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8/20/2019 Dr. William Allan Kritsonis - EdD Dissertation Advisory Committee Member for Bipin Sharma - Title: THE DIFFEREN…
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THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN FIRST-GENERATION AMERICAN-BORN ASIAN
INDIAN HINDUS AND IMMIGRATED ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS ON MEASURES
OF ACCULTURATION, SELF-CONCEPT, AND ATTITUDES TOWARD
COUNSELING: A MIXED METHODS STUDY
____________
A Dissertation
Presented to
The Faculty of the Department of Educational Leadership
and Counseling
Sam Houston State University
_____________
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
_____________
by
Bipin Sharma
July, 2010
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ii
THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN FIRST-GENERATION AMERICAN-BORN ASIAN
INDIAN HINDUS AND IMMIGRATED ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS ON MEASURES
OF ACCULTURATION, SELF-CONCEPT, AND ATTITUDES TOWARD
COUNSELING: A MIXED METHODS STUDY
by
Bipin Sharma
____________
APPROVED:
____________________________________
Dr. Mary NichterDissertation Chair
____________________________________
Dr. Rick BruhnDissertation Committee Member
____________________________________Dr. Yvonne Garza
Dissertation Committee Member
____________________________________
Dr. Melinda Miller HoltDissertation Committee Member
____________________________________Dr. William Kritsonis
Dissertation Committee Member
Approved:
_____________________________
Dr. Genevieve H. BrownDean, College of Education
This dissertation follows the format and style of the Publication Manual of the American
Psychological Association, Sixth Edition except where superseded by the directions fromthe Office of Graduate Studies at Sam Houston State University.
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iii
DEDICATION
First and foremost this dissertation is dedicated to my deceased grandparents
Krishna and Hira Nand Sharma and Diwan Chand and Shanti Gandotra. At some point in
my childhood they instilled in me the importance of education.
This dissertation is dedicated to the following people: My parents, Dr. Primla and
Bansi Dhar Sharma, without their support and effort I would never have been able to
make it this far. My mother committed herself to seeking out the best for me in my life
and without her I would never have had the commitment or patience to complete this
task. This dissertation is dedicated to my sister Dr. Kavita Sharma and my brothers Dr.
Bhanoo Sharma and Bikram Sharma for their continued support and ability to listen. This
dissertation is dedicated to my friends for listening to me and continually encouraging me
Dwight Ekstrom, Brett Chinski, and Matt Beutler.
Most importantly this dissertation is dedicated to my wife Elsa, son Dev Raj, and
mother-in-law Maria Del Carmen Vega-Bhandari who supported me day-to-day in my
endeavor to obtain my goals and lighten the load of everyday life.
Last but not least this dissertation is dedicated to my community, family, and my
faith as a Hindu. Throughout my life when I needed it most, I relied on my community,
family, and faith for support and this achievement is another indication of my
commitment to positively promoting Asian Indian Hindus.
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ABSTRACT
Sharma, B. S. (2010). The differences between first generation American born Asian
Indian Hindus and immigrated Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, andattitudes toward seeking counseling: A mixed methods study. Doctor of Philosophy
(Counselor Education), July 2010 Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas.
Purpose
This study, examined the differences between first-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation,
self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling.
Method
Following an extensive review of the literature, 108 participants were assessed
using a sequential quantitative-qualitative analysis mixed-method design using nested
samples. Of the 108 participants, 52 belonged to the first generation American born
Asian Indian sample group and 56 belonged to the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu
sample. One hundred and eight participants completed instruments for acculturation,
self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling help. Further, of the
108 participants, 32 completed a semi-structured interview. Twenty members were of the
first generation American born Asian Indian Hindu sample and 12 members were from
the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu sample.
Results
Quantitative data alone failed to find any differences between these two groups;
however, acculturation levels were different, a finding that was expected indicating
higher acculturation levels for the first generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus.
The quantitative data revealed no significant differences between groups in terms of their
attitudes toward seeking counseling and their self-concepts.The qualitative data obtained
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v
from the semi-structured interviews suggested differences, similarities, and clarification
of the quantitative results for the three constructs.
Implications for Counseling
Implications based on the results suggest that going to counseling is a last resort
and is expressive of desperation even with the stigma, and if the counseling practitioner is
unaware of the seriousness of these issues, the client might experience a lack of hope in
ever getting help. First generation American born group members reported higher rates of
alienation and feelings of dual membership. These results indicate that first-generation
American-born Asian Indians recognize that they are not completely American or Indian.
Several members of both groups indicate the positive influence that Hinduism has on
their lives and the involvement they have with Hindu rituals, functions, and social
occasions. Having this knowledge base is vital to avoid disrespecting or overstepping
boundaries when entering into a counseling relationship with a Hindu client. Finally
participants report seeking counseling or knowing of a friend or family member who has
sought counseling. This knowledge is helpful for counselors because it indicates that
there is a willingness to use counseling services even though there is a high degree of
stigma and view that counseling is a last resort.
KEY WORDS: Asian Indian, Asian Indian Hindu, Acculturation Self-Concept, and
Attitudes toward seeking counseling, Religion and Cultural Affiliation.
APPROVED:
____________________________________Dr. Mary Nichter
Dissertation Chair
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank and acknowledge Dr. Mary Nichter for continually making
sure that I stayed on task and even when frustrated did not lose focus of my goal. Thank
you for your dedication and support.
Thank you Dr. Bruhn, Dr. Garza, Dr. Holt, and Dr. Kritsonis. Without your
support I would never have been able to reach this stage of my life. The unconditional
support that I received from these people was unwavering throughout my academic
career. I would like to acknowledge Dr. Holt for being very patient and supportive while
trying to teach me statistics. She was always available and extremely patient with me.
My sincere appreciation is given to Cohort V. The support that I received from
the members throughout the academic process was by far the pillars that kept my world
in place. I would like to specifically acknowledge cohort member Rebecca Frels, you
managed to find time to listen to me and encourage me through this process even though
you were going through the process yourself. I sincerely appreciate your friendship and
am eternally grateful. I would also like to thank John Holland Robinson for your
assistance in teaching me technology to make my life easier.
I would like to thank my professors Dr. Richard Henriksen, Dr. Richard Watts,
Dr. Rick Bruhn, Dr. Mary Nichter, Dr. Kate Walker, Dr. John Slate, and Dr. Anthony
Onwuegbuzie. I would never have developed the skills and understanding necessary for
me to function at this level if it were not for the expert tutelage and constant support of
the most dedicated educators I have ever known. My sincerest regards rest with all of you
for your integrity and commitment for higher education.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
DEDICATION ................................................................................................................. iii
ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................. vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................ vii
LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ x
I INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................. 4
Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................................... 5
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................. 5
Definitions......................................................................................................................... 6
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 7
Research Questions ......................................................................................................... 10
Limitations ...................................................................................................................... 11
Delimitations ................................................................................................................... 12
Assumptions .................................................................................................................... 12
Summary and Overview ................................................................................................. 12
II LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................................................................... 14
Generalization of Cultural Affiliation ............................................................................. 15
Foundations of Hinduism ................................................................................................ 16
Counseling With Asian Indian Hindus ........................................................................... 22
Acculturation of Asian Indians in the United States ....................................................... 24
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Self-Concept ................................................................................................................... 29
Attitudes Toward Counseling ......................................................................................... 33
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 37
III METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................... 40
Selection of Participants ................................................................................................. 41
Research Design.............................................................................................................. 41
Instrumentation ............................................................................................................... 44
Data Collection ............................................................................................................... 52
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................. 61
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 65
IV RESULTS ................................................................................................................. 67
Research Questions ......................................................................................................... 67
Demographic Data .......................................................................................................... 68
Results for Research Questions 3 and 4 .......................................................................... 80
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 95
V DISCUSSION OF RESULTS .................................................................................. 97
Overview of the Purpose and Structure .......................................................................... 97
Discussion of Quantitative Results ................................................................................. 98
Discussion of Qualitative Results ................................................................................. 101
Discussion of Combined Results .................................................................................. 107
Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 111
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 116
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................. 118
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APPENDIX A ............................................................................................................... 133
APPENDIX B ............................................................................................................... 136
APPENDIX C ............................................................................................................... 140
APPENDIX D ............................................................................................................... 142
APPENDIX E ............................................................................................................... 147
APPENDIX F................................................................................................................ 148
APPENDIX G ............................................................................................................... 160
APPENDIX H ............................................................................................................... 161
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LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1 Primary Reincarnations Worshipped by First-Generation American-Born Asian
Indian Hindus (FGG) and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG) .......................... 70
2 Primary Language of First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindus (FGG)
and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG) .............................................................. 71
3 Education Level of First Generation American Born Asian Indian Hindus (FGG) and
Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG) .................................................................... 72
4
Means and Standard Deviations for Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation
Scale (SL-ASIA) ..................................................................................................... 74
5 Means and Standard Deviations for Tennessee Self Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2) ... 74
6 Means and Standard Deviations for Attitudes Toward Seeking Psychological Help
Scale (ATSPPHS) .................................................................................................... 75
7 Results for the MANOVA Comparing Acculturation, Self-Concept, and Attitudes
Toward Counseling ................................................................................................. 75
8 Acculturation (SL-ASIA) Scores and Percent Distribution .................................... 77
9 Self-Concept (TSCS-2) Scores and Percent Distribution ........................................ 78
10 Attitudes Toward Seeking Psychological Help (ATSPPHS) Scores and Percent
Distribution .............................................................................................................. 80
11 Results from Classic Content Analysis — Importance of Hinduism ........................ 86
12 Results from Classical Content Analysis of Acculturation ..................................... 90
13 Results from Classic Content Analysis View of Counseling .................................. 94
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Ethnic, racial, and cultural diversity have defined the idea of the American
melting pot (Farver, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Mathur, Guiry, & Tikoo,
2008; Sundar, 2008; Smith, 2002; Tewary, 2005). Increasing immigrant populations from
several cultural groups from various regions of the world have reshaped the American
landscape in respect to race and ethnicity. It is the contention of several authors (Farver
et al., 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Mathur et al., 2008; Smith, 2002; Sundar, 2008; Tewary,
2005) that many immigrated populations maintained their attachment to their culture of
origin; whereas, the first generation born in the United States has been raised in both a
culture of origin (e.g, Asian Indian) and a larger mainstream culture (Farver et al., 2002;
Kurien, 2005; Sundar, 2008).
Researchers (Hall, 1976; Hoftsede, 1983, 2001) suggested that the recognition of
groups is essential for understanding the cross-cultural issues that any given population
encounters when acculturating.Several researchers (Gudykunst, 2004; Hofstede, 2001;
Samovar, Porter, & Stefani, 1998) have noted that cultural affiliation incorporates several
areas such as thoughts, communication, actions, customs, beliefs, values, race, and
religion.
Asian Indians define themselves culturally largely based on their religious
affiliation (Juthani, 2001). Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus that migrated to the United
States in 1965 established themselves in a foreign country by building temples, and small
Indian communities that included shops and restaurants in order to maintain a connection
with both their spiritual and cultural roots (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Navsaria &
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Peterson, 2007; Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993). Asian Indian Hindu immigrants sought to
preserve their culture through social interaction with other Asian Indian Hindus hence
delaying the acculturation process in the immigrated Asian Indian population. Tewary
(2005) found that many immigrants isolated themselves due to unfamiliarity with the
dominant cultural groups‘ values and norms, and hypothesized that the isolation led to
Asian Indians becoming more socially active within their group in an effort to remain
connected to their culture of origin (Ghuman, 1997; Mathur, Guiry, & Tikoo, 2008;
Sundar, 2008; Tewary, 2005).
As a result of the migration and subsequent isolation, immigrated Asian Indians
focused their efforts in re-creating the familiar surroundings they left behind in India.
One of the largest socializing agents for Asian Indians is religion (Farvar, Bhadha, &
Narang, 2002). Religious activity is among the leading factors that contribute to an Asian
Indian‘s sense of social acceptance and cultural identity, as well as providing social and
psychological support.
Asian Indian Religious Diversity
India is an ethnically and religiously diverse subcontinent, and social identity is
largely influenced by affiliation to an organized religion (Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu,
1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). Asian Indians are affiliated with
various religious groups such as Islam, Buddhist, Sikhism, Christian, and Hindu (Das &
Kemp, 1997; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007). Hinduism is the largest Asian Indian religious
group in India with 83% of the population identified as Hindu. Other religious groups
comprise the remaining 17% with 11% Islam, 3% Christian, Sikh 2%, and 1% Buddhist
and other religions (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005). According Lugo et al. (2008) in
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their survey on religious diversity of Asians in the United States, 14% were Hindu, 9%
were Buddhists, and 4% were Muslim. Hindus comprise a significant population in the
United States among other Asian Indian religious groups (Das & Kemp, 1997; Hodge,
2004; Lugo et al. 2008; Smith, 2002).
