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International Journal of HeritageStudiesPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjhs20
Dynamics of Informal Networking:Two Studies of Cattle Draft in thePerspective of Deeper TimeCozette Griffin‐Kremer a
a Associate Researcher, Centre de recherche bretonne etCeltique, Brest and Centre d’histoire des techniques et del’environnement/CNAM , ParisPublished online: 28 May 2009.
To cite this article: Cozette Griffin‐Kremer (2009) Dynamics of Informal Networking: Two Studies ofCattle Draft in the Perspective of Deeper Time, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 15:2-3,192-208, DOI: 10.1080/13527250902890712
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International Journal of Heritage StudiesVol. 15, Nos. 2–3, March–May 2009, pp. 192–208
ISSN 1352–7258 (print)/ISSN 1470–3610 (online) © 2009 Taylor & FrancisDOI: 10.1080/13527250902890712
Dynamics of Informal Networking: Two Studies of Cattle Draft in the Perspective of Deeper TimeCozette Griffin-Kremer
Taylor and Francis LtdRJHS_A_389243.sgm10.1080/13527250902890712International Journal of Heritage Studies1352-7258 (print)/1470-3610 (online)Original Article2009Taylor & Francis152/[email protected]
At the present time, two thirds of the world’s farmers work with draft animals, most espe-cially cattle. This has become exceptional in Europe, but such practices are today attractingattention as an example of intangible heritage seen in the new light of sustainability. Thisstudy is two-pronged, focusing on the promotion of cattle draft through informal network-ing today and on an early medieval example of the process of engaging with technologicalchange involving both material and immaterial heritage.
Keywords: Cattle Draft; Harness; Yokes; Medieval Irish Literature; Networking; Intangible Heritage
Introduction
Today, working with draft animals, most especially cattle, is a vital commonplace forabout two-thirds of the population of the Earth and their economies would collapsewithout these animals. In Europe, we might well say it is not the most pressing of issues,but the fact that some people have continued to work with their cattle and others seekways to join them in pragmatic and sustainable practices highlights a marginal space ineconomic activities, where much thinking and ingenuity has a place. If planning thepromotion of such activity at an institutionalised level is not always easy to carry on,still some European institutions are deeply concerned by the sort of intangible heritagewhich the use of cattle draft and the skills associated with it represent. For the moment,this ‘space’ of working with animals appears to be most open to the sort of informalnetworks that will be explored in the modern case study focusing on France and their
Cozette Griffin-Kremer, Associate Researcher, Centre de recherche bretonne et Celtique, Brest and Centre d’histoiredes techniques et de l’environnement/CNAM Paris. Correspondence to: griffin.kremerATwanadoo.fr
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potential role in effectively promoting this part of intangible heritage. It can be of greatcomfort to recall—when faced with the pressures of the present—that cattle draft hasa multi-millennial history in Europe. The springboard to examining this deeper timespan will be an intriguing episode about a technical change in cattle harnessing tech-niques, described in an early Irish Gaelic text. This subject was chosen to link olderGaelic literature to present issues of intangible heritage discussed during the 2007 Heri-tage and Environment Conference in the Isle of Skye, set in the context of the High-lands and Islands of Scotland, where the vitality of Gaelic-language culture is a centralconcern. It is at the same time a fitting example of the wealth of today’s minoritylanguage cultures within the tapestry of European diversity.
Cattle Draft Networking and Informal Dynamics
It can be a daunting task in matters of intangible heritage to understand how to effec-tively adapt traditional skills to present and future needs, accurately assess those needs,monitor the efficiency of the work invested, and decide upon the most fruitful of pathsto take that will sustain the commitment and consensus of all the stake-holders. Oneway to envision an actor in this process is as a facet in a growing and—one hopes—forward-moving polyhedron of diverse people and the binding force of their energies.This also highlights one of the main difficulties involved in informal networking: seeingthe shape of things as a whole and divining the outlines of the future. There is no doubtthat it is a dynamic undertaking, but analysing its dynamics is quite another proposi-tion. The way chosen here to catch hold of this ever-moving phenomenon is to providean example of the networking at work.
Actors, Institutions, Meetings of Minds
In spite of centuries of accumulated expertise in Europe, animal draft, especially cattledraft, represents a sector that is no longer widely ‘developed’, although there arepresently many promising endeavours linked, for example, to logging in ecologicallysensitive areas, to tourist, festival and museum activities, to urban work such as trashcollection and park maintenance, and to the growing psychotherapy sector ofteninvolving riding and handling animals (including riding cows). Unlike draft horses,with their distinctly higher visibility and prestige, draft cattle have attracted lessattention and debate. Their status and numbers vary widely from one European Unioncountry to another and France is in the unusual position of having safeguarded a fairlyimpressive variety of cattle breeds that have not been overspecialised and are stillmorphologically quite suitable as working animals, along with a surprising number ofexperienced handlers: 146 pairs of working oxen, probably representing two-thirds ofthe existing number still active in France, are listed in the latest edition of the NationalBreeding Institute Inventory of Ox Teams, updated every two years, along with therelevant support crafts and suppliers such as harness-makers.1 There is also aninformative series of films either directly devoted to ox-driving, skills and equipment,or in which working with cattle figures as part of the larger picture in farmers’ lives.2
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Among expert ox-drivers in France who continue using their animals regularly, onlya minority actually depend on them for essential agricultural tasks. Many have kepttheir teams in working condition out of sheer pleasure and pride, but also because theyare often requested to appear as participants in festive events of many kinds organisedby towns or even large cities and by other actors such as rural life and open air muse-ums. These latter institutions figure as major actors in public education and heritageissues of all kinds and are also very fertile ground for furthering activities involvingworking animals, so we can take just one open air museum and the two meetings it hassponsored as emblematic of informal networking activities.
