 J. Peters. D. Hel.vier. A. von den Driesch and M. Sana Segui

their relatives from the earlier levels52 are indicative that they were domestic33. Conversely, the sharp decline in numbers of Bos (only 2.8 % in the uppermost levels) suggests that we are still dealing with wild cattle. Based on a limited review of dental remains from the 1964 campaign, StampflP4 noted the presence of domestic pigs, but the timing of the appearance of the domestic form remained unclear55.

Recent research at Cayônu focussed on the remains of Sus, Bos, and Cervus e lap hus (red deer) from PPN contexts excavated between 1986 and 1991 56. Sus is the most commonly encountered taxon at Cayônii throughout the Prepottery Neolithic. However, neither the kill-off patterns nor the size of pigs show the unequivocal characteristics of a fully domestic population, though some general trends in the analysed Sus data toward features that can be considered as characteristic of domestic populations are noted57. Interestingly, kill-off patterns and size indices for Bos show similar trends to those for Sus5H. Progressively earlier kill-off is observed starting from the Channel Building sub-phase (EPPNB). Although the samples are small, size diminution in cattle through time is suggested both by progressively smaller mean values and the appearance in the EPPNB and MPPNB of animals smaller than the documented range of wild cattle59, in contrast to cattle, no changes are observed in the size or kill-off patterns of red deer through time60.

As to sheep and goat, it is not clear whether domestic animals are present in the recently studied collection. While already in the Round Building sub-phase (PPNA) there seem to be relatively small individuals, wild sheep and goats appear to have been actively hunted at least through the Large Room sub-phase (Final PPNB)61. Of importance, however, is the fact that a microscopic analysis of the silt fraction in the PPNB sediments of Çayônii revealed the presence of caprine dung, indicating that sheep and/or goats were living near or even at the site during the LPPNB (Cell-plan Building sub- phase)62.

52. Uerpmann. 1979 : Fig. 5 ; Lawrence. 1.982 : Table 1.2 ; Legge. 1996 : figs 13.2-13.6.

53. Lawrence. 1.982; Legge. 1996. 54. Cf. Lawrence. 1980 : 299: Stampfu. 1983: Identification confirmed

by Kusatman. 1991. 55. Hongo and Meadow, in press. 56. Kusatman. 1991; Hongo and Meadow, 1998. in press: ÔksOz.

1998. in press: Tlgezdi. 1999. in press. 57. Hongo and Meadow. 1998. in press. 58. Óksuz. 1998. in press. 59. Grigson, 1989. 60. Ilgezdi. in press. 61. Hongo and Meadow, in press. 62. Brochier. 1993.

Fig. 4 : T -formed stone pillar from Gobekli Tepe with aurochs, fox, and crane (?). Photograph by D. Johannes (DAI-Istanbul), reproduced with kind permission of the German Archaeological Institute (DAI), Istanbul.

In the low hills that border the Harran plain to the north lies the site of Gôbekli Tepe, located about 10 km to the north-east of the town of Sanhurfa. The site occupation started during the PPNA, the available C14-dates63 falling within the

63. So far. two radiocarbon dates are available: 9 559 ± 53 BP. i.e. 9 163-8744 cal ВС (2ó) and 9452 ± 73 BP. i.e. 9 136-8986 cal ВС (26) (Kromer and Schmidt. 1999).

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 ^ CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000


time range of Mureybet IIIB. and continued into the MPPNB64. Of particular interest is the presence of cult buildings with T-shaped stone pillars (up to 3.5 m high) decorated with images of animals (fig. 4). Among them are snakes, lions, foxes, wild cattle, and probably a crane. So far only the fauna! remains from the PPNA levels have been analysed. Persian gazelle (43 %) is the most common species, followed by wild cattle (20%). Asiatic wild ass (Equus hemionus: 10 %) and wild boar (8 %). Caprine remains account for 1 1 % of the sample : all the caprine remains that could be identified to the species level belong to Ovisb5. With the exception of an upper jaw of a medium sized dog. morphometrical evidence for the presence of domesticates is lacking.

The PPNB site of Cafer Hôyiik is located in the Taurus mountains about 40 km north-east of the town of Malatya, on the right bank of a tributary of the Euphrates. Thirteen levels dating to the EPPNB (XIII-IX). the MPPNB (VIII-V) and the transition Middle/Late PPNB (IV-I) could be distinguished66. Capra (42.9 %) is the most abundant species, followed by Sus (24.8 %), Ovis (13.6%). Bos (12.6%), and Cervus (2.1 %)67. Throughout the sequence, however, the size, the morphology and the age related kill-off patterns of Capra and Ovis do not indicate a domestic status. The Bos remains do not differ in size from the aurochs specimens obtained from the PPNA levels at Mureybet, whereas the Sus remains fall within the range of variation of wild boar.

The settlement complex of Nevalí Çori is located in the foothills of the southern Taurus on a tributary of the Euphrates. Excavations revealed that the occupation of the site probably started at the end of the PPNA and lasted throughout most of the PPNB6S. Cult buildings with stone carvings representing human beings and animals and some stone pillars, showing close similarities with the ones excavated at Gobekli Tepe, were found69. The bulk of the fauna! remains analysed come from levels that date to the early (levels I/II) and later (level III) EPPNB, a smaller assemblage comes from a MPPNB context (level IV)70. From the fauna! analysis a

64. Beile-Bohn et ai. 1998: Schmidt 1998a. 1998b. 65. Von den Driesch and Peters. 1999. 66. Calvin. 1985: Calvin et ai. in press. 67. Helmer. 1988. 68. According to Schmidt (1998b: 2). it is likely that the occupation

of the site already started somewhat earlier and that some of the ar- chaeo(zoo)logical remains might even date to the PPNA. Moreover. Nevah Çori also was inhabited during the LPPNB period, but these occupation levels have disappeared completely due to erosion.