According to Juthani (2001), Hinduism is not just a religious affiliation for a
Hindu, but a way of life thereby, creating a distinct and unique cultural group. As a
unique cultural group, Hindus have been described by some researchers (Coogan, 2005;
Firth, 2005; ―Hindu Arrival in America,‖ 2006; Moodley, 1999) as a self-contained or
closed group, and may not be comfortable seeking help from a secular source outside of
the Hindu religion (Hanna & Green, 2004; ―Hindu Arrival in America,‖ 2006; Hodge,
2004; ―The Swamis,‖ 2003).
The strong influence of religion on lifestyle is not unique to Hindus. According to
Chandras (1997) and Das and Kemp (1997), the culture, view of the world, and day-to-
day living of Asian Indian people is strongly influenced by their religious affiliation.
With a growing population in America, research specific to the Asian Indian population
has increased; however, there is a need for more research addressing the diversity of the
religious and spiritual communities of Asian Indian population. According to several
authors, limited information exists in the literature to understand an Asian Indian Hindus‘
level of acculturation, self-concept, and their attitudes toward seeking counseling
(Chandras, 1997; Das & Kemp, 1997; Hanna & Green, 2004; Hodge, 2004; Ibrahim,
Ohnishi, & Sandhu; Ramisety-Mikler, 1993).
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Statement of the Problem
The population of Asian Indians in the United States is rapidly increasing (Hodge,
2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau,
2007). According to the latest census conducted in 2000, the Asian Indian population has
doubled to nearly 0.6% in the United States equating roughly 2,570,000 people (Hodge,
2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau,
2007). Asian Indians are the fastest growing ethnic minority group in the U.S. among the
Asian population, and it is estimated that by the year 2050 the total population of Asian
Indians could exceed 4 million (Chandras, 1997; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007).
Misperceptions are often presented as a result of insensitive and inaccurate
description of persons from an Asian Indian background, and broad assumptions are
made by not recognizing the uniqueness and differences between people of Asian Indian
descent and people from other Asian countries (Chandras, 1997; Dorland & Kepford,
2005; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006).
As a result of migration and the population increase within the United States, the
population of the various religious groups (e.g. Hindu, Sikh, Muslim, Christian, and
Buddhist) has increased.
Several researchers have included various groups such as Chinese, Taiwanese,
Japanese, Korean, Indian, and Pakistani under the broad term Asian (Abrahams, 2007;
Balasubramanyam, 2005; Khan-Lodhi, 2005; Zhang & Dixon, 2003). Asian Indians need
to be considered separately from these other groups as their experiences, culture, and
religious affiliation vary significantly (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam, 2005; Khan-
Lodhi, 2005; Zhang & Dixon, 2003).
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Purpose of the Study
In my study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation,
self-concept and attitudes toward counseling. My goal was to increase the literature that
specifically pertains to Asian Indian Hindus, and contribute to the literature available for
mental health practitioners that work with Asian Indian Hindus.
Significance of the Study
Previous research pertaining to the complexity and diversity of the Hindu culture
in relation to the topics of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling has
yielded limited information (Chandras, 1997; Das & Kemp, 1997; Ibrahim, Ohnishi &
Sandhu, 1997; Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993). By conducting the study I increased the
literature that specifically addressed the Asian Indian Hindu people. Immigrated Asian
Indian Hindus and Asian Indian Hindus in general, rely heavily on the Hindu religion as
their definition of culture. Birthdays, weddings, seasonal changes, birth, and death
ceremonies are only some aspects of the culture that have roots in the Hindu religious
doctrine (Chandras, 1997; Dorland & Kepford, 2005; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997;
Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006).
The counseling community of professionals might benefit from the findings of
my study as a result of having acquired knowledge through the collection and analysis of
my data for the purposes of counseling Asian Indian Hindus by being better informed
about the influence of Hinduism in all areas of life for members of this religious group.
Because the Asian Indian Hindu population is increasing in America, recognizing Asian
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Indian Hindus as a unique cultural and religious group will help counselors work more
effectively with Asian Indian Hindus clients.
Definitions
For the purposes of my study, the following definitions were offered:
Acculturation
Acculturation is a process that can occur when two or more cultures interact.
Possible outcomes include assimilation (host culture absorbs immigrant culture),
multiculturalism (both cultures exist with one another), resistance to assimilation, or
adoption of qualities of both cultures (host culture & parent culture) (Suinn, Khoo, &
Ahuna, 1995).
Asian Indian
Asian Indian is a broad and generic term commonly found in research literature
that describes the diverse population of individuals of Asian Indian descent without
taking into account religious affiliations.
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS)
The ATSPPHS is an instrument developed by Fischer and Turner (1970) for the
purposes of assessing a person‘s attitudes toward seeking professional psychological
help. For the purposes of my study, I used attitudes toward seeking counseling in place of
attitudes toward seeking psychological help.
First generation American born Asian Indian Hindus
In my study, first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus are Asian
Indian Hindu persons that are born in the United States, or immigrated to the United
States between the ages of 0-9 years.
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Asian Indian Hindu
In my study, an Asian Indian Hindu is a person that has lineage traceable to the
Indian subcontinent and represents a religious and cultural affiliation.
Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus
Asian Indian Hindus that have immigrated to America, are born in India, and are
18 years or older.
Self-Concept
According to the authors of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2), self-
concept incorporates physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work beliefs
one has about oneself (Fitts & Warren, 1996).
Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA)
An instrument with psychometric properties specifically designed to examine and
report the acculturation levels of the Asian Indian population (Suinn, Rikard-Figueroa,
Lew, & Vigil 1987; Suinn, Khoo, Ahuna 1995).
Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2).
An instrument used to measure self-concept with established psychometric
properties that uses 82 questions, and has 15 subscales that include validity scores,
summary scores, self-concept scales, and supplementary scores (Fitts & Warren, 2003).
Conceptual Framework
In the following section, I discussed the conceptual framework for my study.
According to Lester (2005), conceptual frameworks are derived from previous research,
but provide the basis for choosing constructs in an investigation and any relationship that
might exist between them. Further, the justification for the use of certain constructs and
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the relationship between must be appropriate and useful for examining the research
problem (Lester). I related the importance of examining the levels of acculturation, self-
concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling for Asian Indian Hindus.
Acculturation
Acculturation is regarded as a multidimensional process, and several models have
been developed to examine the impact of acculturation on minority populations that enter
a host or dominant culture (Berry, 1980; Berry 2001; Berry, Trimble, & Olmeda, 1986;
Suinn, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995; Setty, 2006). The acculturation process has been examined
by researchers (Berry, 1980; Phinney, 1990) and the commonalities between definitions
of acculturation vary. For example, Phinney (1990) defined acculturation as the
relationship between the host culture and the minority culture with emphasis on the
knowledge of the cultures. However, several researchers (Balasubramanayam, 2005;
Ghosh, 2007; Moideen, 1995; Setty) have found that Berry‘s definition of acculturation is
useful because it does not view acculturation as linear; rather, acculturation is seen as a
process with high and low levels of minority group member commitment to the dominant
culture also known as the bi-dimensional perspective (Balasubramanyam; Berry; Ghosh;
Moideen; Setty). Berry (1980/2001) argued that acculturation has consequences for both
of the cultural groups (i.e., host and minority), and that acculturation includes both the
minority groups membership to the mainstream and their culture of origin.
Suinn, Khoo and Ahuna (1995) defined acculturation as a process that can occur
when two or more cultures interact. Possible outcomes included assimilation (host culture
absorbs immigrant culture), multiculturalism (both cultures exist with one another),
resistance to assimilation, or adoption of qualities of both cultures (host culture & parent
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culture). These researchers created an instrument that has been widely used with Asian
populations to examine the process of acculturation in order to gain a better
understanding of the difficulties faced by the Asian populations. This instrument has been
used with the Asian Indian population by several researchers (Balasubramanyam, 2005;
Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002; Ghosh, 2007; Ghuman, 1997; Rao 2007), who
concluded that the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; 1987)
who concluded that the instrument adequately measure the level of acculturation of Asian
Indians.
Self-Concept
Self-concept has been examined in several studies alongside ethnic identity
(Balasubramanayam, 2005; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Phinney, 1990). These researchers
found that irregardless of the population they were studying (e.g., Asain, Asian Indian,
Hispanic, Caucasian, and African) a person‘s ethnic identity and self -concept were
related, and that those who identified strongly with their ethnicity had higher levels of
self-concept. Self-concept has been defined by Fitts and Warren (1996) to incorporate a
person‘s physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work attitudes along
with their identity, satisfaction, and behavior.
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help
Kwok (2004) examined the relationship between acculturation level and attitudes
toward seeking professional psychological help. She found that acculturation and
utilization of mental health services were related. Further, authors Kurien (1999) and
Mukkamala (2009) have stated that religion and spirituality serve as a source of support
for illness (physical and mental). It is necessary to explore the spirituality of a client
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before beginning a counseling relationship, and also being aware of one‘s own spiritual
convictions in order to enhance the counseling relationship (Watts, 2001).
These constructs (e.g., acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking
counseling) have been examined independently with the Asian Indian population;
however, these constructs had not been examined together with a specific religious group.
Given that the largest Asian Indian religious group in the U.S. is Hindu (14% Hindu, 9%
Buddhists, and 4% Muslim); (Pew Forum, 2008), and the fact that the above mentioned
variables had never been examined specifically with Hindus, it appeared logical to
examine the differences between first generation born American Asian Indian Hindus and
Immigrated Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward
seeking professional counseling.
Research Questions
I answered the following research questions using Fitts and Warren‘s (1996)
Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (2nd ed.), Attitude Toward Seeking Professional
Psychological Help Scale (Fischer & Turner, 1970) and Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation
Scale (SL-ASIA) (Suinn, Richard-Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil, 1987, 1992). Further, a
qualitative interview was used to investigate the perceptions of first generation American
born Asian Indian Hindus and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about counseling.
1) What are the differences between first generation American born Asian Indian
Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept
and attitudes toward seeking counseling?
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2) What is the relationship between length of time in the United States and level
of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian
Indian Hindus?
3) What are the perceptions of first generation American born Asian Indian
Hindus about counseling?
4) What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about
counseling?
Limitations
The current research was only generalizable to the Asian Indian Hindu population
living in the Houston, Texas and Chicago, Illinois, and cannot be generalized to every
Hindu living in the United States of America. I could not ensure that all participants
responded truthfully. Parts of my research relied heavily on self report measures, and as a
result, I could not ensure that all participants were in fact practicing Asian Indian Hindus.
Participants may have presented themselves in a more favorable manner once they were
informed about the purpose of the current research by exaggerating their commitment to
their Hindu faith, and also as a result of knowing that I am a member of the same
religious and cultural group.
Also, I am not taking into consideration the age or socioeconomic status of the
participants. Hinduism promotes the idea of worshipping several various reincarnations
of the supreme Lord. This study did not address the issue of the various reincarnations
worshipped by the participants, nor did this consideration factor into the original
definition of a Hindu, however, I inquired as to which deity the participants primarily
worship for demographic data.
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religious groups such as Islam, Buddhist, Sikh, Christians, and Hindus (Das & Kemp,
1997; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007).
Due to unfamiliarity with the religious diversity of the Asian Indian population,
researchers often presented an insensitive and inaccurate description of persons from an
Asian Indian background, and made very broad assumptions by defining Asians as
having common characteristics due mainly to geographic location (Chandras, 1997;
Dorland & Kepford, 2005; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Juthani, 2001; Tilson &
Venkateswaran, 2006). I examined the differences between first-generation American-
born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of
acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward counseling.
In the following chapter, an overview of the literature pertaining to cultural
affiliation, counseling with Asian Indian Hindus, acculturation of Asian Indians in the
United States, self-concept, and studies examining the attitudes toward seeking
professional psychological help scale of people from various ethnic groups is presented.
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CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
An extensive search of the interdisciplinary academic literature on counseling the
Hindu population in the United States revealed a dearth of empirical studies. Overall,
limited research has been conducted with Asian Indians in the U.S. even though this
population has increased exponentially (Hodge, 2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000;
Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). Several authors have argued that
it is a mistake to define such unique religious cultures such as Hindus, Sikhs, Muslims,
Buddhists, and several others under a broad and generic term such as Asian Indian
(Hodge, 2004; Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Navsaria & Peterson, 2007; U.S. Census
Bureau, 2007). Previous research on the topic of Hinduism and counseling has yielded
limited information pertaining to the complexity and diversity of the Hindu culture
(Chandras, 1997; Das & Kemp, 1997; Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu, 1997; Ramisety-
Mikler, 1993). The literature often presents an insensitive and inaccurate description of
persons from an Asian Indian background, and some researchers make very broad
assumptions by not recognizing the uniqueness and vast differences between these groups
ethnic and religious groups (Chandras, 1997; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Navsaria &
Peterson, 2007).
I reviewed the following literature: (a) the Generalization of cultural affiliation;
(b) the foundations of Hinduism; (c) counseling with Asian Indian Hindus; (d)
acculturation of Asian Indians in the United States; (e) self-concept; (f) attitudes toward
counseling; and (f) the summary.