The Alsace Open Air Museum (Ecomusée d’Alsace) employs France’s premier ox-driver to manage half a dozen animals and supervise the training of volunteer handlers.It was the venue for two meetings of ox-drivers in April 2006 and 2007, which broughttogether some 30 to 50 direct participants each time, as well as providing for specialevents that were open to the museum’s regular visitors. Several participants came withtheir own teams to help in the demonstrations and all the attendees were anxious to seethe museum’s top-flight array of working harness. These traditional articles and theavailability of efficient light equipment developed specifically for sustainable agricul-ture were the focal point of much discussion, because the choice of equipment is asignificant decision in itself for the viability of a small farm or forestry operation. Inspite of rich regional traditions in cattle harness, present-day users no longer feelbound by them and are keenly interested in the pragmatics: draft efficiency, animalcomfort, ease of utilisation, ready availability of parts, easy repair, the cost to wear ratio,and more generally, finding the best possible match to their individual needs.
Participants came from the Alsace area and beyond in France, as well as fromGermany, Luxemburg, Switzerland and Great Britain (specifically England), some ofthem were ‘new’ ox-drivers, crossing over from the heavy horse world. The meetingsalso attracted a whole series of other actors interested in working with cattle: a journal-ist specialised in leisure riding and draft animals, archaeologists, ethnologists, histori-ans, light equipment developers, veterinarians, museum personnel, and present orfuture farmers studying the nitty-gritty of sustainable agriculture. One of the farmerscame to choose between two oxen that had been trained for him by the museum’sexpert ox-driver, so that handling the animals and the final decision were watched withattention. The farmer chose the slightly less spirited, lighter and more gentle animal,essentially because it was his wife who would actually be using it regularly. Thishighlights the fact that traditional gender roles in working the land are often subjecttoday to as easy a re-definition as are many of the aspects of equipment and training.
This hands-on approach was reflected in discussion of the advantages and disadvan-tages of working with oxen, perhaps with cows for the added value of the milk productsand calves. Topics ran the gamut from how to organise certified training courses in ox-handling, to the potential safeguarding of animals and skills in the rapidly-changingeastern EU countries, on to regional tourism development, and above all, the construc-tion of effective networks allying the diverse partners present. There was a striking‘research’ component in both meetings, just a year apart. The 2007 meeting includedan explosion of archaeologists—a dozen attentive students who came from Basel with
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their professor of archaeozoology and her two colleagues, after their first prospectionforay to the 2006 meeting which produced rapid results. Their university research teamimmediately enlisted the museum’s ox-driver in the first of a series of experimentsworking with replicas of a travois and yoke found in their excavations of prehistoricAlpine lake-dwellings—the same kind of equipment shown in ancient rock art inpresent-day Italy and France.3
At a Crossroads
Two meetings do not make a network, but they may well make a nexus in the effectivecreation of one, and there was an awareness of a ‘crossroads’ clearly brought out on onepoint. In 2006, the president of the European Federation for the Promotion of DraftHorse Use4 had made a rather bitter observation. On every occasion that he had beeninvited to former Eastern Bloc countries in the EU, he had stressed to central ministryand local officials that the wealth of know-how linked to the widespread use of draftanimals represented a rich opportunity for tourism development, for vital landscapepreservation and stewardship, and a potential antidote to the haemorrhaging demo-graphics of rural populations. Each time, this proposition was met with immediatedenial of both the existence and use of draft animals in any of the countries concerned.In the 2007 meeting in Alsace, he recounted at least one sea change. The very dynamicPolish group of farmers, breeders and enthusiasts struggling against considerable oddsto form a federation of heavy horse users had suddenly been given clear encouragementby their Ministry of Agriculture. This particular example highlights the connections ofmany of the participants, whose personal networks often move the dynamics onto aEuropean scale.
For most of the participants, there was a feeling of things ‘coming together’ inboth of the Alsace Open Air Museum meetings, which were untrammelled by proto-col and financing concerns. Everyone present came at their own expense, sometransporting their own teams of animals—typical of the personal commitment ininformal networking. The open air museum played the role of temporary host,providing the meeting rooms and equipment, the animals, the museum eventsmanager, the expert ox-handler and half a dozen volunteers, all free of charge for thelarger part of two days because the topic—the promotion and transmission ofunique skills involving animals and work—has been central to the museum’s visionof intangible heritage since its beginnings and is among its major hopes for futuredevelopment. Few people there were particularly aware of who had actually organ-ised the weekend, an indication that the networking is identified with no discerniblemanaging group or institution, let alone a single person, a typical hallmark of infor-mality. When asked to write down how they heard of the meeting, a quarter of theattendees said they had learned of it from more than one source, an overlapping ofcommunication threads that can be taken as an additional sign that the networkingis working.