69. Halttmann. 1993: Schmidt. 1998a. 1998b. 70. Von den Driesch and Peters, in prep. The number of identified

specimens (NISP) for the EPPNB and the MPPNB contexts respectively are 5 377 and 723.

Fig 5 : Relative frequence of major mammalian taxa based on the number of identified specimens for each of the three subphases at Nevah Çori. I/II = older stage of the EPPNB; HI = younger stage of the EPPNB; IV = MPPNB.

shift in the species composition in the course of time becomes obvious (fig. 5) : Persian gazelle, Cape hare, and red fox progressively become less important as Ovis, Capra, Bos, and Sus increase in number. Whereas at PPNA Gobekli Tepe remains of male caprines outnumber those of females, the Ovis/Capra sample from Nevah Çori shows a clear bias in favour of female animals. Moreover, based upon the age structure of the postcranial skeleton, immature and mature (> 3 '/2 years) caprines are present in an almost equal proportion at PPNA Gobekli Tepe, while the Ovis/Capra assemblage from EPPNB Nevah Çori is characterised by a high proportion of immature animals (72 %)71.

Changes in species abundance, sex and age structure of a population being characteristics significant of early domestication72, we examined another feature associated with domestication, namely a diminution in bone size. A comparison between the mean values of the bone measurements of Ga- zella by means of the LSI-Method73 did not reveal a significant difference in size between the populations of Persian gazelle from PPNA Gobekli Tepe, Early and Middle PPNB Nevah Çori and Late PPNB Gurcutepe (fig. 6). Thus if significant changes in body size in other ungulate species

7 1 . Von den Driesch and Peters, in prep. 72. E.g. Bokonyi. 1969: Davis. 1987: Lecge. 1996. 73. Ideally, a bone sample of the wild species from the same locality is

needed against which to measure such a change (e.g. Legge. 1996). Since this was not possible, we compared the size of the Nevah Çori remains with those obtained on bone specimens from the nearby sites of Gobekli Tepe and Cafer Hóviik.

Palmrient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 L CNRS EDITIONS 2000


0,0

GAZELLA

y /////////y/ у/уУ^л////// ууууу/1,

///уУ////////у ШШ^у

У/////, у/////, Ж

У////// W//A

376 Gôbekli Tepe

PPNA 563

Nevalí Çori EPPNB

48 Nevalí Çori

MPPNB 32

Giircutepe LPPNB

Fig. 6 : Summary of Gôbekli Tepe, Nevah Çuri, and Giirciitepe Gazella log size index data. The "0"-line or "standard animal" is a modem male Gazella subgutturosa (ÍPM 32; von den Driesch and Peters, in prep.).

50 Cafer Hôyuk

PPNB 26

Nevah Çori EPPNB

107 Tell Halula

MPPNB 30

Giircutepe LPPNB

Fig. 8 : Summary of Cafer Hôyuk, Nevah Çori, Tell Halula and Giircutepe Capra log size index data. The "0"-line or "standard animal" is based on the mean values of a modern female (BMNH 651 M) and a modern male (BMNH 651 L2) Capra aegagrus (Uerpmann and Uerpmann, 1994 : Table 14).

51 Gôbekli Tepe

PPNA 13

Nevah Çori EPPNB

42 Tell Halula

MPPNB 52

Gurciitepe LPPNB

Fig. 7 : Summary of Gôbekli Tepe, Nevah Çori, Tell Halula and Gurciitepe Bos log size index data. The "0"-line or "standard animal" is the early Holocene female Bos primigenius from Ullerslev (DEGERB0L, 1970).

N = 85 39 37 23 89 Gôbekli Tepe Cafer Hôyùk Nevali Çori Tell Halula Gurciitepe

PPNA PPNB EPPNB MPPNB LPPNB Fig. 9 : Summary of Gôbekli Tepe, Cafer Hôyiik, Nevah Çori, Tell Halula and Giircutepe Ovis log size index data. The "0"-line or "standard animal" is a modern female Ovis orientalis (FMC 57951 ; Uerpmann and Uerpmann, 1994 : Table 12).

occurred, they had to be related to phenomena other than climatic and/or environmental change. Whereas in Bos, no significant difference in size between the populations compared could be noted (fig. 7), indicating that we are dealing with wild cattle, a shift towards smaller individuals could be

observed in the populations of Capra (fig. 8), Ovis (fig. 9), and Sus (fig. 10). As will be discussed below, it can be postulated that the EPPNB populations of Ovis and perhaps also Capra included domestic animals.



34 Gobekli Tepe

PPNA 55

Cafer Hóyiik PPNB

37 Nevalí Çori E+MPPNB

42 Giircutepe

LPPNB Fig. 10 : Summary of Gobekli Tepe, Cafer Hoyiik, Nevalí Çori, and Giirciitepe Sus log size index data. The "0"-line or "standard animal" is a modern female Turkish wild hoar (MCZ 51621 ; HONGO and Meadow, 1998 : Table 5).

The small tell of Hayaz Hôyiik lies on the right bank of the Euphrates near the Kalburçu confluence. Its LPPNB occupation was not a settlement but a flint workshop74. Caprines (64 %) dominate the faunal assemblage, the ratio of Ovis to Capra being about 1 : 1 75. Sus (20 %) and Bos (1 1 %) were also of economic importance. Most of the caprine remains were of domestic animals, whereas the domestication status of Bos and Sus is uncertain76.