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Generalization of Cultural Affiliation
Kim, Ng, and Ahn (2009) asserted that there are common cultural values among
diverse cultural groups such as worldview, conflict resolution, spirituality, adherence to
family values, respect of elders, and several others. The researchers overlooked the
complexity of various cultural and religious groups such as Chinese, Filipino, Japanese,
Korean, Asian Indian, Taiwanese, multi-racial (no definition was provided), Vietnamese,
Indonesian, Pakistani, and other ethnic backgrounds (no definition was provided). Zhang
and Dixon (2003) examined the relationship between the attitudes toward seeking
professional psychological help and acculturation. The researchers used a sample from
two universities in the Midwestern United States which consisted of 170 Asians including
Chinese (those from Hong Kong), Japanese, Koreans, Taiwanese, people from Thailand,
Malaysians, and Indians. Again, several distinct cultural groups were used to create a
sample of Asians.
Moreover, in order to determine the presenting concerns of racial and ethnic
minorities seeking counseling in a university center, Constantine, Chen, and Ceesay
(1997) examined the presenting issues identified by minority students as the reason for
seeking counseling. The researchers reviewed 157 minority students representing
different ethnic groups including Hispanic Americans, African American, Asian
American, and Native American. In this study, minority was used to represent one group
which actually comprised several different cultural groups.
In several of the studies that I reviewed researchers did not describe their
population accurately and made assumptions that cultural groups such as Koreans,
Chinese, people from Thailand, Taiwanese, Indian and Pakistani were all Asian (Kim,
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Ng, & Ahn, 2009; Zhang & Dixon, 2003), while other researchers labeled different ethnic
groups collectively under the label of minority (Constantine, Chen, & Cessay, 1997). In a
similar way, Asian Indians have been classified as one group without consideration given
to the distinctive differences within the group based on religion. In the following section,
important foundational concepts of Hinduism are presented, followed by research studies
that recognize the importance of religious affiliation for Asian Indians
Foundations of Hinduism
The Hindu religion originated between 2500 BC and 1500 BC (Coogan, 2005,
Hanna & Green, 2004, Juthani, 2001). Specific to the religion are several beliefs that are
extremely important and fundamental for understanding how practicing Hindus view
their world. For example, Hindus believe in a trinity; (a) Brahma the creator, (b) Vishnu
the maintainer, and (c) Mahesh (Lord Shiva) the destroyer (Firth, 2005: Hanna & Green,
2004; Juthani, 2001; Sullivan 2001). Hindus primarily pray to Vishnu and Mahesh and to
reincarnations of these Gods (Flood, 1996; Juthani; Sullivan).
Gods and Goddesses
The Hindu faith has numerous Gods and Goddesses and the following represent
several reincarnations of Lord Vishnu and Lord Shiva also known as Mahesh: (a)
Saraswati the Goddess of knowledge; (b) Lakshmi, the Goddess of prosperity; (c) Durga,
the Goddess of strength; (d) Krishna, the God of love and destroyer of evil; (e) Gauri, the
Goddess of purity, and (f) Hanuman, the God courage and devotion. Hindu Gods and
Goddesses can manifest or be represented in both human and animal form. For instance,
Lord Ganesh and Lord Hanuman are represented as having human bodies but the face of
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an elephant and monkey respectively (Flood, 1996; Kinsley, 1998; Sullivan, 2001; The
Hindu Universe, 2008).
Hindu people, with the help of a priest, perform several rituals to pay homage to
the God or Goddess they choose to worship. For example, if a family was experiencing
financial problems, the family would request that a priest perform ceremonies and rituals
to the Goddess Luxmi, also known as the Goddess of good fortune and prosperity. In
essence, Hindu people can worship several Gods and Goddesses based on the
circumstances that they may encounter in their everyday lives (Flood, 1996; Kinsley,
1998; Sullivan, 2001; The Hindu Universe, 2008). Hindus who worship and perform
rituals often maintain an inner-connectedness with their spirituality in all facets of their
lives. For instance, at major events such as a wedding, or birth of a child, the Hindu
person will ask for the blessing of Lord Ganesh also known as the God of good
beginnings. Also, if the Hindu person feels a lack of courage and desires to feel
empowered, Hindu people will worship and give offerings to Lord Hanuman, also known
as the God of courage. Other reincarnations of Vishnu and Mahesh serve different
functions and most likely are prayed to when such circumstances present themselves.
Teaching of Hinduism
Hinduism is taught through oral and written history. For example, the Vedas,
containing the major scriptures of the Hindu religion, are written in the ancient language
of Sanskrit, and are divided into four parts (Sharma, 2005). The four parts are: Rigveda,
Samaveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda. The Rigveda and Samaveda are a collection of
ancient hymns and chants used in ceremonies to praise God, while the Yajurveda
contains the language needed to perform the rituals and ceremonies for the Gods.
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Finally, the Atharvaveda is the ancient text that contains the ritual spells and poems used
for vedic recitation of Hindu scripture (Flood, 1996; Juthani, 2001; Sullivan, 2001).
There is also a belief that the Vedas, or scriptures, are the word of God as is the Bible and
the Koran (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Sharma, 2005). However, the
common belief is that the four ancient texts of scriptures create the philosophical
foundation of practicing Hindus. The Vedas are used by priests to perform ceremonies
and rituals that help alleviate the problems experienced by the Hindu person (Juthani;
Sullivan).
Finally, two major texts that outline and provide a discussion of the Vedas as they
pertain to decisions one must make in everyday life are the Bhagavad Gita and the
Ramayana (Hiltebeitel, 2003; Juthani, 2001; Sullivan, 2001). The Bhagavad Gita was
created from the epic story called the Mahabharat that describes the interaction of a
mortal man Arjuna and Lord Krishna (Hiltebeitel; Sullivan). The Gita has become one of
the most prominent texts of the Hindu religion, and is regarded as the word of God. On
the other hand, the Ramayana is an epic that details the history of an exiled prince that is
forced to encounter situations that test his social, familial, and religious obligations
(Flood, 1996). Many scholars have described the Ramayana as an example of how one
should live a life that adheres to the principals and foundations set forth in Hinduism
(Flood; Rinehart, 2004; Sullivan).
Bhagavad Gita
The story of the Bhagavad Gita describes a conversation that took place between
Lord Krishna and Arjuna before the battle began in the epic story called the Mahabharat.
Arjuna asked Lord Krishna, who had decided to be Arjuna‘s chariot driver for the
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duration of the battle, to take him to view the enemy. The enemy he observed were also
Arjuna‘s kin such as cousins, uncles, and spiritual elders. As Arjuna observed his family,
knowing that he would kill them all especially since Lord Krishna was his chariot driver,
he asked Lord Krishna how he could live in accordance with Hindu principles when he
knew that he was going to kill so many people. What ensued was a discussion of
reincarnation, spirituality, the difference between right and wrong, and what tasks one
had to fulfill throughout his or her life.
Lord Krishna informed Arjuna about the spirit and explicitly stated that the spirit
of man is reborn, giving prominence to the principal of reincarnation (Sullivan, 2001).
Krishna again revealed to Arjuna that accumulating karma causes rebirth, and his
enemies will have the opportunity to be reborn and live a life that is acceptable and in
alignment to the principles of dharma (the social, spiritual, and familial obligations) in
order to achieve moksa (to break free of the reincarnation cycle) and to become one with
the trinity (Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Rinehart, 2004; Sullivan).
Further, each chapter of the book is recited in hymn format, and each chapter describes
various points of conversation that occurred between Arjuna and Lord Krishna.
Ramayana
In the epic story the Ramayana, Lord Rama has to balance many aspects of his
life while keeping in mind his obligations to society, his family, and his spirituality
(Rinehart, 2004). Lord Rama is exiled as a result of his father‘s decision regarding who
would be heir to his kingdom. Lord Rama was the eldest and the rightful heir, but instead
of fighting for his birthright, he followed his father‘s instructions and spent several years
wandering in the jungles. Lord Rama‘s wife Sita and younger brother Luxman felt a
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familial and societal obligation to support and be present with Lord Rama and therefore
decided to follow Lord Rama into the jungles versus living a life of comfort (Flood,
1996; Hiltebeitel, 2003; Sullivan, 2001). During his journey Lord Rama was faced with
many trials and tribulations, and had to balance his personal faith and his obligations to
his family and society. The Ramayana is an epic story that embodying the basic values
and concerns many Hindus may face in their everyday lives (Rinehert; Sullivan; Juthani,
2001).
Several of the topics discussed above outline the complexities of the Hindu
religion. For example, the various texts, ideas such as reincarnation, and specific stories
of various Gods and Goddesses highlight the often overlooked differences of people of
Indian origin. Hinduism is a complex religion with an ancient history, and the preceding
information should be viewed as a brief introduction to the religion. In the following
sections, research studies are presented that examine the Asian Indian Hindu population
as an independent religious and cultural group. Specifically, I found research studies that
highlighted the importance of knowing foundational Hindu religious concepts before
working with Hindu clients. In the next section studies discussing foundational concepts
related to reincarnation and freedom from the rebirthing cycle (moksa) are presented.
Hindu Concepts of Death and Reincarnation
Reincarnation is another important philosophical foundation for a Hindu. Critical
in the Hindu belief structure, is the belief that the Hindu person must observe the laws of
karma and adhere to the principles of dharma, in order to stop the rebirth cycle (Sullivan,
2001; Flood, 1996; Rinehart, 2004). The ultimate goal of a Hindu is to achieve moksa
which is defined as the freedom from the rebirth cycle through death (Sullivan; Flood). If
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a person is able to live a good life, according to dharmic principles, then he or she will be
granted the liberation from the rebirth cycle and be united with the trinity (Flood; Juthani,
Sullivan; Sharma, 2005). Death is a fundamental concept essential for conducting
counselingwith Hindu clients because the practices and beliefs regarding death are
different when compared to other religious groups.
Firth (2005) presented end of life concerns that were of importance to Hindu
clients. The author summarized important religious, social, gender, and class issues he
claimed were often overlooked when working with Hindu persons that are at the end-of-
life. Presented in the article were several important concepts and a discussion about the
caste system, beliefs about life and death such as: (a) atman (spirit), moksha (freedom),
the Bhagavad Gita, and karma; (b) the importance and differences between good and bad
deaths; (c) disclosure and last rites; and (d) euthanasia. The author presented case studies
of interviews with Asian Indian Hindus that had experienced a family members‘ death as
being good and bad. Further, the investigation discussed the implications and provided
suggestions for counselors working with Hindu clients in their last phase of life.
Deshpande, Reid, and Rao (2005) discussed attitudes of Asian Indian Hindus
toward the end of life care. The researchers in this study discussed the impact of karmic
theory on end of life care, the familial decision making process as opposed to the western
individual decision making process, interference by family members in a persons‘
individual karmic duty, and finally, the rituals that need to be performed when a person is
at the end-of-life phase. Deshpande, Reid, and Rao presented and discussed several
aspects of each of the above mentioned topics, provided a case scenario, and presented
relevant questions that should be asked of Asian Indian Hindus when dealing with end-
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Coogan, 2005; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Juthani, 2001; Moodley, 1999; Holaday,
Leach, & Davidson, 1994).
Coogan (2005) discussed the growth of the Hindu population in America, and
several Hindu concepts such as illness, death, karma, femininity, common conflicts, and
theories of identity. The author primarily discussed the theories of identity and found that
spirituality is the key concept in identity formation for people of Asian Indian descent.
Also, Coogan presented cultural notes for counselors, results of oppression such as
invasions by Islamic and British people, the division into the caste system, and the need
for cultural sensitivity in counseling.
Similarly, Juthani (2001) presented the importance of understanding the Hindu
religion before undertaking counseling with Hindu clients. Juthani postulated that the
Hindu client values his or her religion as being a way of life. He continued to discuss
concepts such as reincarnation, karma, and ancestor worship, that are important in
understanding the Hindu people and emphasized the importance of religion as it pertains
to the cultural identity of Hindu people. This study acknowledged counseling with Hindu
clients as being different from other cultural groups found on the Indian subcontinent.
Moodley (1999) described his experiences with a Hindu client named Shiva. In
this article, the author described his interaction from several different views, and
discussed how untrained he was to work with his client from a Hindu background. The
author discussed the client‘s lack of willingness to participate, and the fact that the client
would constantly arrive late for sessions. Also, the author described a two month absence
from counseling by the client who was receiving guidance from a spiritual healer or a
vaid. Moodley suggested that future treatment of minorities that proscribe to spiritual
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healers should be incorporated into counseling practices by examining the value of the
spiritual healer in the client‘s life. The noted author stated that current models for
counseling clients from different backgrounds do not take into account clients from other
diverse cultural and religious backgrounds such as Hindus.
In a qualitative study Holaday, Leach, and Davidson (1994) presented a case
study of a Hindu client that had been raped. In the case study, the Hindu client was not
willing to receive medical treatment because of the shame that her family would have to
deal with as a result of her being raped. Instead of seeking treatment for rape, the client in
question denied being raped and instead chose to lie. The authors provided very specific
details describing the counselor‘s frustration when working with the mother of the child
that had been raped. As a result of their experience with this family, the authors discussed
the importance of being culturally aware of the values and beliefs of people from
different ethnic, religious, and minority backgrounds for counselors.