Indeed, publicity in some form for such meetings is vital to keeping the polyhedron’senergy level fuelled and all the communication was provided free of charge: the contact
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lists of several of the attendees, newsletter, magazine and website announcements bythe Society for Ethnozootechnics (SEZ), the Federation of Agricultural Museums andRural Heritage (AFMA), Sabots magazine in France, Heavy Horse magazine in Britain,the European Farriers’ Journal Infor-Maréchalerie, the German cattle-harnessing groupand the Alsace Open Air Museum. Many attendees belong to associations that arethemselves a network, as is my own case with the Society for Folk Life Studies in theBritish Isles, research groups such as the CEPAM in Antibes or the scholarly projectcalled EARTH (Early Agricultural Remnants and Technical Heritage),5 officially set upas a ‘network’ of researchers and financed as such by the European Science Foundation.Nearly all of these groups have provided participants to various meetings, including thetwo in Alsace.
Guidelines for the Future
Ten years ago, on the cusp of democratisation of the Information Age, Paul Starkey, aspecialist in promoting the formation of networks for third world development,defined a network as a group of individuals or organisations that voluntarily exchangeinformation and undertake activities together. He also vigorously defended the thesisthat the activities of a network are more important than its structure in achievingresults.6 The spectrum of such networks runs from the paradigm of a strong verticalcomponent involving institutionalised members with considerable resources and,possibly, little grass-roots input, to the opposite, with exclusively grass-roots commu-nication, both today greatly accelerated by the Internet. Even an identifiable networkwith its own logo and official information output is linked by the people who partici-pate in it to innumerable other networks entirely beyond its oversight.
Perhaps among the most important actors (and often the most overburdened withwork) are the museums. Several meetings in France and Germany have been madepossible by open air museums acting as hosts and thus assuming a part of their statedmissions as keepers and transmitters of traditional skills, often in the context ofsustainable agriculture and stock-breeding as an integral part of maintaining particularlandscapes.7 Other institutions besides museums have hosted important meetings inFrance specifically concerning cattle or working with them, including the NationalBreeding Research Station (Bergerie Nationale), the School for Advanced SocialStudies (EHESS), and the National Museum of Natural History, with subsequentpublication of the proceedings.8
On a European level, interest in groups promoting work with cattle has beenexpressed by the Council of Europe (European Landscape Convention), EUROPANOSTRA (Pan-European Federation for Heritage) and the UNESCO IntangibleHeritage Section. UNESCO has a programme for identifying ‘living human treasures’most especially targeting skills-holders in the fields of intangible heritage, but certifica-tion is a process involving cumbersome bureaucratic tasks that people in an informalnetwork could not undertake and that appears quite beyond the reach of individualskills-holders. As an aside, the latter usually tend to react to a perspective such aspersonal ‘certification’ with distinct reticence, expressing just the kind of rugged
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individualism characteristic of proponents of intangible heritage skills around whominformal networks coalesce.
Returning to the classic Starkey study of networks for development mentioned above,we find suggestions that appear applicable to an ‘underdeveloped’ European ‘technol-ogy’ like cattle draft, that might in future remain non-motorised or work partially orcomplementarily with motorisation.9 Considering the geographic dispersal of skills-holders and people interested in acquiring such skills, as well as the ‘distance’ they maybe in some cases from institutional promoters and from mainstream agricultural prac-tices or financing, it is quite appropriate to consult guidelines about how to establishan effective network for development taken from a case study of a developing country.10
1) Formulate clear objectives;2) Involve many organisations and stakeholders;3) Establish a committed core group of individuals or organisations;4) Delegate to avoid over-centralisation or decentralise institutionally based networks;5) Operate on the basis of principles of sharing, belonging and openness;6) Develop a dynamic programme of concrete activities based on enthusiastic
member participation;7) Explore the scope for complementary networks and linkages;8) Have sufficient resources for activities and coordination;9) Gain a good reputation through activities, publicity and influential champions;10) Regularly monitor and evaluate network progress.
A speedy assessment of these points as regards informal networking for promotingworking with cattle would note that point 5 is hopefully self-evident (if perhaps alwaysvulnerable) and quite intact today. Points 2, 3, 6, 7 and 9 are efficiently taken in handby various network members, entirely responsible for the ongoing results, if 9 may needfurther development in the ‘influential champions’ category. Number 4 is obviouslynot an issue at this scale. Number 8 (sufficient resources, principally financial), as ischaracteristic of informal networking, is entirely absent, all work depending on good-will on the part of individuals and institutions. This leaves points 1 (formulate clearobjectives) and 10 (monitor and evaluate network progress) more fuzzy as regardsdetails. The objective of most individuals in the network seems to be very simple: findways to transmit skills in pragmatic and economically viable work that benefit both theskills-holders and small farmers in Europe while safeguarding the environment uponwhich we all depend, all without being overly trammelled by regulations and overbur-dened with paperwork. Evaluation is presently carried out on a spot-check basis duringvarious meetings and would perhaps be more effective if results could be surveyedon as broad a basis as possible and on an EU level, with compelling statistics (andconvincing interpretation) as an added support.