Gritille Hoyiik is a large mound located on the right bank of the Euphrates. It lies in the transitional zone between the Eastern Taurus and the lowland steppe. The faunal assemblage from the LPPNB levels is dominated by Ovis/Capra (71 %). Sus (16.5 %) and Bos (3.2 %) comprise the second and third largest group. Sheep outnumbered goats by nearly 3 : 1 77. Based upon the age structure of a combined mandible sample for the two species, in which 65 % were killed before 36 months of age, the caprines from Gritille are considered to

74. Buitenhuis, 1996. 75. Buitenhuis. 1985, 1988. 76. Buitenhuis, 1988: 98; Grigson. 1989. A more recent bio-metrical

study, however, confirms the domestic status of cattle and pigs (Helmer. 1994).

77. Stein, 1986a. b. Though roe deer, fallow deer, gazelle, and hare are only present in small numbers, it is argued that hunting was of economic importance for the site inhabitants, especially during winter, since the seasonal movements of the animals would have brought them down from the snow-covered uplands and into the largely snow-free Euphrates floodplain at this time of the year. Gritille's location would have provided an ideal location for « minimum-effort » hunting.

0,0

о

1 \/////У// -' ■'■//////\ АААШАа

^A'A^'AA уА/уууу-ууА,

о

SUS-

''УАУУуАу'уА//

м3

33 Recent Sus

19 Cayônii Tepesi

PPNB 15

Giircutepe LPPNB

Fig. 11 : Summary of modern wild boar, Cayônii Tepesi and Giircutepe Sus - Мз log size index data. The "0"-line corresponds to the occlusal length of the Мз (= 38.5 mm) of a modern female Turkish wild boar (MCZ 51621 ; Hongo and Meadow, 1998 : Table 4). For measurements of Мз of modern Near Eastern wild boar see Flannery (1961, in : Stampfli, 1983 : 446), Stampfli (1983 : Table 31, 37), and Payne and Bull (1988 : 55 ff\).

be domesticated. The domestication status of Bos and Sus is doubtful 7X.

The name Giircutepe refers to a complex of Neolithic low mounds along the Balikh, a few kilometres to the east of the town of §anhurfa in the northern Harran plain, at a distance of ca. 12 km from Gobekli Tepe. At least eight sites are present79. Of particular interest is Giircutepe II. Its upper occupation layer can be paralleled with the Cayônii Large Room sub-phase (Final PPNB). From the underlying LPPNB deposits, a rich faunal assemblage has been collected. Compared to PPNA Gobekli Tepe, the Giirciitepe assemblage is characterised by a high proportion of caprines (65 %), an increased proportion of Sus (19%) and a decrease in the frequency of Bos (12 %)80. Among the caprine specimens identified, Ovis dominates, the ratio Ovis to Capra being 4 : 1. Of interest is the fact that Capra enters the archaeofaunal record of the region. Its introduction as a domesticate seems likely, considering the proportion of goat remains in the

78. Stein. 1986a: 7. 79. Beile-Bohn et ai. 1998. 80. Whereas at Gobekli Tepe Persian gazelle. Asiatic wild ass. red fox,

Cape hare, and deer account for some 61 % of the total number of identified specimens (NISP = 5410). only 4% of the identified faunal remains from Gurciitepe (NISP = 6338) could be attributed to these species.

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 <ô CNRS EDITIONS 2000

38 J. Peters. D. Helmer. A. von den Driesch and M. Sana Segui

assemblage (с. 14 %) and the fact that the animals on average are significantly smaller than the morphometrically wild goats from PPNB Cafer Hôyiik and EPPNB Nevalí Çori (fig. 8). The domestic status is not contradicted by the age structure : based upon a combined mandible sample for Ovis/Capra, it was noted that 60 % were killed before 24 months of age. Among the remains of adults, the ratio female to male is 2 : 1 . As well as sheep and goats, pigs and probably cattle were also kept and bred in captivity at LPPNB Giircutepe.

LIVESTOCK DOMESTICATION IN THE NORTHERN LEVANT

absence of Ovis in MPPNB settings of the southern Levant86 and its introduction as a domesticate during the LPPNB, however, point to an area of domestication to the north87.

3) The third ungulate species to be domesticated was Bos^, its presence being noted in levels dating to the later stage of the LPPNB.

4) The domestication of Sus occurred relatively late compared to Ovis, Copra and probably Bos, the presence of domestic pigs only being ascertained in contexts dating to the Late/Final PPNB.

For each species, the faunal data at present available makes it necessary to modify the assumptions proposed at the beginning of the 1990' s.

The intensification of archaeological fieldwork in northern Syria and south-eastern Turkey during the 1980's has not only confirmed the cultural affinities between the PPNB settlements of the two regions81, but has also proved that the eastern Taurus was part of the initial area of the Neolithic formation. Based on the archaeological, archaeobotanical and archaeozoological evidence, it is generally accepted that livestock domestication was preceded by a sedentary way of life and plant domestication82. Whereas in the Northern Levant the earliest traces of agriculture are associated with levels dating to the PPNA83, unequivocal evidence for the keeping and/or exploitation of domesticated animals before the PPNB is lacking, with the exception of the dog, known to be present along the Syrian Euphrates from the Natufian onward, e.g. at Tell Mureybet. With respect to the postulated late Natu- fi an/earl y PPNA pig husbandry at Hallan Çemi, the evidence is not convincing from an archaeozoological point of view (see below).

Less than a decade ago, the following hypotheses about the origins of farm animals and the development of livestock husbandry in the study area were proposed84 :

1 ) The first ungulate species to be domesticated was Capra. Its domestication took place in the MPPNB. Considering the early Holocene distribution of wild goat {Capra aegagrus)^5, domestication could have taken place in many areas of southwestern Asia.