In the above mentioned studies, several authors (Coogan, 2005; Hanna & Green,
2004; Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Moodley, 1999) discussed the
need to understand the Hindu faith before working with clients that are practicing Hindus.
Further, authors (Abrahams, 2007; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997;
Kaipa, 2008; Rao, 2007; Sundar, 2008) have stated that when counseling Asian Indians
an important variable for counselors to take into account is their level of acculturation
into the host culture. In the following section acculturation of Asian Indians is discussed.
Acculturation of Asian Indians in the United States
Several researches have examined the impact of acculturation on first generation
Asian Indians (Abrahams, 2007; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997;
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Kaipa, 2008; Rao, 2007; Sundar, 2008) and have found differences between acculturation
levels of immigrant parents and children (first generation born). Moreover, several of the
aforementioned research studies have examined the difficulties experienced by immigrant
Asian Indians when acculturating to the dominant culture.
In the following sections, several of the research studies discussed the impact of
acculturation within the Asian Indian Population, and my review of the literature also
revealed a disproportionate amount of research (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam,
2005; Reddy, 2002) that disregarded religious affiliation while examining acculturation.
However, several researchers (Ghuman, 1997; Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Rao,
2007) examined the impact of religious affiliation, and cited religious affiliation as a
predictor for acculturation issues faced by immigrant Asian Indians and first generation
born Asian Indians.
For the purposes of my study, I defined acculturation as a process that can occur
when two or more cultures interact (Suinn, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995). According to Suinn et
al., possible outcomes may include assimilation (e.g., host culture absorbs immigrant
culture), multiculturalism (e.g., both cultures exist with one another), resistance to
assimilation, or the individual adopts qualities of both cultures (e.g., host culture & parent
culture).
Examination of Acculturation Without Religious Affiliation
Several of the following studies erroneously identified their sample populations
and the researchers (Abrahams, 2007; Balasubramanyam, 2005; Reddy, 2002; Sundar,
2008) overlooked the religious affiliation of their Asian Indian sample. Asian Indian
religions have foundational concepts and beliefs that differentiate these groups from each
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used a sample of 100 adolescents aged 13 to 19, and gave each participant three
instruments to examine the role of acculturation in self-concept and ethnic identity.
Results indicated that acculturation did not impact the relationship between self-concept
and ethnic identity. Finally, Reddy (2002) studied the relationship of ethnic identity,
acculturation, and psychological adjustment among the Asian Indian immigrants. In his
study, 132 participants were instructed to complete five instruments to measure the
adjustment of Asian Indian immigrant‘s to the mainstream American culture. Reddy
found that ethnic identity and acculturation did not have a significant influence in Asian
Indian psychological well being.
As mentioned previously, religious identification is among the leading factors
that contribute to an Asian Indian‘s sense of social and cultural identity, as well as
providing social and psychological support (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002). In the next
section, studies that addressed acculturation and religious affiliation are presented.
Examination of Acculturation With Religious Affiliation
In my review of the literature regarding acculturation, I found several researchers
that examined the impact of religious affiliation and acculturation in different contexts.
Religious affiliation was discussed in order to explain some complications that may cause
obstructions in the abilities of Asian Indian Hindus to acculturate.
Rao (2007) articulated difficulties faced by foreign Asian Indian psychiatric
interns as a result of several issues. For example, Rao discussed difficulties that
immigrated Asian Indian medical graduates face when trying to understand the norms
and values of the American culture and therefore increasing feelings of isolation. The
author also discussed language, norms and values, and problems with the differences in
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world-views. This researcher described the complexity that immigrated Asian Indian
medical graduates face when compared with first generation American born medical
students. Rao‘s main purpose was to educate people in charge of medical psychiatric
programs about these differences. Religious implications were discussed suggesting that
core foundational principles of Hinduism may in fact complicate the work the immigrated
Asian Indian medical graduate interns conduct with clients hence adding stress to
acculturation.
Farvar, Bhadha, and Narang (2002) conducted a study the incorporated Asian
Indian parents and their children. All of the parents were born in India and immigrated to
the United States. The participants were given a demographics questionnaire and were
asked to self-identify to the open-ended statement ―I consider myself to be __________.‖
Researchers were able to conclude based on an analysis of the participants‘ responses that
the parents were more likely to identify themselves based on their religious affiliation
whereas the children were more likely to identify themselves based on ethnic identity,
American Indian. The researchers found that if Asian Indian adolescents were to retain
their heritage, there was a possibility that they would encounter alienation from the
dominant culture, and at the same time if they rejected their heritage they would face
alienation in their Asian Indian social group. Results of findings also suggested that those
who identified with their religion were inclined to separate themselves from the dominant
culture.
In another study, Ghuman (1997) examined the impact of acculturation on sixth
grade students of Asian Indian descent. The researcher presented his sample with an
acculturation scale. Ghuman found that religious affiliation led to variations within the
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sample. For example, the researcher found that various religious groups of Asian Indian
descent scored differently. Further, the results displayed that the youths were aware of
cultural differences and a majority of the sample acknowledged experiencing racism.
According to Ghuman, the experience of racism influenced the students‘ willingness to
adopt the dominant culture values. Once again religious affiliation was presented as an
important contributor to the variation of results within the sample, and differences were
found among the religious groups.
Self-Concept
Fitts and Warren defined self-concept as the quest for a person to answer the
question, ―who am I?‖ The authors differentiate self -concept and self-esteem by stating
that self-esteem mainly addresses how a person values him or herself (Fitts & Warren,
1996). These researchers developed the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2, an instrument to
measure self-concept with various ethnic, cultural, and religious groups. On the TSCS-2
the total self-concept score is a combination of six subscales (i.e., the physical, moral,
personal, family, social, and academic/work).
Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (TSCS-2)
Specifically, the physical self-concept scale identifies issues that people may have
with their physical attributes, sexuality, health, and view of one‘s body. The moral self-
concept subscale refers to the examination of oneself from a moral or ethical stance. This
subscale accounts for feelings typically associated with moral worth, feeling like a good
or bad person, and one‘s religious satisfaction. Next, the personal self-concept subscale
analyzes the overall self-worth a person believes about him or herself, by addressing how
adequate one feels. The family self-concept subscale addresses the attitudes and beliefs
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that one has regarding the importance of family, the support one feels one has regarding
family, and if one perceives themselves as being valued as a family member. The social
self-concept subscale addresses the idea of the value a person places on the interaction
one has with others. The subscale also incorporates personal feelings of worth and
adequacy of the social interaction with others. Finally, the academic/work self-concept
subscale is defined by a person‘s beliefs about himself or herself in the environment of
school or work. This subscale accounts for how a person views himself or herself in the
school and work environment, and the beliefs one has about how others perceive them
(Fitts & Warren, 1996). .
All of the subscales take into account the individual view a person has of him or
herself, the idea of social relationships, familial relationships, ideas of self worth and
feelings of adequacy, the importance of engaging in work that represents something
meaningful, spirituality, and the idea of morality. Fitts and Warren (1996) stated that a
person‘s sense of adequacy or lack of adequacy in the physical, moral, personal, family,
social, and academic/work areas define their total self-concept.
The TSCS-2 has been used to asses self-concept for various ethnic groups. Marsh
and Hattie (1996) stated that the TSCS-2 as a measure of self-concept has no equivalent,
and he further acknowledged that using the instrument with another would allow
researchers to maximize the chances to find relationships between self-concept and other
areas.
Taher (2007) conducted a study in which she analyzed the relationship of self-
concept and the masculinity/femininity scale on the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
Inventory second edition (MMPI-2). She used a sample of 102 students from the Kuwait
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University and used a sample of 102 students that were being treated for gender identity
disorder. The researcher gave both samples the MMPI-2 and specifically wanted to
obtain scores on the masculinity and femininity subscales. She also gave the same sample
the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale 2, in order to determine if there was a difference
between the two groups. The researcher found that in fact the self-concept of the sample
that had the diagnosis of gender identity disorder were significantly different from those
who did not. Clinical subscale scores were also elevated for the sample that was
diagnosed for gender identity disorder. In this study, the researcher used the TSCS-2 in
conjunction with the MMPI-2 in order to determine self-concept with an immigrant
religious group.
A study conducted by Dickie, Ajega, Kobylak, and Nixon (2006) looked at the
relationship between attachment style, religion, and self-concept. The researchers
conducted a mixed methods study in which they administered the TSCS-2, a religiosity
scale, and conducted interviews with 132 members of a church. They were interested in
understanding the perceptions the participants had of God. Researchers found that men
viewed God as being more punishing, and women viewed God as being more nurturing.
The perceptions the participants held of God was in direct relation to the perceptions they
had of their parents. Obtaining self-concept scores allowed the researchers to understand
the physical, moral, personal, family, social, academic, and overall self-concept of each
participant. In this study, the researchers used the TSCS-2 with a religious group in order
to examine the relationship of self-concept and religiosity.
Brown (2004) conducted a study that investigated the self-concept and cultural
awareness of pre-service teachers. The researcher was interested specifically in teachers
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that were going to begin working in urban school districts. One hundred European
American teachers were given the TSCS-2 and also a cultural diversity awareness
inventory. A pre-test/post-test was conducted that included a course in multi-cultural
awareness as the experimental component, and the same participants were given the
TSCS-2 and the cultural diversity awareness inventory again and scores were analyzed.
Findings suggested that self-concept and cultural awareness were in direct relation to
each other. The six subscales of the TSCS-2 were useful in understanding how culturally
aware the pre-service urban teachers were. In this study, the TSCS-2 was used to
understand multicultural awareness.
Heine (2001) conducted a review of the literature pertaining to East Asian self-
concept. The author described several important concepts that were necessary for
understanding the views that East Asians hold of themselves. In the review he found that
East Asians view themselves as changing across situations, finding explanations to
behavior externally, to establishing relationships with other people similar to their own
culture, distancing themselves from people that are not of their cultural origin, and
viewing self-criticism as a method of motivation. The author suggested that in order to
fully understand a person of East Asian descent, one must have a strong understanding of
the culture of origin.
In the studies presented above, the TSCS-2 was used with various groups. The
instrument has broad applicability for the use of determining self-concept. It has been
used with several ethnic and cultural groups, and has been used in the medical and
psychological fields, and in conjunction with other instruments to determine self-concept.
I gave the TSCS-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996) to participants in order to determine the
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differences between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated
Asian Indian Hindus on the measure of self-concept.
Attitudes Toward Counseling
The literature that specifically addressed the Asian Indian Hindu population
yielded limited results. A majority of the literature that was available described
counseling with Asian Indians without defining the religious affiliation of the sample in
the study (Kim, Ng, & Ahn, 2009; Zhang & Dixon, 2003). Several researchers have
expressed the need to examine the religious affiliation of clients of Asian Indian descent
due to the fact that one of the largest socializing and bonding facets for Asian Indians is
religion (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002).
Attitude Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale
In the following studies, researchers assessed the attitudes toward seeking
professional psychological help for a number of immigrant groups. The research studies
propose the importance of studying various cultural groups, and provide precedent for the
current proposed study. Also, each of the investigations used the Attitudes Toward
Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS), or the Attitudes Toward
Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale Short Form (ATS-SF). In several of the
studies that I examined the researchers assessed the attitudes to seeking psychological
help for various cultural groups and religious groups.
Panova (2007) was interested in determining the attitudes of immigrants from the
former Soviet Union regarding counseling. The researcher also wanted to determine the
levels of acculturation, immigrant generational status, and gender differences (Panova).
There were 179 participants of Russian descent. All were administered the Attitude
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Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale Short Form (ATS-SF) a language
and demographics instrument created by Fischer and Farina (1995). The researcher found
that there were gender differences in the attitude toward seeking professional help, and
that American Russians were more likely to rate counseling as positive. Further, prior
experience with counseling was a strong predictor of current attitudes toward
psychotherapy.
Mori, Panova, and Zelida (2007) administered the Attitudes Toward Seeking
Professional Psychological Help Scale, created by Fischer and Turner (1970), to Asian
and Hispanic populations. They administered this assessment and others to determine
perceptions the participants had of mental illness to 1143 participants. These researchers
reported that Asians and Hispanics had a negative view of the mentally ill and were less
likely to seek therapy. Also, they found that Hispanic and Asian males were more likely
to refute counseling when compared to females.
Chang (2007) conducted a study in which 961 Chinese students were assessed
using measures of depression, anxiety, and attitudes toward seeking professional
psychological help. In this investigation, the students were given the Beck Depression
Inventory II, the Beck Anxiety Inventory, and the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional
Psychological Help Scale. The results indicated that Chinese females were more likely to
seek professional psychological help. However, it was also found that elevated levels of
depression had an inverse relationship with seeking professional help. There were gender
differences found, in that, Chinese` males were less likely to seek professional help when
compared to their Chinese female counterparts.