As noted in passing, perhaps the most problematic aspect of this kind of networkingis to bring the talented individuals capable of effective transmission together with theinstitutions that would logically like to promote this kind of intangible heritage. Asmight be expected, they do not speak quite the same language and a good share ofwariness is distinctly detectable among skills-holders. Perhaps there is no solution to
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this, but only time (and a lot of additional effort) will tell. In the meantime, it has provedpersonally helpful to me to pause at this ‘crossroads’ in the potential development ofnew notions about working with cattle in Europe to look back in time through the prismof a lively older literature, expressive of a culture we cannot fully grasp, just as we cannotfully grasp the shape of the future. This is what I hope to share with others thinkingabout heritage issues, most especially the dynamic transmission of intangible skills (seeFigures 1, 2 and 3).Figure 1 A Heritage Context, with all its Ambiguities. Demonstration of Ploughing with Oxen During the Colloquium on Ox Songs at the Bergerie Nationale of France in Rambouillet, October, 2006.Note: A First Hint that we are Watching a Demonstration and Far from a Real-life Working Situation. The Singer is Using a Microphone. Later Questioning of the Spectators Clearly Indicated they Preferred to Listen without the Microphone.Figure 2 This is not Exactly Homer’s ‘Thrice-ploughed Field’.Note: The Tractor Tracks. The Sod is Too Tough for a Four-oxen Team to Break through it, so a Tractor Plough was run Three Times over the Demonstration Ground before the Animals went to Work. However, this is a Typical Vendee Area Team, Faithfully Reconstituted and in Fine Condition, and the Ploughmen are Carrying the Long Goads Associated with Flat Lands and Long Fields.Figure 3 All these Points were Carefully Explained to the Onlookers and the Argument Brought Home by the Ploughman Using the Horse Team. When he and the Horses Came Back from a Single to-and-fro furrow, all three were drenched in sweat and the ploughshare was too hot to toch. The animal Handlers Hoped Some of the Audience might Realize that a Demonstration is not the Same as a Reconstitution of Historical or ArchaeologicalArtefacts, Techniques and Working Conditions, and that Neither can Fully Correspond to a Real-life Working Situation.
An Old Tale and Deeper Time
Cattle Culture and the Landscape of the Mind
In today’s world, we feel the pinch and spice of change often enough and perhaps mostespecially in relation to ‘new technologies’. A case study of a technical change drawnfrom older Irish literature which involves working with cattle can put present-dayexperiences with animal draft in a fresh perspective, place the subject anew in the depth
Figure 1 A Heritage Context, with all its Ambiguities. Demonstration of Ploughing withOxen During the Colloquium on Ox Songs at the Bergerie Nationale of France inRambouillet, October, 2006.Note: A First Hint that we are Watching a Demonstration and Far from a Real-life WorkingSituation. The Singer is Using a Microphone. Later Questioning of the Spectators ClearlyIndicated they Preferred to Listen without the Microphone.
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of its historical context and, hopefully, lend yet more energy to the keen interest inalternatives to totally mechanised work in many environments.
Early Irish Gaelic literature and its contemporary law corpus dovetail to provide arich source of information on raising and working with cattle and the evidence does notstop with work. Bovines are omnipresent from medieval through modern traditions asa source of wealth and as an emblem of beauty and power.11 As a source of wealth, cattleand capital come round to the same thing, etymologically.12 Cattle-raiding—theScottish Gaelic creach—was still cited as a young man’s delight and initiation in HighlandScotland in the seventeenth century and much of the evidence for similar ‘rustling’ inIreland is attested from early medieval times on.13 On a softer, more feminine note, itsuffices to listen carefully to the words in the many Irish or Scottish Gaelic songs of praiseto milk cows or to linger over the laments on their loss,14 in order to feel the lush textureof relations between humans and one of the mainstays of their economy.
Many ordinary people leaned their heads against the flank of a cow for a good partof their day, sang sweet songs in which they vaunted their beauty and delicacy, offered
Figure 2 This is not Exactly Homer’s ‘Thrice-ploughed Field’.Note: The Tractor Tracks. The Sod is Too Tough for a Four-oxen Team to Break throughit, so a Tractor Plough was Run Three Times over the Demonstration Ground before theAnimals Went to Work. However, this is a Typical Vendee Area Team, Faithfully Reconsti-tuted and in Fine Condition, and the Ploughmen are Carrying the Long Goads Associatedwith Flat Lands and Long Fields.