2) Somewhat later than Capra but still in the course of the MPPNB, domestic sheep made their appearance. The

CAPRA

Recent work at Tell Abu Hureyra and Tell Halula has shown that remains of domestic goats are found in levels associated with the onset of the MPPNB. In the absence of any preceding EPPNB inhabitation at these sites, this implies that the first settlers must have brought the animals with them. Consequently the domestication of Capra aegagrus must have started during the EPPNB. Since there is no evidence for the process in the Middle Euphrates Basin, we must look at other regions in south-west Asia to trace its beginnings. One potential area of domestication might be the Jordan Valley and its periphery and the slopes of the Judean hills, where Capra aegagrus was the dominant species throughout much of the PPNB. Yet obvious changes in the mor- phometry of Capra as a result of domestication only become evident from the onset of the LPPNB, and this would contradict a southern Levantine ancestry for the MPPNB goats of Tell Abu Hureyra and Tell Halula. However, size difference between Capra aegagrus and early domestic goats being minimal at best89, difficulties might arise to trace incipient domestication wherever the wild population continues to exist nearby, in particular while the breeding stock may never be completely isolated from free-ranging Capra aegagrus. Founder herds may therefore only be detected in the faunal record if they are separated spatially from the wild population, since this will bring about shifts in the selection pressures'

81. Calvin. 1996 : 17. 82. Calvin. 1978. 83. Cauvin et ai, 1998. 84. Helmer. 1992. 1994. 85. Uerpmann, 1987 : 126.

86. Horwitz and Ducos. 1998. 87. Legge and Rowley-Conwy. 1986: Helmer. 1992 88. But see Grigson. 1989. 89. Zeder. this volume: 11-25. 90. Cf. Zohary et al.. 1998.

93.

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 <0 CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000


phenotypic changes, some of which will be reflected in skeletal size and/or morphology. In sum. though the fauna] record of the Southern Levant does not illustrate any change in the relationship between caprines and humans during the EPPNB. the possibility a priori cannot be entirely ruled out91.

Unequivocal evidence for the domestication of Capra is also lacking to the north of the Middle Euphrates valley. Of interest might be the observation that the EPPNB Capra remains from Nevalí Çori are on average smaller than the PPNB wild goat bones from Cater Hoyiik. Some of the Nevah Çori specimens even are similar in size to the smallest domestic goats from Tell Halula (fig. 8). Admittedly, the fact that the goat remains from Nevah Çori on average come from individuals intermediate in size between the wild goats from Cater Hoyu'k and the domestic goats from Tell Halula does not necessarily imply that we are dealing with animals in the process of being domesticated. Other explanations, e.g. Bergman's rule92, can perhaps be invoked to explain the north- south diminution in size between the Capra populations from Cafer Hoyiik and Nevah Çori93. Moreover, the Capra sample from Nevah Çori yielded a slightly higher percentage of remains from females, and this may have resulted in a somewhat lower mean size94. However, apart from a smaller mean body size and a female biassed sex ratio, an increase in the frequency of Capra from the Early to the Middle PPNB as well as a comparably high proportion of remains from immature individuals in the caprine assemblage (> 70 %) have been noted. These data suggest that in south-eastern Turkey some goats may have been kept and bred by man as early as the EPPNB. an assumption that has to be substantiated by further research.

Future archaeological work in the Levant might help to clarify the geographic origin of the goats introduced in the Middle Euphrates valley. Based on their archaeological inventories, it has been noted that the MPPNB sites of Tell Halula and Tell Abu Hureyra exhibit close cultural affinities.

91. See the case of LPPNB 'Ain Ghazal. von den Driesch and Wodtke. 1997.

92. Bergmann's rule is based on the observation that the size of homo- iothermic animals tends to increase along a temperature gradient from warm to cold temperatures. The explanation is that larger animals tend to produce more heat (body volume) and lose less (skin area), a clear advantage in cooler climates. It has been noted, however, that the wild goats from Cafer Hoyiik are comparable in size to the animals from the site of Vlunhatta in Palestine (Drros. 1968). Conceivably Bergmann's rule may be of limited value to explain size diminution in ungulate populations of south-western Asia.

93. Zeder. this volume : I 1-25 whether there is a north-south diminution in size from the central to the southern Taurus must be verified by future research.

94. Zeder : 1 1-25.

However, a local development out of the EPPNB Mureybet culture seems unlikely, essentially because of differences in the material culture95. Whether the MPPNB cultures of Tell Halula and Tell Abu Hureyra have their roots to the north of the Middle Euphrates Basin is not clear, though the possibility must be considered in view of the increasing evidence for close cultural relationships between the PPNB settlements of northern Syria and south-eastern Turkey96.

OVIS

Based on recent archaeozoological work in south-eastern Turkey the presence of domestic sheep in levels dating to the EPPNB can be postulated. The strongest argument in favour of the practice of sheep husbandry at EPPNB Nevah Çori is the statistically significant smaller size of Ovis from this site (fig. 9) relative to the specimens collected at PPNA Gobekli Tepe and PPNB Cafer Hoyuk. But, contrary to Capra, Bergmann's rule can be excluded to explain the reduction in size, because the wild sheep from Cafer Hoyiik and Gobekli Tepe, two settlements located 150 km from each other along a north-south axis, exhibit no significant difference in mean size97. It is noteworthy, however, that the tallest wild sheep rams have been found at Gobekli Tepe in the southern Taurus piedmont, whereas, according to Bergmann's rule, one would expect them at Cafer Hoyiik in the Central Taurus. To a certain extent, the lower mean size of Ovis at Nevah Çori compared to Gobekli Tepe may partly be related to the fact that at the latter site about 60 % of the Ovis remains are those of males, while at Nevah Çori females slightly outnumber males. More important from a bio-statistical point of view, however, is the presence of sheep at EPPNB and MPPNB Nevalí Çori that are significantly smaller than the smallest individuals recorded either from PPNA Gobekli Tepe or from PPNB Cafer Hoyiik. Moreover, an increase in size variability, albeit not very pronounced, becomes visible when comparing the LSI minima and maxima of the different Ovis populations (fig. 9). The significant reduction in mean body size, the lower minimum size, and the increased variability are strongly indicative for the practice of sheep husbandry at an early stage of the EPPNB (c. 8600-8 300 cal. ВС). If so. attempts to exert cultural control over wild sheep may date back to the final stages of the PPNA.