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participants in the study would seek help from a medical doctor rather than psychological
services.
Al-Rowaie (2001) conducted a study to determine predictors of attitudes toward
seeking professional psychological help for Kuwait college students. In this study, the
researcher gave 529 subjects five instruments to determine certain characteristics. The
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (1970) by Fischer and
Turner and four others were administered to the subjects in the study. The instruments
were designed to measure family and social support, willingness to use community
resources, and stress levels. The researcher utilized these instruments to determine if
Kuwait University students were inclined to seek professional counseling, and the results
revealed that the students were less likely to seek professional psychological help due to
the stigma associated with receiving outside intervention. Women were more likely to
seek professional help, and those subjects who had experience with counseling before
were more likely to have a positive attitude regarding counseling and seeking
professional help.
In the studies described above, the authors were able to use the ATSPPHS with
the Muslim religious population from different countries. The instrument was modified
by changing the English language of the instrument into the native language of the
participants. Further, the ATSPPHS was given to them in conjunction with other
instruments.
Several of the studies mentioned above incorporated the Attitudes Toward
Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (Fischer & Farina, 1995; Fischer &
Turner, 1970), with other instruments in order to determine attitudes toward seeking help.
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participants. Several studies were examined (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang 2002; Ghuman,
1997; Rao 2007) that addressed acculturation and the importance of religious affiliation
of people that were practicing Hindus.
Moreover, the review outlined the varied uses of the Tennessee Self-Concept
Scale-2 (Fitts & Warren, 2003). This scale has been used in conjunction with various
cultural groups to determine levels of self-concept, and the instrument has also been used
in conjunction with multiple instruments such as personality measures, depression
inventories, and numerous other instruments that measure various constructs to determine
differences between groups (Brown, 2004; Dickie, Ajega, Kobylak, & Nixon 2006;
Heine, 2001; Taher, 2007). The TSCS-2 has varied uses and the subscales cover several
aspects of total self-concept considered important to understanding human functioning.
Finally, studies were reviewed that were related to the utilization of the
ATSPPHS created by Fischer and Turner (1970) with a variety of immigrant groups for
the purposes of determining the attitudes towards counseling. The scale has been
modified for people from different cultural groups such as Dubai, UAE, Kuwait, and
others (Al-Darmaki, 2003; Chang, 2007; Elhai, Schweinle, & Anderson, 2008; Khan,
2006; Panova, 2007; Panova & Zelida, 2007; Robb et. al, 2003; Vogel et. al, 2005;
Wrigley, 2005). This scale has been translated into different languages, and used to assess
attitudes toward seeking counseling for various cultural groups.
In chapter III, I described the reliability and validity of each instrument that I used
with my population, as well as other items in the instrument protocol. Further, I discussed
both qualitative and quantitative methods for data collection as well as analysis. Finally,
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I discussed aspects pertaining to my population and where I retrieved the population for
my study.
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CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
Chapter III contains a description of participants, setting for the study,
instruments, research design, data collection, and data analysis. In my study I examined
the differences between first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and
immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept and attitudes
toward counseling. The study was conducted at Hindu Temples in Houston, Texas and
Chicago, Illinois in order to obtain a sample of Hindus from different regions of the
United States.
As indicated in the literature review, research with the Hindu population in the
United States is limited. While acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward
counseling has been measured with various cultural groups, there is a paucity of research
examining the acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling with the Hindu
population. In my study, I explored the following research questions:
1) What are the differences between first generation American born Asian Indian
Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self- concept,
and attitudes toward seeking counseling?
2) What is the relationship between length of time in the United States and level
of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian
Indian Hindus?
3) What are the perceptions of first generation American born Asian Indian
Hindus about counseling?
4) What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus aboutcounseling?
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Permission to conduct research was obtained from the Sam Houston State
University Department of Research and Special Programs Internal Review Board for the
Protection of Human Subjects. I obtained permission to seek participants and carry out
my research project at the various temples sites. Finally, I obtained written consent from
participants prior to implementing the instrument protocol and interviews (Appendix A).
In the written consent, participants were asked to sign a form that outlines the purpose of
the study, ensures confidentiality of findings, and explains voluntary participation.
Participants were also given the contact information (i.e., phone number and email
address) of my dissertation chair in case they had any questions regarding the study.
Forms and permissions obtained were included in the appendix.
Selection of Participants
Participant inclusion in the current study was based on a specific set of criteria.
Therefore, the sampling scheme for my study was criterion based. The specific criteria
included that all participants: (a) were 18 years of age or older at the time of the study;
(b) were of Asian Indian descent (i.e., with verifiable ancestry in India as self-reported by
participants); (c) were practicing Hindus; and (d) were immigrated Asian Indian Hindu or
a first generation American born Asian Indian Hindu.
Research Design
Creswell (2003) stated that mixed methods research is a relatively new field and
employs obtaining both forms of data (i.e., quantitative and qualitative). Further,
according to Creswell researchers have to be aware of the subtle implications of
conducting mixed methods research and must ask themselves questions such as: (a) What
strategy will be employed for gathering data? (b) how will the data be obtained (order)?
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and (c) which form of data has priority? Along with these questions, Creswell explained
that one should have a theoretical perspective when conducting mixed methods. For the
purposes of my study, I chose to use a mixed methods sequential nested samples design
with priority given to the quantitative portion. Therefore, I gathered data in a sequential
order (i.e., quantitative data before qualitative). Further, I utilized the mixed methods
approach because the quantitative instruments that I used allowed me to examine
specific constructs (acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling)
while the qualitative portion (semi-structured interview) allowed me to ask more in-depth
questions about perceptions that Asian Indian Hindus have toward counseling. The
qualitative component in essence informed the quantitative component and clarified any
remaining questions I had once I obtained the data. I gave priority to the quantitative
portion because most of my research questions were answered by a comparison of the
results on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking
counseling. However, I obtained rich thick data by conducting interviews in order to
further understand the perceptions of first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus
and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus toward counseling.
Quantitative Research Component
My participants were first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and
Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus who are at least 18 years or older. In order to participate
in the study, the subjects, both male and female, were practicing Hindus of Asian Indian
descent with verifiable ancestry in India as self-reported by participants. All
documentation to participate in the study was obtained on site. Participants for the study
were obtained through a variety of methods. I found participants by accessing Hindu
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temples in Houston, Texas, Chicago, Illinois, and other Hindu community organizations
in Texas and Illinois. Further, I obtained a mailing list with addresses of Hindus active in
temple organizations.
Using G Power statistical software (Faul, 2008) I calculated a moderate effect size
of 0.25 with a power level of 0.8, and found that I needed a sample size of 48 for each
group. My goal was to obtain 100 participants for each group, and obtaining a sample of
100 would yield a power level of 0.9 with an effect size of 0.15. However, I obtained 52
participants for the first generation American born Asian Indian Hindu group that
consisted of an equal amount of males and females. Also, I obtained 56 participants for
the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group which was comprised of 32 males and 24
females.
Qualitative Research Component
I utilized a criterion-convenient sampling scheme for gathering data (Creswell,
2007; Onwuegbuzie & Collins, 2007). This type of sampling allowed me to choose
specific individuals who defined the essence of the research problem, question, or study,
and met the criteria necessary to be participants in the study (Creswell, 2007; Miles &
Huberman, 1994). I was familiar with the participants as a result of administering the
quantitative instruments (i.e., interview participants will have already taken the SL-ASIA,
TSCS-2, and the ATSPPHS), and I sought an equal number of volunteers from both
groups to participate in the interview (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007a).
In my study, I was a participant observer, due mainly to the fact that I am
practicing Hindu, the data is being gathered at a temple that I have attended in the past,
and because I was asking questions as well as observing the volunteering participant‘s
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non-verbal gestures. During the interview, I asked clarification questions. One of my
goals was to avoid biasing the responses of the participant through the use of non-verbal
gestures. Therefore, I attempted to remain as neutral as possible in regards to my
questioning style; however, there were several commonalities between myself and both
the groups regarding religion, societal, and cultural.
During the course of the study, I ensured that the identification of the participants
were protected. Confidentiality was ensured by assigning codes to the participant‘s
identity instead of using the participant‘s names (Creswell, 2007; Lipson, 1994). I
revealed the purpose of the study, did not engage in any form of deception, and informed
the participants that they do not need to respond to any questions that made them feel
uncomfortable (Creswell; Lipson).
The use of multiple participants was sufficient for addressing the research
questions, and allowed me to use 20 members of one group and 12 members of the other
group (first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and Immigrated Asian Indian
Hindus) to gather responses (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007b). Further, the participants
were members of a Hindu temple, practicing Hindus, and of Asian Indian descent.
Demographic information is provided in chapter 4.
Instrumentation
In my study, I had participants complete an instrument protocol that consisted of
four items. All participants completed a demographics questionnaire (Appendix B), the
Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA);(Suinn, Rikard-Figueroa, Lew, &
Vigil, 1987) to assess acculturation (Appendix C), the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2
(TSCS-2); (Fitts & Warren, 1996) to assess self-concept (Appendix D), and the Attitude
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Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS); (Fischer and
Turner, 1970), (Appendix E) in order to assess their attitudes toward counseling. In
addition to the instrument protocol Appendix F), I conducted 32 total semi-structured
interviews (20 and 12), in order to assess the perceptions of individuals regarding
counseling.
Demographics Questionnaire
This written form specifically asked the current age, marital status, which Hindu
deity participants primarily worship, birthplace, age at time of immigration, gender,
length of time (in years) living in the United States, and highest level of education
achieved. Some questions had multiple choice answers, while others prompted
participants to specify their response in a write-in blank space.
The Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA)
The questionnaire that I used to assess the acculturation level of participants in
my study was a modified version of the questionnaire used by Kaipa (2008) and
Abrahams (2007) originally developed by Suinn, Rikard-Figueroa, Lew, and Vigil
(1987). I modified the latest version and incorporated the change in questions regarding
immigrated versus first generation. The versions used by Kaipa and Abrahams described
first generation Asian Indians as immigrants, whereas in my study I referred to Asian
Indians born in the United States as first generation. Also, the original version was not
created for Asian Indians, but several researchers have used this instrument with Asian
Indians, and found it to be valid and reliable given a few modifications to the questions in
order to specifically address Asian Indians (Abrahams; Kaipa).
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This instrument has valid and reliable psychometric properties, and has been
reported to be effective for determining acculturation among the Asian population
(Abrahams, 2007; Kapia, 2008, Suinn, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995). The creators of the
instrument reported Cronbach‘s alpha of 0.88 (Suinn et. al, 1995). Abrahams (2007)
reported that other researchers (Choi & Harachi, 2002; Ownbey & Horridge, 1998, Suinn
et. al) used this instrument and reported alpha coefficients which ranged from 0.86 to
0.91. In another study, Suinn et. al reported that after administering the instrument to 324
university students, they were able to obtain a Cronbach‘s alpha of 0.79.
The original instrument has 21 questions using a five point Likert scale for
responses. In this instrument, the higher the score a respondent assigns a question, the
greater the likelihood the respondent identifies with the western culture. A score of 3 is
depictive of a person that is bicultural (i.e., adopts qualities from host and parent culture).
Finally, a score of 1 on any question is indicative of a person that identifies with his or
her parent culture (Suinn-Lew, Khoo, & Ahuna, 1995). In my study, I used the original
21 item instrument with modifications to question that incorporated questions that
specifically addressed the Asian Indian population similar to the instrument used by
Kaipa (2008).
The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale 2
The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) was originally developed in the 1960s
by Fitts and Warren (1965). He was working with the Tennessee Department of Mental
Health, and decided to develop a self-concept scale that would allow researchers to
examine the relationship of a person‘s self -concept to interpersonal competence,
psychopathology, delinquency and self actualization (Fitts & Warren, 1996).
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The TSCS has been modified since its creation. In 1988, a new edition of the
measure was created. Basic analysis was done to validate the claims of the original
instrument. In 1993, the TSCS-2 was restructured to accommodate the diversity of the
population that it served and to extend the usage of the test to a broader age range. As a
result, the test was modified using the original normative data (Fitts & Warren, 1996).
After administering the TSCS-2, researchers obtain four sets of validity scores
(inconsistent responding, self-criticism, faking good, and response distribution), six self-
concept scores (physical, moral, personal, family, social, academic/work), three
supplementary scores (identity, satisfaction, and behavior), and summary scores (total
self-concept and conflict) (Fitts & Warren, 1996). As in previous versions, these nine
scores (i.e., self-concept sores & supplementary scores) render a score for the total self-
concept scale, which is used to assess a persons‘ overall self -concept.
Fitts and Warren (1996) revisions of the TSCS-2 accounted for variables such as
race, sex, age, education and socioeconomic status. Fitts and Warren found that as a
person‘s age increased their self-concept scores increased as well. Scores differed
between people 18 and above and ages 13 through 17; that is, people ages 18 and above
typically had higher self-concept scores when compared to the age group of adolescents
13 through 17.