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them gifts and shared their bereavements, just as they bent their backs to the ploughbehind their oxen, day in and day out, shaping the land. The lordly took obsessive pridein the quality of their stud bulls in medieval Ireland, as we see in the flashing dialogueof the quarrel that sets off the bloody tale of the Cattle Raid of Cooley. Those bulls’ finalmeeting indeed marked the land, and the landscape of the mind, leaving a host of place-names attributed to events in the combat,15 so that the epic opens and closes with thetheme of the animal protagonists. Their destinies were closely interwoven with thestratagems and confrontations of the human community. The density of these relationsis aptly expressed by the notion that these two bulls had once themselves been humans,the first stage in long lives through several transmigrations which open our eyes toconceptions we do not usually associate with European cultures.16 In a more everydaycontext, working oxen are cited as faithful partners in human endeavour, as in the Irishtriads which speak of the famous ‘three hands’—of a smith, of a carpenter and of an ox,all three builders of culture.17
Figure 3 All these Points Were Carefully Explained to the Onlookers and the ArgumentBrought Home by the Ploughman Using the Horse Team. When He and the Horses CameBack from a Single to-and-fro Furrow, all Three Were Drenched in Sweat and the Ploughs-hare Was Too Hot to Touch. The Animal Handlers Hoped Some of the Audience mightRealize that a Demonstration is not the Same as a Reconstitution of Historical or Archaeo-logical Artefacts, Techniques and Working Conditions, and that Neither can Fully Corre-spond to a Real-life Working Situation.
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Regarded as a phenomenon stretching back at least 5000 years in Europe, stock-breeding has inalterably shaped the land and the human mind, and the place of cattlein that process is double-pronged. The addition of milk products (and perhaps blood)to the diet—along with honey, the prime foods produced by animals for their youngand siphoned off by the human species—may well have been a turning point in thedynamism of human communities. This was coupled with the role of cattle as the firstand most long-staying partners in the formidable machine of land transformationrepresented by draft, both for working the soil and for transport or haulage.18 Nowonder the partnership is immortalised on the pre-historic rock wall engravings ofEurope, while the complexity of its repercussions is only today being fully grasped.19 Inthe light of archaeological and ethnographic investigations, the notion that cattleplayed a large role in shaping the landscape, as expressed in the Cattle Raid of Cooley,nearly comes round to an understatement. It also invites us to listen more attentivelyto texts that deal with the subject of working with cattle and to other ways than our ownof speaking about technical change and innovation.
An Intriguing Episode about Cattle Draft Equipment
Within its rich web of intrigue and event, the medieval Irish text called the Wooing ofEtain (Tochmarc Etaine)20 contains an episode in which a figure veiled in mysteriouspowers, Midir, king of the sídh or Otherworld mound of Bri Leith, challenges the kingof Tara, Eochaid, to a fateful series of encounters over a boardgame (fidhchell). Thefinal prize is no less than Eochaid’s wife, Etain, a character who traverses the entire talein various avatars. Nestled in the unfolding of this classic sub-tale of the Otherworldsuitor is yet another motif typical of wooings—the carrying out of apparently impossi-ble tasks. When Eochaid wins one round in the series of games with his adversary, heseizes his advantage to demand that Midir and his people ‘of many faces’ build a path-way over a bog, put a wood in a place where we may assume there is none, carry awaythe stones from the hills of great Meath and put rushes over a fourth site named Tethba.However, only the first task—building a causeway over the bog of Móin Lamraige—isdescribed in the Wooing and later echoed in a brief passage in another source, theFitness of Names (Cóir Anmann).21
The ‘action’ in the tasks, as in nearly all the larger tale of the Wooing of Etain, appearsto take place in the central regions of Ireland, where we might well expect a meeting ofvarious cultural currents, be it in the form of differing oral traditions, techniques, toolsor other objects of material culture. In this particular episode, there is indeed a meetingof two techniques—the head and the withers yoke. Eochaid’s ‘men of Ireland’ havealways used the head yoke, but Midir’s people work with the withers yoke to build thecauseway. Such a reference to an apparent technical change—most especially a fairlydetailed episode such as this—is a windfall for the history of agricultural technologies,all the more so as the sources have an early date.
The manuscripts of the Wooing of Etain and the Fitness of Names are attributed to thefourteenth and thirteenth centuries respectively, but analysis of the language of theWooing reveals many characteristics of Old Irish in the eighth to ninth centuries.22
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What is more, the narrative of the Wooing of Etain appears to speak of social featuresand legendary figures pre-dating Christianisation of the isle from the fifth century on.Hence, we might posit that the episode concerning the adoption of the withers yokerefers to the fifth century or perhaps even to an earlier period. This testimony is surelyamong the earliest in any vernacular language in Europe concerning this particulartechnological question.
‘Technological’ is not too forceful a term here, as the introduction and subsequentelaboration of cattle draft participated in a larger bundle of inter-related innovationsthat transformed the face of settlement patterns, housing and shelters, agriculturalpractices, land use and relationships to the environment in Europe during the lateNeolithic and early Bronze Ages.23 The two harness systems—the head or horn yokeand the withers yoke—involve different investments in implements, make differentrequirements on the animals and on their training and perform in different ways, theprincipal difference in the latter being that the traditional head yoke enables theanimals to brake a vehicle, whereas the withers yoke does not.24 This has no relevancein ploughing, obviously, but is important in road transport, and the Wooing tale isspecifically concerned with construction of a causeway entailing the haulage ofconsiderable quantities of materials. We know from archaeological evidence that thismonumental exploit of engineering, involving impressive numbers of man- andanimal-hours in such reinforced-bed road-building, had been going on all over boggyEurope from the later Neolithic into the Bronze Age and beyond.25
As regards the distribution of withers or head yokes in Europe, there are many exam-ples of the two systems being used in neighbouring areas.26 The classic assumption isthat the withers yoke supplants the head yoke for often complex reasons, but ethno-graphic evidence paints a far more nuanced picture. The debate over which techniqueactually harnesses the animals’ power more efficiently has been running since Pliny theElder and Columella’s discussions27 and is unlikely to be settled any time soon. One ofthe world’s leading ox-drivers affirms that performance in present-day draft contests isequal for the two systems.28 Such a draft event may involve a spectacular outlay ofenergy, as well as many man- and animal-hours of preparation, but it is not the samething as doing the work mentioned in the Wooing tale.