95. Calvin J.. pers. comm. 96. Calvin. 1996 : I 17. 97. There is also no difference in size between the wild sheep from

Cater Hoviik and Tell Murevbet.

Paliioricni. 2511. 1ЧЧЧ. p. 27-47 CNRS EDITIONS 2000


The presence of domestic sheep in the EPPNB of southeastern Turkey is in accordance with the archaeozoological record in other parts of the Near East. Recent excavations at Shillourokambos in Cyprus, for example, showed that sheep were introduced onto the island from the mainland before the end of the 9th millennium cal. ВС98. From the lithic industry of the site, cultural affinities with the northern Levant are evident. If the first settlers of Shillourokambos indeed brought with them domestic sheep, the possibility that they acquired these animals in the southern fringe of the Taurus must be considered.

In the Middle Euphrates Basin, domestic sheep make their appearance somewhat later, i.e. during the late MPPNB". An origin to the north seems likely, considering the fact that further to the south, e.g. in the Damascus Basin and in the Jordan valley, the first domestic sheep are recorded from later levels, namely those that mark the onset of the LPPNB 10°. An interesting parallel to this hypothesis of a north-south diffusion of cultural achievements is offered by the cereals, the earliest domestic emmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum) being evidenced at EPPNB Cayonii 101 and EPPNB Cafer Hoyiik 102, the earliest domestic einkorn wheat (Triticum monococcum) being found at EPPNB Nevah Çori103. But it is not until the MPPNB that the domestic forms of these cereals show up in the botanical record of a number of sites along the Middle Euphrates104.

BOS

Considering the reduction of the size of Bos in PPN sites along the Middle Euphrates (fig. 3), it can be postulated that the domestication process had already started in the course of the MPPNB, if not earlier105. Since in other parts of the Northern Levant remains of small sized cattle from LPPNB contexts come from sites that are located to the north (Giir- ciitepe, Hayaz Tepe), to the south (Bouqras, Tell es Sinn), and to the west (Ras Shamra) of the Middle Euphrates Basin, the latter region with its vast marshlands and gallery forests can be suggested as one centre of cattle domestication and early exploitation.

98. Vigne and Buitenhuis, this volume : 49-62. Apart from Ovis, Capra, Sus, and Bos must also have been introduced onto the island at the end of the 9th millennium ВС.

99. Sana Segui, 1997, 1999. 100. Horwitz and Ducos, 1998. 101. Van Zeist, 1988. 102. Helmer et ai, 1998. 103. Pasternak, 1995. L04. Wtllcox and Català, 1996; Cauvin et al., 1998; Helmer et al.,

1998. 105. Vigne and Buitenhuis, this volume.

Apart from a diminution in size (figs. 3, 7), it has been observed that at sites with only wild cattle, e.g. at PPNA Góbekli Tepe and EPPNB Nevah Çori, the Bos samples yielded a higher proportion of remains from bulls (> 60 %), whereas at sites with (presumably) early domestic cattle, e.g. at Gurciitepe, the ratio males to females is about 1 : 5 106. Whereas at PPNA Góbekli Tepe mandibles of fully mature and senile individuals make out 20 % of the Bos material, these age groups are not represented in the material from Giirciitepe. The absence of such older individuals (> 6-7 years) reflects a culling strategy indicative for herd management, adult animals being slaughtered before becoming too difficult to handle.

SUS

Recently it has been postulated that the beginnings of pig husbandry were contemporary with the end of the Natufian and/or beginning of the PPNA in the Levant. Tooth size, kill-off pattern, bias toward males, body part data, and inter- site comparison of the Hallan Çemi Tepesi Sus data are interpreted in the report on the faunal remains as evidence that the site inhabitants practised some form of pig husbandry. We, however, find it difficult to accept the arguments in favour of the domestic status of the pigs from Hallan Çemi Tepesi for the following reasons :

1) 22 of the 23 measurable upper and lower second and third molars 107 fall within the size ranges of wild boar molars from south-western Asia108. None of the third molars are smaller than the range of overlap of wild and domestic pigs. Only one upper second molar (Length 19.6) 109 is smaller than the M2-lengths of modern wild boar, but variation in size may be underestimated with only 20 comparative specimens available110.

106. A female biassed sex ratio, however, does not necessarily imply a domestic status : whereas at Mureybet III (PPNA) and IVA (EPPNB) bulls and cows are present in equal proportions, females clearly dominate at PPNA Jerf el Ahmar and EPPNB Dja'de.

107. Rosenberg et al., 1 998, footnote 56, 57. ТЪе different molars range in length as follows : M3 : 35.5-39.4 mm (n = 7, X = 36.9); M2 : 19.6-26.3 mm (n = 10, X = 23.3); M3 : 38.4-41.9 mm (n = 3); M2 : 22.0-24.0 mm (n = 3).

108. Molars of recent Near Eastern wild boar have been measured by Flannery (1961; in: Stampfli, 1983: 446), Stampfli (1983: Table 31, 37), and Payne and Bull (1988 : 55 ff.).

109. Based on length measurements of modern Turkish wild boar molars, published by Payne and Bull (1988 : 55 ff.), it becomes obvious that the length of this specimen compares well to those recorded for wild boar upper first molars (n = 18, L min. = 16,9. L max. = 21,0, X = 18,9).