The TSCS-2 used a larger sample of African Americans and Hispanics as
compared to the original normative data. In the analysis, it was found that overall the
difference, when compared to Caucasian people, was not significant. Fitts and Warren
(1996) clarified that other ethnic groups were not largely represented in the
standardization sample, and that analysis of these groups scores did differ, but they
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attributed, this to the fact that the sample was relatively small. It was suggested that
further research be conducted to determine if there is a difference in self-concept scores
for various ethnic groups other than African Americans and Hispanics. Also, these
researchers analyzed the effect of education and socio-economic status and found that
there was no significant difference in the responses of high and low socio-economic
status (SES) people. They looked at the education level of the people in this sample and
concluded that those with less than 12 years of education would make up the sample.
According to Fitts and Warren (1996), the TSCS-2 has acceptable reliability and validity
psychometric properties. Internal consistency was determined using the Cronbach‘s
alpha. The internal consistency for the adult form respondents varied between 0.73 to
0.95 which was considered appropriate.
The second type of reliability described by Fitts and Warren (1996) was test-retest
reliability. Researchers gave 135 high school students the adult. The adult participants
were given a re-test within one to two weeks of the original. The adult population
reported 0.70 and above on all the self-concept scales with a 0.82 test-retest reliability for
the overall total self-concept. The researchers presented the standard error of
measurement (SEM) ranging between 4.1 and 7.2. The values derived from the test-retest
reliabilities were deemed satisfactory for measuring self-concept (Fitts & Warren, 1996).
The authors of the TSCS-2 reported concurrent validity, construct validity, and
discriminant validity. According to Fitts & Warren (1996), the TSCS-2 has concurrent
validity with several instruments that measure self-concept such as: a) the Wehmer and
Izard (1962) Self Rating Positive Affect Scale (r = 0.68); b) Self-Description
Questionnaire III developed by Marsh and O‘Neill (1984), r = 0.71; and c) Piers-Harris
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Children‘s Self -Concept Scale, r = 0.80 (PHCSCS; Piers, 1991). In regards to concurrent
validity, the researchers found that the items on the instrument are useful in measuring
self-concept.
Several studies have been conducted using a factor analysis to establish the
construct validity of the TSCS-2 (Bolton, 1976; Fitts & Warren, 1996; McGuire &
Tinsley, 1981). McGuire and Tinsley (1981) conducted research that used a sample
population of 678 students and 341 male juvenile offenders. After conducting a multiple
group factor analysis the researchers were able to conclude that 80% of the items were
appropriate for determining the several categories of self-concept (i.e., physical, moral,
personal, family, social, academic/work). The authors of the TSCS-2 believe that the
instrument has appropriate construct validity.
Finally, discriminant validity refers to the ability of items that are on a measure to
distinguish different people on certain traits or behaviors. The authors contended that the
items on the TSCS-2 identify differences in the self-concepts of participants. For
instance, Fitts and Warren (1996) compared the TSCS responses of 363 psychiatric
patients with those of non-patients and found that the groups differed significantly on
every TSCS-2 scale.
Fitts and Warren (1996) identified several strengths and a weakness they felt
warranted further exploration before drawing any conclusions. For instance, one of the
strengths is that the test has been in use for forty years and still is being utilized in various
settings. The test is used primarily in clinical, counseling, and research settings to
determine self-concept. Overall, the scale is easy to understand and complete. Further, it
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is inexpensive, and easy to obtain. Moreover, researchers have restructured the scale
recently to account for diversity.
There is a lack of minority representation in the samples. Roughly 65% of the
sample used was Caucasian, 20% was Black, and 8 % was Hispanic. The remaining
ethnic groups such as Asians and Native Americans were a small portion of the normed
population. They were 2% and 0.6%, respectively (Fitts & Warren).
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS).
The ATSPPHS is used to determine the attitudes of people towards mental health
professionals (Al-Rowaie, 2001). Several researchers have utilized this instrument to
determine the readiness of individuals to seek counseling. This instrument specifically
measures an individual‘s perceptions regarding the mental health profession (Al-Rowaie,
2001; Komiya & Eells, 2001; Panova, 2007; Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007). This
instrument consists of 29 items, and the instrument was developed by Fischer and Turner
(1970). The questionnaire is used to measure an individual‘s perception of mental health
professionals (Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007). There are two forms of the instrument, a
shortened 10 item version created by Fischer and Farina (1995) and the original 29 item
version. I will use the 29 item version in my study.
Of the 29 items, 11 items are worded positively and 18 are stated negatively (Al-
Rowaie, 2001). The questionnaire design utilizes a four point Likert scale with choices
ranging from (0) strongly disagree, (1) disagree, (2) agree, and (3) strongly agree
(Komiya & Eells, 2001). This instrument has been utilized in numerous studies with
different immigrant groups (Al-Rowaie, 2001; Komiya & Eells, 2001; Panova, 2007;
Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007). Responses from the 29 items are grouped into four
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subscales that determine: (a) the recognition of personal need for psychological help; (b)
tolerance of the stigma associated with psychological help; (c) interpersonal openness;
and, (d) confidence in mental health professionals (Al-Rowaie, 2001; Panova, 2007;
Mori, Panova, & Zelida, 2007)
The subscale scores, as well as the total scores, are computed to determine the
attitudes of the participants that have completed the instrument. Further, positive attitudes
are represented by higher scores on the subscales and the total score.
The internal reliability of the measure is reported to be 0.83 and the test-retest
reliability ranges from 0.89 administered five days later to 0.73 administered two months
later (Mori, Panova, & Zelida 2007). Al-Rowaie (2001) reported the reliability of the four
subscales to be: (a) Recognition for personal need for professional help (r = 0.67), (b)
tolerance of stigma associated with psychological help (r = 0.70), (c) interpersonal
openness (r = 0.62), and (d) confidence in the mental health professional (r = 0.74).
These findings were presented in numerous (e.g., Al-Rowaie, 2001; Komiya & Eells,
2001) studies that used the Fischer and Turner (1970) 29 item instrument, and also in a
more recent study by Fischer and Farina (1995).
The attitude scale has been found to discriminate between those who favor
psychological intervention and those who do not. According to several authors (Ang,
Lau, Tan, & Lim, 2007; Fischer & Farina, 1970; Khan, 2006; Masuda et al., 2005),
higher scores are indicative of positive attitudes toward seeking professional counseling
versus lower scores indicating negative attitudes toward seeking professional counseling.
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Semi-Structured Interview Protocol
I used a single instrument consisting of seven open-ended questions (Appendix F)
for the qualitative portion of my study, and used the interview method as opposed to
conducting survey research. In order to obtain rich thick data, I gathered as much
information as possible that would adequately describe the topic (Creswell, 2007; Lincoln
& Guba, 1985). A goal of mine was to obtain information from the participants without
placing too many constraints on the ability of the participants to respond freely and,
therefore, closed-ended questions were not used (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Also, the
semi-structured nature of the interview and the use of pre-designed open-ended questions
allowed me the flexibility to guide the focus of my study (Miles & Huberman).
According to Adler and Adler (1987), in this current study I was an active
member. An active member participates in the core activities but does not commit to the
goals and values of the participants (Adler & Adler).
The interviews occurred at Hindu temples in Houston, Texas, and Chicago,
Illinois. Information mailing addresses and email addresses of congregation members
were obtained through the temple organizations. The settings of the interviews were
informal and lasted approximately 7 to 13 minutes. Moreover, the participants were asked
a single question, given time to respond, and then presented with another question until
all the questions were answered. During the interview, I asked clarification questions in
order to obtain richer data (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007a)
Data Collection
For my study, I used a sequential mixed method design using nested samples
(Collins, Qnwuegbuzie, & Jiao, 2006). The sequential mixed method design is defined as
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Walker, 2007). For example, a researcher can collect quantitative data prior to
conducting interviews. This process allowed me to further enhance and validate the
findings from the quantitative portion of my study, commonly referred to as triangulation
(Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2006). Triangulation is defined as the process of validating
findings based on various forms of data (i.e., observation, instruments administered) and
data collection (Creswell, 2005; Creswell 2007, Onwuegbuzie & Leech; Walker).
I used multiple forms of data and data collection by administration of the
instruments, conducting the semi-structured interview, using the member-checking
procedure, conducting a peer debriefing interview with a member from a previous
doctoral cohort that conducted a similar study, and by using statistical software for both
phases of the study (i.e., QSR NVIVO Version 7 and SPSS Version 16.0); (QSR
International Pty. Ltd, 2006; SPSS, Inc, 2007). By utilizing several different strategies for
data and data collection, I was able to achieve triangulation of the data, which is also an
important essential component of mixed-method research (Creswell 2005/2007;
Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2006; Walker, 2007).
Quantitative Data Collection
I gathered data in person from a religiously homogenous sample at Hindu temple
locations across Houston, Texas and Chicago Illinois. I sought approval from Sam
Houston State University‘s IRB, and all procedures were followed that are set forth in the
APA ethical guidelines for conducting research with human subjects.
When administering the quantitative portion of my study, I read a scripted
introduction, participant rights information sheet, and a scripted explanation of the
purpose of the study. Also, I distributed informed consent forms and had the forms
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signed, dated, and returned. I read the informed consent portion to the participants in my
study. The protocol was only given to the participants once I had collected the informed
consent signed and dated by the participants. The protocol included a demographic
information questionnaire, the Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn
et. al, 1987), the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996), and the
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Help Scale (Fischer & Turner, 1970).
Qualitative Data Collection
Following the quantitative portion of the study, I conducted several interviews
with participants that had completed the quantitative portion of my study. I requested that
members from each group voluntary participate in the semi-structured interview. My goal
was to obtain 10 members from each group for a total of 20 interviews. However, I
surpassed these numbers by conducting 20 first generation and 12 immigrated interviews.
Data was gathered using the interview process. The interview was recorded and
transcribed. An Olympus digital voice recorder was used to record and transcribe the
interview. Interviewing and observing was critical and important aspects in gathering
data for the study (Creswell, 2007; Spradley, 1980).
The research paradigm I chose for my study was social constructionism for the
qualitative portion of the study. This paradigm emphasizes the view of the individual in
constructing his or her own reality. I conducted the study with the intent to gain an
understanding of a concept (e.g., differences among two groups on measures of
acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling) from the participants‘ views,
and I was able to create a narrative from the experiences of the participants (Stake, 2005).
Further, the open-ended format for the questions allowed the participants the flexibility to
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threats to legitimation are discussed, followed by techniques I utilized to increase
legitimation. Internal credibility refers to how credible the findings are of a study, and is
similar to internal replication in quantitative research (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c).
Also, external credibility refers to how generalizable the findings of a study are to a
different population (Onwuegbuzie & Leech).
Threats to Internal Credibility. Internal credibility threats such as, authenticity,
credibility, neutrality, descriptive validity, researcher bias and voluptuous legitimation of
the findings were investigated (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). Analyzing threats such as
credibility and authenticity provided a basis to determine if the findings of the research
are legitimate, credible, and authentic (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The issue of truth in
the findings, credibility of reported data, and importance of the data were important to
research, and therefore required attention. Further, researcher bias was another threat to
internal credibility that emphasizes the role of the researcher (Miles & Huberman).
Neutrality was of utmost importance when reporting results, conducting interviews, and
presenting material without bias. In this study, neutrality was maintained by the
researcher and steps were taken to ensure limited researcher bias. For instance, the
questions were designed by professors in the counselor education field, and the same
professors chose the ordering of the questions.
Moreover, the interview procedure occurred as follows: (a) I asked a question; (b)
I allotted the participants time to answer the question completely; and (c) finally, I asked
clarification questions based on the participant‘s answers. Descriptive validity was
another threat to internal credibility that addresses the issue of accuracy in the
transcription (Onwuegbuzie & Leech). Member checking was conducted to increase
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legitimation. Researcher bias was another threat to internal credibility that occurs when
the researcher has personal biases and unconsciously transfers them to the participant
(Onwuegbuzie & Leech). For example, the researcher of the current study is of the same
cultural and religious background of the participants that were interviewed. As a result, in
my study, the participants could have possibly biased their responses to show themselves
in a favorable manner. However, I conducted a member checking procedure, after
conducting a constant comparison analysis and classical content analysis, for the
qualitative portion of the study to ensure that such threats were limited (Sharma, 2008).
Threats to External Credibility. The external credibility threats to legitimation
of transferability, interpretive validity, reactivity, and order bias were investigated during
the course of the study (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). Transferability of the findings
represented the ability to generalize the findings of a study to other contexts (Miles &
Huberman, 1994). In my study, the participants were Hindus of Asian Indian descent;
therefore, their experiences and findings of the study only apply to the Hindus of Asian
Indian descent.
Interpretive validity was another threat to external credibility which referred to
the extent that the interpretations of the findings were representative of the group in a
study (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). I conducted two forms of member checking to
ascertain that the interpretations were correct and increased interpretive validity. The
original member checking procedure was performed following the initial interview to
assess the transcription for accuracy. A follow-up member checking was conducted after
the constant comparison analysis and classical content analysis had been conducted
(Sharma, 2008). The member checking procedure occurred over the phone and via e mail.