There, the completion of the causeway is presented as a nigh impossible taskaccomplished literally overnight by Midir’s people. All this is known to Eochaid onlythrough a ruse, since he has ordered his steward to spy out the scene—a multitudeof workers putting a forest of trunks and roots on the roadbed, then the clay, thegravel and the stones. It is at this point that the tale says Eochaid’s ‘men of Ireland’were used to putting the load on the foreheads of their oxen, whereas Midir’s folkput the load on the shoulders of their animals, an event echoed briefly in the othertext.29 In the Wooing, the two terms ‘necks’ and ‘shoulders’ are used, presumably forwhat we would term ‘withers’. Both the Wooing and the Fitness speak of Eochaid’sepithet of ploughman. However, the work done by Midir’s folk does not involveploughing, but hauling heavy loads to a bog. In fact, this point (along with someother technical considerations) might explain such a changeover, if changeover therereally was.
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In the Light of More Recent Evidence
These two texts cannot help us answer the precise technical questions that may beinvolved. Nonetheless, it is clear that the Wooing of Etain and the Fitness of Names high-light a ‘first’ use of the withers yoke. This is a commonplace in Irish traditions, whereculture heroes, often endowed with magical powers, and various invasions of legendarypeoples were said to have brought many a ‘first’ technical object to the isle. It is worthnoting that neither of the two texts says that Eochaid’s people, the Men of Ireland,adopted the withers yoke or ceased to use the head yoke. We might well be listening toan account that confirms the coexistence of two types of harness, not the supplantingof one system by another. More recent testimony to this kind of technology encounterreveals some of the nuances that may well be involved.
As one example, we have some well documented efforts of eighteenth- andnineteenth-century agricultural improvers to move their ox-drivers toward more‘efficient’ gear. These wealthy gentlemen could afford to import equipment, the menand even the animals to use the unfamiliar or even ‘foreign’ materials they hoped tointroduce as lasting improvements. They experimented with both withers and headyokes, but often found all their efforts undone a few months later by ‘habit’, whichthey deplored. To their credit, they sometimes studiously noted that the new methodsentailed considerable expense, as well as changes of equipment unsuitable for thebroader range of tasks at hand, often with the two disadvantages combined.30 (Thisoften echoes the perplexity of present-day ‘developers’ working to export Europeantechnology, who find themselves faced with complex failures when they have devotedyears of work and spent much taxpayer money to give a ‘gift’ of equipment that is well‘perceived’, but not so well ‘received’ as to be adopted for everyday use in a realworking context.31)
Some agricultural improvers may well have regarded the withers yoke as superior,but this was not always the case, and the impact of such experimentation is still widelydebated.32 Nineteenth- and twentieth-century ethnographic evidence from northernSpain amply demonstrates the case in which the head yoke rapidly replaces theformerly traditional withers yoke there, clearly seen as the result of draft practices andequipment from the French Ariège. If rural Ariège is somewhat removed from theurban research and development centres considered vital to new technologies today,we must remember that our view of ‘technology’ is skewed towards mechanisation,miniaturisation, digitalisation and concentration of capital, not to techniques of work-ing the land with animals or draft transport. The Ariège in this period was consideredto be on the cutting edge of draft techniques by its neighbours on the other side of themountain range and the French mule-drivers and ox-handlers were masters in breed-ing and training as well as in commercialising both animals and equipment. They were,above all, associated with a higher standard of living and a technology package built uparound greater specialisation and investment that penetrated northern Spain via the‘mule’ routes.33
Both the testimony from the improvers’ literature and the spread of the head yokein Spain recall that the package of purely technical considerations as often provides
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compelling arguments against change as for it, especially in questions such as harness-ing techniques, where any change can involve far-reaching repercussions on householdeconomy, the organisation of work, the acquisition of the animals and the equipmentneeded. There is also another factor, too often overlooked, and that is the impact of‘habit’ which the improvers so deplored. This is no vain complaint to be taken lightly.Humans and animals have a life of work behind them in a particular landscape thatmoulds their bodies and physical habits in ways quite comparable to the musclememory achieved by musicians through hundreds of hours of practice. This can helpexplain an individual’s gestural, even an entire region’s cultural ‘lock-in’ to a particularharness system (or other technical assemblage), which makes change a genuinelydaunting prospect. What other parameter, then, might make change more attractive?