1 10. Stampfli, 1983 : 468, Table 37 ; Payne and Bull, 1988 : 55 f.



2) Although the high proportion (43 %) of bones from juvenile pigs (< 1 year) at Hallan Çemi might indicate an optimising of the meat production, i.e. with very young animals being slaughtered occasionally and few animals being allowed to get very old1", and therefore be indicative for a domestic population, kill-off patterns with similar or even higher percentages of juvenile Sus are also recorded from hunter-gatherer sites with absolutely no evidence for pig husbandry "2.

3) The Hallan Çemi Sus sample is characterised by a clear bias toward male individuals. (MS S to 49 9). Apart from the fact that pig breeders generally prefer a surplus of adult females, it should be mentioned that male biassed sex ratios have been noted repeatedly among the remains of wild boar from Epipaleolithic and Mesolithic sites"3. Hence this ratio cannot be considered indicative for pig husbandry.

4) At Hallan Çemi pigs are represented by more complete skeletal inventories than other game suggesting that pigs were butchered more frequently at or near the site compared to mouflon or red deer. But this need not imply an exploitation of domestic pigs at the same time as the continued hunting of game"4. Some essential ecological requirements of SusU5 - oak woods, gallery forest and surface water - may have been met within the immediate surroundings of the site and this might have resulted in a shorter distance between kill site and the place of consumption. Furthermore carcass weight must also be considered : juvenile pigs (43 %) weigh considerably less than adult wild animals (mouflon, deer, wild boar) and this might explain why complete carcasses of young suids were brought more frequently to the village.

To substantiate their claim for pig husbandry in the Upper Tigris region during Late Natufian-PPNA times, Rosenberg et al. quote the evidence from Çayônii : "It should be noted that at least some domesticated pigs are apparently also present in the round house levels (= PPNA) at Çayônii... Moreover, the most recent pig data from that site116 are also consistent with a mixed pig-hunting/pig-rearing exploitation pattern". As such, this quotation is far from being correct,

111. For example at Hassek Hôyiik (Stahl, 1989 : 42, Table 10), Lidar Hoyuk (Kussinger. 1988 : 80). Kill-off patterns derived from the teeth of pigs from post-Neolithic sites, such as Kaman-Kalehôyiïk indicate an even earlier slaughter schedule for the domestic population there (Hongo, 1996a).

112. E.g. Benecke, 1994: 235. 113. Benecke, 1994: 236, Table 2. 114. Rosenberg et al, 1998. L15. E.g. Harrison and Bates. 1991 : 212; Hatt. 1959, for example,

noted that in the mountainous areas of Iraq wild boar spent the summer in the river valley and the winter in the oak woods on the hill slopes.

116. Rosenberg et al., 1998 (footnote 60) refer to an (at that time) unpublished study by Hongo and Meadow, which appeared in 1998.

since the view expressed by Hongo and Meadow117 is that at PPNB Cayônii, most pigs were hunted and only some animals brought under some form of "cultural control". Thus, while individual animals may have been kept in the community, perhaps as early as the EPPNB "8, and certainly by the MPPNB, man did not interfere with breeding in such a way that the breeding stock became completely isolated from the free-ranging wild population. From their analysis, Hongo and Meadow conclude that pigs were not exploited in the way that they were later and that size diminution had not progressed to any great extent.

At present, unequivocal morphometrical evidence for the occurrence of domestic pigs in the study area comes from LPPNB Hayaz Tepe, Tell Halula, and Giircutepe. At Gtir- ciitepe, for example, pig husbandry is illustrated by the significant smaller bone size and the lower minimum size compared to Sus from PPNA Gôbekli Tepe and PPNB Cafer Hoyiik and Nevah Çori (fig. 10), as well as by the presence of third molars with lengths below the minima recorded for modern populations of Near Eastern wild boar (fig. II)"9. If the latter feature can be considered indicative for an advanced stage of domestication, it would again imply that in south-eastern Turkey pig domestication and husbandry may have started well into the MPPNB, as is suggested by the findings from Cayônii120.

Whether the domestication of Bos preceded that of Sus cannot be established with certainty. Intra-site comparison of the faunal assemblages from subsequent MPPNB and LPPNB layers at Tell Halula suggests that domestic pigs appear in the faunal record somewhat earlier than cattle in Northern Syria.

DIFFUSION OF CAPRINE HUSBANDRY

It is generally believed that once caprines were domesticated, this mode of subsistence rapidly spread across parts of the "Fertile Crescent". In view of recent archaeozoological work, this assumption now seems far too generalised. Whereas the people who arrived at Cyprus at the end of the 9th millennium cal. ВС already brought with them domesticated

117. Hongo and Meadow, 1998. 1 18. Cf. at Shillourokambos ; Vigne and Buitenhuis, this volume : 49-62. 1 19. The reduced M3-Length is due to a shortening of the facial region

and has been noted in many mammalian species under domestication ; e.g. Darwin, 1868 : 71 ff.. Klatt. 1948 : 75 ff . ; Herre and Rohrs, 1990: 229.

1 20. Hongo and Meadow, 1 998 : 87.

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999, p. 27-47 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000

42 J. Peters, D. Helmer. A. von den Drjesch and M. Sana Segui

animals including sheep121, it almost took a millennium for Ovis to reach the northern part of the southern Levant. Was it cultural inertia which hampered the southward diffusion of sheep husbandry (and not the westward diffusion) or should we look for other reasons why the MPPNB communities of hunters, farmers and herders, already engaged in goat husbandry, were so "reluctant" to include another farm animal in their economies ? Part of the answer may be that to the south, different ecozones had to be crossed by a species, essentially adapted to grazing in meadows and open woodland in the mountains and foothills122. Sheep breeders may therefore had to select animals that were more temperature and/or drought-resistant and able to cope with different kinds and new types of vegetation. If, in this respect, the amount of time that elapsed between the earliest attempts of sheep domestication and the arrival of the domestic form in the Southern Levant has a meaning, it may indicate that this process of adaptation was not without problems.