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I sent the participants their transcriptions asked them to review them to ensure that the
transcriptions were accurate. Further, I contacted each participant via telephone and
explained to them the findings from my constant comparison analysis and classical
content analysis. In our meeting, I presented the participants with the analysis, the list of
themes, and provided an explanation of the themes and sub-themes. Once the participants
approved of the themes and sub-themes, the participants and I discussed the significance
of each theme and sub-theme as it pertained to the participant‘s group membership. This
procedure of member checking increased the interpretive validity by validating the
interpretations made by the researcher in regard to the participants in the study (Sharma,
2008).
Reactivity was another threat to external credibility as a result of the novelty
effect (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007c). For example, during the interview, the
participants responses were recorded; and as a result, the participants may not have
wanted to reveal as much detail about their life as they may have without the presence of
the digital voice recorder (i.e., novelty item). To ensure that the external credibility threat
of reactivity did not influence the participant‘s responses, I conducted a member
checking to increase legitimation which was not recorded. Finally, order bias was another
threat to external credibility that was taken into account to ensure that the orders in which
the questions are asked do not influence the confirmability of the findings (Onwuegbuzie
& Leech). I discussed possible bias as a result of the order the questions were asked with
my dissertation chair as well as committee members.
Authenticity and credibility was established by conducting an interview of
multiple participants, conducting member checking, and by conducting a debriefing
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interview with a member of a previous doctoral cohort that had conducted a similar
study. Credibility of the findings was established when the researcher conducted the
process of member checking. The researcher allowed the participants in the study to
analyze the transcribed interview and provide feedback. Feedback consisted of
authenticating the meaning of phrases in the transcription and allowing the participant to
verify the accuracy of the statements (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Verification procedures
such as leaving an audit trail and using rich thick descriptions were also used for
transferability purposes. These procedures involved taking extensive field notes. In
particular, the thick descriptions increased the ability of others to replicate the study
(Creswell, 2007; Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
I conducted a peer debriefing interview. A peer researcher from a previous
doctoral cohort who conducted a similar study interviewed me. The peer debriefing
technique allowed me to asses my personal bias towards the participants, and also to
understand the effects the participants had on me (Leech, Onwuegbuzie, & Collins,
2008). By conducting the peer interview, I was able to discuss openly my expectations of
the interview process, and also the feelings that I had during the process (Leech et al.). In
effect, the peer debriefing is a cathartic release for the researcher (Leech et al.). The peer
debriefing interview revealed that I assumed to know many of the responses prior to
conducting the interview because of the shared cultural and religious group membership,
but it also allowed me to discuss how I tried to remain neutral and as ethical as possible
during and after the interview were conducted.
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Data Analysis
There were two types of data analysis used in my study. For the quantitative
phase data obtained from the participants involved tabulating scores by hand for the
Suinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA), and by inputting the results of the
instruments for each question into SPSS, Version 16.0 statistical software (SPSS, Inc,
2007) for the Attitude Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale. Further,
the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Score Sheets were tabulated electronically through
software provided by the creator of the instrument. A Multivariate Analysis of Variance
(MANOVA) was conducted in order to determine the differences between first
generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus for
three variables (acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling). For
research question 2, I used correlational inferential statistics (Grinnell, 2008), which
allowed me to determine if a relationship existed between the length of time in the United
States and the three constructs (acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward
counseling) within the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu population. In the second phase, I
conducted semi-structured interviews and obtained other forms of data in order to
validate the claims and assertions that I made after conducting a constant comparison
analysis and classical content analysis.
Quantitative Data Analysis
SPSS, Version 16.0 statistical software was used in order to analyze the data
(SPSS, Inc, 2007). This software allowed me to analyze the data and answer the
following research questions:
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1) What are the differences between first generation American born Asian Indian
Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self- concept
and attitudes toward seeking counseling?
and
2) What is the relationship between length of time in the United States and level
of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian
Indian Hindus?
Research Question 1. A MANOVA was used to determine if a difference existed
between American Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of
acculturation, self-concept and attitudes toward seeking counseling. The MANOVA
allowed me to obtain score means and standard deviations in order to make comparisons
between first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian
Indian Hindus on measures of: (a) acculturation; (b) self-concept; and (c) attitudes toward
seeking professional counseling.
Research Question 2. I used correlational inferential statistics (Grinnell, 2008),
and elected to conduct the Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient (i.e., the
Pearson r ). The Pearson r value can suggest a statistically significant or insignificant
relationship between the length of time in the United States and the three constructs.
Based on the results of the Pearson r correlation, I was able to determine whether there
was a small, moderate or large effect size. In each of the correlations that I conducted,
the Pearson r results indicated whether there was statistically significant relationship
(positive or negative) between the length of time in the United States and the three
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constructs (i.e., acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling). The results
of the Pearson r are presented in Chapter IV, as well as descriptive statistics such as the
mean, frequency, standard deviation, and the total number of participants.
Qualitative Data Analysis
Participants were also interviewed using a semi-structured interview
questionnaire. The instrument protocol included seven questions that allowed me to
determine the perceptions of the attitudes toward counseling for both American Hindus
and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus. Analysis of the responses involved a constant
comparison analysis followed by a classical content analysis. Software that was used for
analysis was QSR NVIVO Version 7 (QSR International Pty. Ltd., 2006).
I gathered data in several ways. For example, the origination component that I
used for the development of the categories was investigative (Constas, 1992). Due to the
nature of the study, I developed categories as a result of the findings from the interviews
only (Constas). A single verification procedure was applied. The participative verification
procedure was conducted by allowing the participants to review, alter, or agree with the
findings of the study and was accomplished a posteriori (Constas). Finally, I nominated
the categories after the research had begun and the nomination was accomplished
iterative (Constas). I conducted a constant comparative analysis in order to develop the
themes and sub- themes (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007), and I analyzed the context in
which the words were used for the development of themes.
All categories will be identified iterative. I established the categories after
conducting the constant comparative analysis. This analysis can be used for this study
because it has been modified for multiple case participant studies that only conduct a
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single round of interviews (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). I used a computer software
program to develop the themes and sub-themes QSR NVIVO Version 7 (QSR
International Pty. Ltd., 2006). During the analysis, I read through the transcript and
highlighted the main phrases that had importance and meaningful significance in order to
answer or clarify my research questions. In order to select the phrases, I looked for
contextual clues of importance and phrases that had significant meaning to the
participants. Next, the data were chunked into phrases, and meaningful codes were used
for the identification of the phrases (Leech & Onwuegbuzie). Finally, a comparison of all
coded phrases was conducted to look for similarities in codes to develop themes.
Once the themes and sub-themes were established, I had my findings reviewed by
the participants (e.g., member checking). The participants approved of the themes and
sub-themes and agreed with the researcher‘s assertions and findings (Janesick, 2000;
Leech & Onwuegbuzie). Member checking of the themes and sub-themes allowed me to
make inferences about the participant‘s comments with more confidence. Further, the
process increased legitimation by reducing incorrect interpretations, thereby reducing
researcher bias.
Classic content analysis was also used to identify codes. All codes were identified
a posteriori. I established the codes before conducting the classical content analysis by
conducting the constant comparison analysis. This analysis was used for the current study
to determine the number of times a particular code was used, and as a result, the
researcher was able to determine codes and concepts that were important to the
participants, and provided numerical information as to the number and percentage of the
sample that made statements pertaining to the categories (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007).
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respect to the design in my study, I used a nested sample. Furthermore, areas such as
participants, instrumentation, data collection, data analysis, and the design of the study
were discussed in- depth. Other areas that were discussed in detail included the
demographics of the sample, the sampling scheme for both phases of the research study,
the order in which the study was carried out, validity and reliability properties of the
instruments, the questions and administration of the semi-structured interviews, and
legitimation strategies.
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CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
In this study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation,
self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. This study was conducted using a mixed-
methods approach (i.e., quantitative followed by qualitative). Quantitative data was
obtained from 108 participants, and 32 interviews were conducted to obtain the
qualitative data.
In order to answer my research questions, I used a sequential mixed-methods
design using nested samples (Collins et al., 2006). The sequential mixed-methods design
is defined as the combination of both quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques
in a single research study so as to strengthen the breadth and explanatory power of the
findings (Collins et al., 2006; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004; Onwuegbuzie & Leech,
2004; Walker, 2007).
Research Questions
The following research questions were addressed in my study:
1. What are the differences between first-generation American-born Asian
Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-
concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling?
2. What is the relationship between length of time in the U.S. and level of
acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian
Hindus?
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with 32 males and 24 females ranging in age from 19 to 69. The individuals in this group
included 18 participants who had never been married, 34 participants who were currently
married, one participant who was separated, and one participant who was divorced.
With regard to the primary reincarnation that the participants worshipped, the
first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group identified the following: (a)
All, (b) Krishna, (c) Shiva, (d) Vishnu, (e) Luxmi, (f) Ganesh, (g) Durga, (h) Hanuman,
(i) Ram, and (j) Swami Narayan. For the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group, members
worshipped the following primary reincarnations: (a) All, (b) Krishna, (c) Shiva, (d)
Vishnu, (e) Ganesh, (f) Durga, (g) Hanuman; (h) Ram, (i) Sai-Baba, (j) Venkateshwara,
and (k) Budha 9th Avatar (Table 1).
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Table 1
Primary Reincarnations Worshipped by First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian
Hindus (FGG) and Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG)
Reincarnation worshipped
FGG, n =
52
IG, n = 56
All
Krishna
Shiva
Vishnu
Luxmi
Ganesh
Durga
Hanuman
Ram
Swami Naryaan
Sai-Baba
Venkateshwara
Budha 9th Avatar
5
20
3
9
1
3
6
3
1
1
0
0
0
7
14
7
2
0
8
5
2
5
0
1
4
1
Participants in the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group were
asked to identify their native languages. Responses included the following: (a) English,
(b) Hindi, (c) Nepali, (d) Gujrati, (e) Punjabi, (f) Maharati, and (g) Marwadi. The
immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group members reported the following languages: (a)
Hindi, (b) Tamil, (c) Nepali, (d) Kanada, (e) Malyalum, (f) Gujarati, (g) Punjabi, (h)
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Maharati, (i) Telugu, and (j) Oriya (Table 3). The immigrated group spoke a slightly
wider range of different languages when compared with the first-generation American-
born Asian Indian Hindus; however, English was not listed as a native language.
Table 2
Primary Language of First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindus (FGG) and
Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG)
Languages FGG, n = 52 IG, n = 56
English
Hindi
Nepali
Gujarati
Punjabi
Maharati
Marwadi
Tamil
Kanada
Malyalum
Telugu
Oriya
21
8
1
17
2
1
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
12
8
5
1
8
0
5
1
2
13
1
Finally, the participants of both groups were asked to identify their level of
education. They could select one of the following choices: high school, some college,
college, postgraduate degree, or other. Their answers are summarized in Table 3.
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Table 3
Education Level of First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindus (FGG) and
Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus (IG)
Group
membership n
High
school
Some
college College
Post-
graduate
degree Other
First-
generation
American- born Hindu
52 3 12 24 13 0
Immigrated
Hindu56 2 2 17 35 0
From the information obtained from the demographics questionnaire, I
determined that the participants found value in education, spoke at least two languages
(i.e., a native language and English), and worshipped a diverse number of reincarnations.
In the next section, I discuss the results of my study and describe the differences between
the two groups on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitude toward seeking
counseling. Further, I describe my findings as they pertain to the relationship between
length of time spent in the U.S. and the level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes
toward seeking counseling for the immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group.
Results for Quantitative Analysis
Results for Research Question 1: What are the differences between first-
generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian
Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking
counseling? For research question 1, I elected to conduct a 2 x 3 multiple analysis of
variance (MANOVA) to determine the differences between two groups (i.e., first-generation
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Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus) on measures of acculturation,
self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling.
In order to meet the assumptions of the MANOVA I had to verify that (a) the data
were normally distributed; (b) variances and covariances were equal; and (c) the constructs
that I was examining were related. Therefore, prior to conducting the MANOVA, I conducted
a Kolomogrov-Smrinov test of normality, Levene‘s and Box‘s tests of equality, and Bartlett‘s
test of sphericity.
The Kolomogrov-Smrinov test of normality revealed that all constructs had p > 0.05,
with the exception of the immigrated group‘s attitude toward seeking counseling. Therefore, I
assumed that the data were normally distributed. The acculturation and self-concept results
were normally distributed, but attitudes toward seeking counseling were not normally
distributed; however, since I had obtained a large sample size I was able to use the
MANOVA.
After conducting the Kolomogrov-Smrinov test of normality, I conducted Levene‘s
test and Box‘s test in order to examine the homogeneity of variance and covariance. I
determined that all values were statistically significant at p > 0.05, indicating that variances
were normally distributed. Therefore, I concluded that there was equal variance and
covariance among the data.