The Prestige Factor
Historical and ethnographic accounts from the eighteenth to twentieth centuries tendto indicate that adoption of new technical innovations is often as much motivated by aprestige factor as by any purely technical consideration. How is prestige value meted outin the Wooing of Etain? If both kings in the tale are lords of legendary mounds in Ireland,there is nonetheless a meeting of two different worlds. Midir comes from the sídh of BríLéith, an ‘elf-mound’ or ‘fairy fort’, while Eochaid is a king of men with his domaincentred on Tara. Eochaid may correspond to some of the criteria for a culture hero, buthe possesses no supernatural powers to rival those of Midir. The world of prestige in thetale, whence come the most marvellous of gifts, wealth in all its forms, luck, good health,long life, talent, technical innovation, is Midir’s world, the world of the sídh and ofsuperhuman ‘magical’ powers, not Eochaid’s realm of ‘the men of Ireland’.
Intangible Heritage and Perspectives
We cannot attribute concern with ‘heritage’ issues as we may understand them todayto an episode apparently describing a technical transition or transfer in an Old Irishnarrative text. Rather, the passage seems to be concerned with how to cope withinnovation and perhaps most especially how to lend legitimacy to something new. Thisprocess of adopting a technical object from a prestige source by stealth transforms thereceivers into real actors and the innovation into something of value that is earned,something more nuanced than a gift from some sovereign source. The harness ensem-ble involved surely corresponds to what we would term intangible heritage today.Thus, the old tale can be a healthy source of culture shock. There is a landscape of themind there, ways of speaking about fundamentals that are different from our own, thatcan help us to see more clearly our own modes of thought, our own conventional waysof addressing an issue and thus perhaps inspire us to be more inventive. The tale, in itsapparent simplicity, also invites us to take a look at deeper time and the millennialdevelopment of people’s relation with working animals.
On the practical side, the Old Irish text speaks of a quite conscious bridging processand this is what we are working on ourselves today in many heritage matters—defining
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things of value to carry forward and trying to understand how most effectively to dothat, all the while aware that we are also transforming them and must leave somebehind. This seems most particularly true of intangible heritage involving fine-honedskills that are directly relevant to our plans for ourselves and for the animals that livewith and depend on us. Such questions also relate to the development of certain sectorsof the economy that can have a lasting impact on the wealth and variety of Europeanlandscapes.
There may be much more ‘magic’ in that brief episode about building the causewayin the tale of the Wooing of Etain than in the mundane task of networking to promotethe use of cattle in work. Yet something a bit magical happens when people cometogether willingly to achieve goals. There is an energy present that is elusive to analysis,difficult to grasp even for the participants. This is certainly an unspoken principle ininformal networking that seeks a matrix of support created through a maximum circu-lation of information with a maximum of independence. It is precisely the encounterof these many ‘independences’ that highlights particularly important elements inaction in a European context: recognition of local specificities, creation of effectivemethods through shared work across boundaries, seeking the legitimacy that can makegrassroots movements heard—what we today often term ‘working on our image’.
Perhaps among the most stimulating aspects of informal networking and workingwith animals is the ‘underdeveloped’ character of both activities. This means they exist,very dynamically, on the margins of more visible and certainly more lucrativeeconomic activities, in a realm where much thinking and ingenuity are applied in greatfreedom. This is the realm of optimists and die-hards, but they are well focused andhave a wealth of potential development to convey. Time will tell.
Acknowledgements
A first version of this text was presented as one of the keynote papers in the ‘Sin amFearann Caoin’ Heritage and the Environment Conference, held 19–22 June 2007, atSabhal Mòr Ostaig in the Isle of Skye under the auspices of SMO and GlasgowCaledonian University. The technical aspects are more developed in Griffin-Kremer,‘Du joug de tête au joug de garrot. Récit mythique et changement technique?’ and abrief survey of traditional sources in Irish, Scottish Gaelic and Welsh literature is to befound in Griffin-Kremer, ‘Bovine Bodies and the Domestication of the Human Mind’.
Notes1 [1] Avon, Traction Animale, Inventaire des attelages.2 [2] For example, the films by Vasco Lima and Lorène Cancel on the 2004 International Meeting in
Alzen (Les boeufs au travail et les mules qui dansent), on the work of the expert ox- and mule-driverOlivier Courthiade or scenes from René Duranton’s films on farmers still using oxen in work.
3 [3] NB. illustrations cited here are from several authors’ articles included in Pétrequin et al.,Premiers chariots, premiers araires, Pl. III, pp. 12, 82, 284, 394; see full discussion in Pétrequinet al., ‘Travois et jougs néolithiques du Lac de Chalain à Fontenu (Jura, France)’, 91–103.
4 [4] See FECTU website: http://www.fectu.org.
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206 C. Griffin-Kremer5 [5] See EARTH website: http://www.earth.arts.gla.ac.uk/html/home.html.6 [6] Starkey, Réseau pour le développment, 14.7 [7] The Ecomusée d’Alzen in Ariège, southern France, hosted an international meeting in
October of 2004 on working with cattle, the Rheinisches Freilichtmuseum in Kommern andthe Westfälisches Freilichtmuseum in Detmold have both been hosts to the German workinggroup’s meetings (Arbeitsgruppe Rinderanspannung).