As suggested above, Capra also might have been domesticated in the southern Taurus piedmont during the EPPNB. If this assumption is correct, it would not only be in agreement with the early date of goat husbandry at Shillourokambos in Cyprus123, but would also imply that goat husbandry spread faster to the south than sheep husbandry. Conceivably goat husbandry was the more successful choice from an ecological point of view, considering the fact that the wild goat, Capra aegagrus, was still distributed throughout much of the Levant during the PPNB. whereas wild sheep (Ovis orientalis) only survived in a few ecological favourable areas, e.g. around Basta124. In the course of the PPN, however, sheep became the dominant species, even in Neolithic communities located in the arid Syrian steppe. Thus, while the PPN fauna! record of the Levant indirectly illustrates a selection toward sheep breeds increasingly better adapted to drier environments, it does not provide yet an answer to one fundamental question : What made sheep husbandry so "attractive" as to cause a shift away from an economy based primarily on the keeping and breeding of goats, as observed at Tell Halula. at Tell Abu Hureyra, or at 'Ain Ghazal ? At present, the answer must remain speculative, ecological, (more intensive plant cover degradation, crop damage by goats), behavioural (easier handling/herding of sheep ?) and economic (secondary products, e.g. hair, wool ?) considerations being possible.

WHY DOMESTICATE ?

There have been many attempts to explain the reasons that underlie the beginnings of animal domestication, e.g. Hahn's hypothesis of a religious origin of domestic animals, cattle and sheep being domesticated for use as sacrifices125, Hilz- heimer's theory that domestication was invented to supply meat and skins126, or Pumpelly's "oasis theory"', according to which the emergence of agriculture and animal domestication was due to climatic deterioration l27. Common to these and other explanations is the presumption that in human societies a certain level of social organisation must be achieved before animal domestication becomes feasible. From the archaeological record of the Middle and Upper Euphrates Basin, evidence indicative of social stratification has been recorded from sites dating to the middle stages of the PPNA128. Over time, socio-cultural complexity increased, as can be deduced for example from the architecture of sites dating to the later stage of the PPNA and to the PPNB l29. Of special interest is the fact that in many of these PPN settlements an area was reserved for cult buildings, distinguishable from domestic structures by their different construction techniques and by their monumental aspect. Associated with these cult buildings are particular objects, among them large sculptures of animals and decorated stone pillars (fig. 4)l3(). As such, these monumental works of art not only illustrate the importance of animals in the spiritual world of PPN human groups, they also reflect a complex, socially stratified society with considerable organisational abilities. Against the background of these socio-cultural changes during the 11th and 10lh millennia ВС, cultural control of (smaller) ungulate species conceivably took place, perhaps as early as the later PPNA. followed by the domestication of Ovis and Capra in the course of the 9th millennium cal. ВС and of Bos and Sus in the following millennium.

Despite more than 50 years of archaeozoological research in the Near East, the reason(s) why domesticated livestock were incorporated into the aceramic Neolithic economy have not yet been established with certainty. Based on earlier work in the Southern Levant it was assumed that the process was triggered by large scale climatic deterioration, which resulted

1.21. Vigne and Buitenhuis. this volume 1.22. Clltton-Brock. 1987. 123. Vigne and Buitenhuis. this volume. 124. Becker. 1998.

49-62.

125. Hahn, 1.896. 126. Hilzheimer. 1931. 127. Pumpelly. 1908: hypothesis proposed and popularised by Childe.

1928 : 42 f . : see Uerpmann'

1996 : 229. 128. Calvin. 1978. 1996: Ózdogan. 1998. 129. Hauptmann. 1993 : Cauvin. 1996: Ôzdogan and Ózdogan. 1998. 130. Hauptmann. 1993: Beile-Bohn et ai. 1.998: Schmidt. 1998a. b.

Paléorient. vol. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 О CNRS EDITIONS 2000


in reduced availability of food plants and game species. This widespread opinion, however, is contradicted by fauna] work in the Northern Levant, where only one significant faunal change has been observed and that only in the Palmyran Basin. Here during the transition from the Geometric Kebarian to the Natufian (i.e. between the Aller0d and the lower Dryas). camels and large equids disappear from the faunal record and deer enter the faunal record. Thus, according to the fauna! evidence, the upper Dryas (late Natufian and Khiamian) in the Northern Levant may have been slightly cooler but certainly not drier than the following Preboreal period (PPNA. EPPNB). Indeed, at Mureybet, the only site in the Euphrates valley with levels dating to all the relevant periods, no change in body size has been observed in the consecutive populations of gazelle, hare, and aurochs. In sum, the faunal record indicates only very minor climatic changes from the end of the Pleistocene to the beginning of the Holocene. This situation is clearly different from that in the Mediterranean zone and probably resulted from the marked continental character of the northern Levantine steppes and the proximity of the desert to the south-east. The botanical evidence too indicates that only a relatively moderate desiccation occurred in northern Syria during the upper Dryas. with a notable absence of any significant change in the shrub vegetation cover131.