8 [8] The Bergerie Nationale was the venue for a meeting in September of 2006 under the auspicesof the FAIR (Festival Animalier International de Rambouillet) on ox-chanting; the Ecole desHautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales hosted an early 1980s meeting on cattle at work thatinspired the 1997 and 1998 meetings, see Sigaut et al., Les bœufs au travail and Dalin, Lesboeufs au travail; the Musée National d’Histoire Naturelle hosted a November 2006 meetingof archaeologists, ethnologists, veterinarians and historians under the auspices of the SEZ(Société d’Ethnozootechnie) and the HASRI (L’homme et l’animal. Société de rechercheinterdisciplinaire, editor of the journal Anthropozoologica), cf. Denis and Fanica, Les Bovins: dela domestication à l’élevage.
9 [9] See, for example, research and development in the field of combined motorised and animal-powered technologies such as those designed at Cart Horse Machinery in Great Britain,equipment provided by Prommata in France, not to mention the many public and privateresearch teams around the world involved in development of light equipment for animaldraft.
10[10] A reshuffling of the guidelines set out in Starkey, Réseau pour le développement, 34–50, andLocal Transport Solutions, 41.
11[11] Lucas, Cattle in Ancient Ireland, 223–45; Kelly, Early Irish Farming, 27–9, 57–66.12[12] Skeat, A Concise Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, 80, 86.13[13] Lucas, Cattle in Ancient Ireland, 125–99; Pennant, A Tour in Scotland, 204–5.14[14] O’Sullivan, Songs of the Irish, 33, 143–4, 164–5; or O’Sullivan and O Suilleabhain, Bunting’s
Ancient Music of Ireland, 63–4, without even touching on the wealth of song associated withcattle in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland.
15[15] O’Rahilly, Táin Bó Cúalnge, from the Book of Leinster, 272.16[16] Roider, De Chophur in Da Muccida, 19–21, 63–4, 75–6, 94.17[17] Kelly, Early Irish Farming, 48.18[18] Sherratt, ‘La traction animale et la transformation de l’Europe néolithique’; and all of
Petriquin et al., Premiers chariots, premiers araires.19[19] All of Petriquin, Premiers chariots, premiers araires, illustrations on pp. 17, 18, 51–5, among
numerous others in the book; Ebersbach, Von Bauern und Rindern.20[20] Bergin and Best, ‘The Wooing of Etaine’.21[21] Lucas, ‘Irish Ploughing Practices, Part One’, 55–6 citing the Fitness of Names (Cóir Anmann)
in Irische Texte 3,330.22[22] Kelly, Early Irish Farming, 393.23[23] Most of the contents of Pétrequin et al., Premiers chariots, premiers araires.24[24] Jean-Bruhnes Delamarre, Géographie et Ethnologie de l’Attelage du Joug en France du XVIIe
siècle à nos jours, 15, 22.25[25] Mitchell Reading the Irish Landscape, Pl. 25, 122, 148; Pétrequin et al., ‘Travois et jougs
néolithiques du Lac de Chalain à Fontenu (Jura, France)’; Burmeister, ‘Chemins néolithiquesen Allemagne du Nord’.
26[26] For nineteenth- and twentieth-century Slovenia, personal communication from Inja Smerdel,Slovene Ethnographic Museum, Ljubljana, November 2006; for the Vosges area in France, seeMéchin and Ronsin, Le bœuf d’attelage dans les Vosges; for individual cases in Ireland, see Bell,‘The Use of Oxen on Irish Farms since the Eighteenth Century’; example from France in DesColombiers, ‘Note sur le meilleur mode d’attelage des bœufs et des vaches’ ; and Juston,‘Commentaires sur Des Colombiers’; for France generally, see Jean-Bruhnes Delamarre,Géographie et Ethnologie de l’Attelage du Joug en France du XVIIe siècle à nos jours, 15–25; for
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Pyrenean Spain, see Krüger, Los Altos Pirineos, 33–7, 45–9, and Violant I Simorra ObraOberta, 159–61, 169, 171–5, 207, 223, 239, etc.
27[27] Pliny the Elder, Natural History, 8.70.179, Columella, De re rustica, 2.2.22–24.28[28] Conroy, Oxen, a Teamster’s Guide, 122–8.29[29] Bergin and Best, ‘The Wooing of Etain’, 7–8, 179 in English translation; Lucas, ‘Irish Ploughing
Practices, Part One’, 55–6 for the brief passage in the Fitness of Names.30[30] Des Colombiers, ‘Note sur le meilleur mode d’attelage des bœufs et des vaches, 139–42; Bell,
‘The Use of Oxen on Irish Farms since the Eighteenth Century’, 22–26.31[31] Starkey, Polyculteur à traction animale for a comprehensive study of why a European-
developed ‘light’ technology may work handsomely in the research station, but not workout in everyday life for the ordinary farmer in a ‘developing’ country.
32[32] Bell, ‘The Use of Oxen on Irish Farms since the Eighteenth Century’.33[33] Krüger, Los Altos Pirineos, 33–7, 45–9; and Violant I Simorra, Obra Oberta, 159–61, 169,
171–75, 207, 223, 239, etc.
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