Thus changes in climate in the Northern Levant during the period preceding the introduction of agriculture (i.e. between the late Natufian and the Khiamian) were certainly less apparent and a priori less traumatic than those in the Mediterranean zone. But it is not until the beginning of the Preboreal period (PPNA) that pre-domestic agriculture emerges and at this time the climatic conditions were favourable for the growth of cereals. This is only a paradox if one believes that the evolution of human societies was totally dependent on the surrounding physical environment. Yet, as already mentioned, it now seems unlikely that the initial stages of plant and animal domestication in the Northern Levant were triggered by environmental degradation and/or scarcity of bio-resources. We therefore consider that this shift in subsistence may have been the outcome of fundamental economic decisions taken by a well-organised, hierarchical society, whose strong cohesion is demonstrated in its monumental architecture. According to this proposal, socio-cultural factors were responsible for changes in subsistence strategy. and hence also for animal domestication. In this respect the following observation may be significant : within the region of probable earliest domestication (Nevalí Çori) during the

EPPNB and within the nearest area of diffusion (Tell Abu Hureyra. Tell Halula) during the MPPNB. the frequencies of domesticated animals in the faunal samples analysed are below 30 %. Thus the incorporation of animal husbandry into the Early and Middle PPN economies of the Northern Levant was decidedly less revolutionary than implied by the term "Neolithic Revolution". This again supports the idea that socio-cultural developments rather than environmental change initiated ungulate herd management and. in the end. led to livestock domestication. This was certainly not the only factor but perhaps the most decisive one in the gradual evolution of societies based on a fully developed farming economy 132.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

In 1959 Charles Reed stated that the domestication of the food-producing animals probably occurred in village-farming communities in the ";Hilly Flanks area" of south-western Asia. Based on recent archaeozoological research in northern Syria and southern and eastern Turkey, it can be postulated that the PPN inhabitants of the southern Taurus piedmont were involved in this process, sheep husbandry (and probably also goat husbandry) emerging here in the EPPNB and spreading across the Northern Levant during the MPPNB. In the course of the latter period, two other species acquired domestic status, though apparently in different regions : Bos in the Middle Euphrates Basin and Sus in south-eastern Turkey. As such, the analysis of ungulate remains from recently excavated PPN sites in the study area provided more insight into the where and when of animal domestication and what species were involved. Unfortunately, it still does not enable us to answer the how and why of the process in a satisfactory way. though on present evidence large scale climatic change and/or landscape deterioration can be excluded, reinforcing the assumption of socio-cultural factors being primarily responsible for this shift in the man-animal relationship.

Whereas in the immediate future archaeozoologists will continue to depend upon the "classical" criteria to trace the beginnings and diffusion of animal husbandry l3?. it is possible

131. Helmer et al.. 1998.

132. Cauv\n et ai. 1998: Helmer et ai. 1998: Sana Segu and Helmer. in press.

133. These include changes in morphology and body size, introduction oť a species previously not recorded in the study region, shifts in species abundance throughout the sequence of occupation, and changes in exploitation patterns as evidenced by differences in age and sex structure of the population.

Palcoricnt. vnl. 25/2. 1999. p. 27-47 \ CNRS ÉDITIONS 2000

44 J. Peters, D. Helmer, A. von den Driesch and M. Saňa Segui

that stable isotopes, trace elements or even DNA analysis in the long run will be another powerful tool in the field of research on early animal domestication. While the latter methods will be of limited use for the routine identification of bulk samples from archaeological sites, they could be applied for instance to analyse chemically and/or genetically faunal remains from PPNA and EPPNB agricultural communities to trace incipient domestication, i.e. to prove shifts in the human-animal relationship that cannot be quantified by morphometrica] methods. In this respect, it is of utmost importance to collect, label, and store from each site bone samples from each stratigraphie level and of every species, even if their chemical or DNA analysis may only take place several decades in the future.

Comparing the publications on archaeofaunas from PPN sites in the Near East in the course of this study, we have noted considerable differences in methodology. Except for how to measure animal bones from archaeological sites134, there are almost no standardised methodological procedures that are accepted by all archaeozoologists. One would wish, for example, a uniform but practical system for recording the age of a animal on the basis of tooth eruption and abrasion and the state of epiphyseal fusion of long bones135, which could also be used when studying large amounts of animal bones in the field (and not in the laboratory !). Furthermore a standardised method for size comparison between specimens from different sites using "standard individuals" (or reference populations) that would provide a baseline against which to compare (see LSI method) would be very welcome.

Finally, to be able to assess the effect of climate136, environment and latitude (cf. Bergmann's rule) on the size of animals, a data bank comprising all bone measurements of recent and fossil wild and domestic Ovis, Capra, Sus, and Bos as well as Gazella, Equus, and other mammals from all sites in the Near East and adjacent regions should be organised.

A CKNO WLEDGEMENTS We wish to thank the following colleagues for providing unpu

blished faunal data (in alphabetical order) : H. Hongo, G. Ilgezdi, R.H. Meadow, and B. Ôksiiz. The authors are indebted to M. Roaf, C. Becker, J.-D. Vigne, and two anonymous reviewers for their comments. G. Willcox and G. Alcalde kindly translated parts of the

134. A. Von den Driesch, 1976. 135. Cf. Payne and Bull, 1986 for wild boar; Zeder, (this volume:

11-25) for wild goat. 136. E.g. Reichstein, 1991 : 99, Peters, 1998 : 97 ff., for the northwest-

southeast size cline in domestic sheep from the Roman North-Western Provinces.

manuscript. Our thanks are due to H. Hauptmann (Director DAI Istanbul) for allowing us to reproduce the excellent picture of the decorated T-shaped stone pillar from Gôbekli Tepe, taken by photographer D. Johannes (DAI Istanbul) during a nocturnal session.

Joris PETERS et Angela VON DEN DRIESCH Institut fiir Palaeoanatomie und Geschichte der Tiermedizin

Tierarztliche Fakultat Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Munchen

D-80539 Munchen Germany

Daniel HELMER UPR 7537, CNRS

IPO Jalès F-07460 Berrias

France Maria SANA SEGUI

UPR 7537, CNRS Departament d'Antropologia Social i Prehistôria

Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona E-08193 Bellaterra (Barcelona)

Spain

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