Finally, I conducted Bartlett‘s test of sphericity in order to examine the
relationship between the constructs I had chosen to examine. I found that the constructs
of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling had p
< 0.05. Therefore I was able to reject the assumption of using separate tests and utilize a
2 x 3 MANOVA.
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Because each of the assumptions was met, I conducted a 2 x 3 MANOVA instead of
an independent T -test or other non-parametric procedures in order to determine the
differences between the two groups with regard to the three constructs (acculturation, self-
concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling). A MANOVA was warranted because (a)
data were normally distributed; (b) the variance and covariance were equal for each group;
(c) a sufficiently large sample size had been obtained; (d) the MANOVA increases the
ability to find significance and increases power. Means and standard deviations are
provided in Tables 4, 5, and 6, accordingly, for each instrument (i.e., SL-ASIA, TSCS-2, and
ATSPPHS) for both groups of participants.
Table 4
Means and Standard Deviations for Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity
Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA)
Group Membership n M SD
First-generation American-born
Asian Indian HindusImmigrated Asian Indian Hindus
5256
3.002.22
0.310.34
Table 5
Means and Standard Deviations for Tennessee Self Concept Scale-2
(TSCS-2)
Group membership n M SD
First-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindus
Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus
52
56
49.71
52.78
10.00
7.68
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Table 6
Means and Standard Deviations for Attitudes Toward Seeking
Psychological Help Scale (ATSPPHS)
Group membership n M SD
First-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindus
Immigrated Asian Indian Hindus
52
56
53.17
53.35
8.74
9.96
Overall, the results of the MANOVA revealed a difference between the two
groups on at least one construct. Upon further investigation, I discovered a statistically
significant difference between the groups on the construct of acculturation (Hotelling‘s
trace F (3, 104) = 153.19, p = .0001) with a large effect size according to Cohen‘s (1998)
criteria (η2
= .59). Further, the MANOVA test revealed no statistically significant
difference between the two groups on the constructs of self-concept (Hotelling‘s trace F
(3, 104) = 3.24, p = .075) and attitudes toward seeking professional counseling (Hotelling‘s
trace F (3, 104) = .010, p = 0.919). Table 7 illustrates results for the MANOVA.
Table 7
Results for the MANOVA Comparing Acculturation, Self-Concept, and
Attitudes Toward Counseling
Constructs F p
Acculturation
Self-Concept
Attitude Toward Counseling
153.19
3.23
.01
.0001**
.075
.919
** p < .0001
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Results for Research Question 2: What is the relationship between length of
time in the United States and level of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes
toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus? Prior tests of normality (i.e.,
Kolomogrov-Smirnov, Levene‘s and Box‘s tests, and Bartlett‘s test of sphericity)
conducted at the outset of the MANOVA analysis indicated that the data were distributed
normally, that variances and covariances were roughly equal for each group, and that
assumptions for sphericity were met. Therefore, I calculated the Pearson product-moment
correlation coefficient (i.e., the Pearson r ) to determine whether the constructs (i.e.,
acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling) were correlated with the
participants‘ length of time in the United States. I performed the Bonferroni adjustment to
counterbalance and maintain statistical significance (.05 / 3 = .02) due to the multiple
correlations I conducted.
The Pearson r values indicated no statistically significant relationship between the
length of time in the United States and the three constructs (acculturation, r (56) = 0.25, p
= 0.06; self-concept, r (56) = 0.10, p = 0.43; and attitude toward seeking counseling, r
(56) = 0.15, p = 0.25) among my sample population of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus.
In my study, I found no relationship between any of the three constructs and the length of
time spent in the United States for immigrated Asian Indian Hindus.
Acculturation. Suinn et al. (1987) created a scale to measure acculturation. These
authors defined acculturation levels as low (1), bi-cultural (2), or high (3). The instrument
included 21 items with five answer choices (ranging from 1 to 5). Participants circled the
statement that they agreed with the most. For example, question 13, ―Where were you
raised?‖ was followed by five answer choices: (1) In India only; (2) Mostly in India,
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some in U.S.; (3) Equally in India and U.S.; (4) Mostly in U.S., some in India; and (5) In
U.S. only. After participants completed all 21 items of the instrument, I added the
numerical values of the circled answer choices and then divided this number by 21 in
order to obtain a mean score that correlated with the pre-determined levels of
acculturation (i.e., 1 = 0 – 1.99 M ; 2 = 2.00 – 4.00 M ; 3 ≥ 4.00 M ). Table 8 presents the
data that revealed the level of acculturation for both groups. Seventy-seven percent of the
immigrated group participants were identified as being bicultural and 23% as having low
acculturation. For the first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindu group, all of
the respondents were found to be bicultural.
Table 8
Acculturation (SL-ASIA) Scores and Percent Distribution
SL-ASIAImmigrant group
n = 561st-generation
n = 52
1 – Low acculturation
2 – Bicultural
3- High acculturation
13 (23%)
43 (77%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
52 (100%)
0 (0%)
Self-Concept. The TSCS-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996) instrument was analyzed
using computer software. This process required that I input response selections for all 108
participants on all 82 items of the instrument. The findings indicated that the majority of
the respondents from both groups (i.e., first-generation American-born Asian Indian
Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus) scored within the average range for their
self-concept (i.e., Average = T 41-59); specifically, 77% and 75%, respectively, of the
groups had average self-concept. Furthermore, 14% of the immigrated group and 7% of
the first-generation group had high self-concept scores (i.e., High = T 60-69). In the
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immigrated Asian Indian Hindu group, 4% of the participants obtained very high self-
concept scores (i.e., High = T 60-69) as compared to 2% of the first-generation
American-born Asian Indian Hindu group. Finally, 4% of the first-generation participants
reported very low self-concept scores (i.e. Very Low ≤ T 30), while none of the
immigrated participants feel into this category (see Table 9).
Table 9
Self-Concept (TSCS-2) Scores and Percent Distribution
TSCS-2 T Scores
Immigrant group
n = 56
1st-generation
n = 52
Very Low
<30
Low
31-40
Average
41-59
High60-69
Very High>70
0 (0%)
4 (7%)
42 (75%)
8 (14%)
2 (4%)
2 (4%)
5 (10%)
40 (77%)
4 (7%)
1 (2%)
ATSPPHS. In order to explain the results of the ATSPPHS, I created groups of
scores and assigned a range of categories. Higher scores are indicative of more positive
attitudes toward seeking counseling (Fischer & Farina, 1995; Al-Darmaki, 2003; Chang,
2007; Elhai et al., 2008; Khan, 2006; Panova, 2007; Panova & Zelida, 2007; Robb et al.,
2003; Vogel et. al, 2005; Wrigley, 2005). To analyze the results of this instrument, the
researcher must reverse the scoring of the 18 negatively worded items. Total scores can
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Table 10
Attitudes Toward Seeking Psychological Help (ATSPPHS) Scores and Percent
Distribution
Range of scores Immigrant group
n = 56
1st-generation
group
n = 52
0-43
44-52
53-60
61-69
70-87
6 (11%)
31 (55%)
8 (14%)
4 (7%)
7 (13%)
6 (12%)
19 (36%)
18 (34%)
6 (12%)
3 (6%)
In the next section I describe the procedure for analyzing the qualitative questions
and the results yielded by the two analyses that I conducted in order to understand the
perceptions of the participants toward counseling.
Results for Research Questions 3 and 4
For the qualitative portion of my study, I interviewed a religiously homogenous
sample of participants after they completed the three instruments. The sample that I
obtained included 20 first-generation American-born and 12 immigrated Asian Indian
Hindus. In the following section, I will provide demographic data for each group.
For the duration of the interviews, I was present with the participants inside a
private room. They completed the three instruments at a table inside an auditorium. Once
the instruments were completed, I inquired whether they would be willing to participate
in the interview portion of my research. Those who participated sat across from me while
I asked them the questions. Prior to asking any questions, I explained the purpose of my
research and allowed my participants to review the questions for any clarifications. I
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recorded these interviews using a digital recorder. The length of interviews ranged from 7
to 15 minutes. Upon completion of each interview, I thanked the interviewee for
participating.
First-Generation American-Born Asian Indian Hindu Group
Among the interviewed participants from the first-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindu group, there were 8 males and 12 females. The ages of these
participants ranged from 20 to 47, with a mean age of 26.8 years. All participants
reported that they were actively practicing Hindus, and all had verifiable ancestry in
India. Most of the participants reported that they were born in the United States.
However, four people reported being born in India and migrating to the United States as
infants; they were included in the sample of first-generation American-born Asian Indian
Hindus because they had spent their developmental years in the United States.
. A proxemic position of three feet was maintained by participants from this group
throughout the interviews. Speech patterns remained consistent throughout the interviews
with little or no change in pitch, elevation, or volume. The male participants maintained
eye contact, and the pace of their speech was normal. Similarly, the female participants
appeared to be comfortable and had little difficulty answering the questions, but they
were more inclined to convey personal stories about their lives and how counseling or
other issues had impacted them than were the male participants. The pace of their speech
decreased as they spoke of difficulties with acculturating and experiences with
counseling, but increased when they spoke of family and friends and the pivotal roles
they played in their lives.
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Interview Protocol Question 4: How has your self-concept (“who am I”) been
influenced by being an American-born Asian Indian Hindu or an immigrated
Hindu? The results from the constant comparison analysis for the question regarding
self-concept and the influence of Hinduism yielded a total of five themes: (a) eclectic,
picking and choosing what applies from the Hindu religion or believing that all gods are
equal; (b) negative, implying a negative impact on self-concept as a result of being a
Hindu; (c) non-influential, meaning no significant impact; (d) positive, indicating an
enhancement in the quality of life as a result of being a Hindu; and (e) regaining
importance, meaning establishing a reconnection with the Hindu faith.
Members of both groups made statements about being eclectic, i.e., picking and
choosing their gods. For example, Participant FGGM1 stated, ―I am religious in the sense
where I do believe in God and there‘s a lot that I follow.‖ Likewise, Participant FGGF6
stated, ―We‘re all the same in that we‘re all human, but we‘re all dif ferent in the sense
that we are different colors, different backgrounds, different childhoods.‖ Similarly,
Participant IGF3 said, ―They‘re good. There‘s one God and I believe in all religions.‖
Members of both groups overwhelmingly stated that Hinduism was a positive
force in their lives. For example, Participant IGF4 stated, ―I‘ve never felt that I‘ve lost
touch with my country and I still believe in my religion,‖ and Participant IGF6 stated, ―I
would say that I have more faith in God, you know?‖ In addition, Participant FGGF11
stated, ―I‘m pretty self -controlled in everything I do and I have a feeling it‘s a lot to do
with living –being a Hindu.‖
A classic content analysis (summarized in Table 11) found that 85% (17
participants) of interviewees from the first-generation group and 92% (11 participants) of
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those in the immigrated group indicated the positive influence of Hinduism in their lives.
Further, while only 8% (1 participant) of the immigrated group participants reported
holding an eclectic view, 30% (6 participants) of the first-generation participants had an
eclectic view. These results are suggestive of subtle differences amidst strong similarities.
Thirty-three percent (4 participants) of the immigrated group members made statements
that would indicate that Hinduism was relatively non-influential in their lives, whereas
only 15% (3 participants) of the first-generation group members made any such
statement.
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Table 11
Results from Classic Content Analysis — Importance of Hinduism
Theme
Number of
times used
FGG, n = 20;IG, n = 12
Referencesmade
Percent of
sample population
Eclectic FGG 6 11 30%
Eclectic IG 1 2 8%
Negative FGG 1 2 5%
Negative IG 0 0 0%
Non influential FGG 3 7 15%
Non-influential IG 4 4 33%
Positive FGG 17 33 85%
Positive-IG 11 23 92%
Regaining importance FGG 1 1 5%
Regaining importance IG 3 3 8%
To conclude, the first-generation group was more likely to be eclectic in their
view of religion, picking and choosing what they found attractive in various religious
worldviews and not holding a negative view of other religions. Also, they viewed
Hinduism as being a positive influence in their lives and in how they define who they are.
Only one member of the first-generation group indicated a negative influence as a result
of being Hindu, although a larger number of participants indicated that Hinduism was
non-influential in their lives. Immigrated group members were less eclectic when
compared to FGG members, and IG members had an overwhelmingly positive view of
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this country, better than my country.‖ Participant IGM3 voiced a similar sentiment: ―the
people I know, mostly they‘re not Hindus, but they respect where I‘m coming from.‖
On the other hand, some participants voiced the experience of being a non-
member of the dominant group. For example, Participant IGF1 stated, ―I feel that the
American dream is nothing but a fantasy, ‘cause when you come here and start living the
real life then you go, ‗Oh my God, I think I was better off back home.‘ ‖ Participant
IGM2 found that ―certain aspects of my life, yeah, I could consider myself an outsider.‖
Again, Participant IGF2 stated, ―Not American, I don‘t feel like I am an American.‖ In
the first-generation group, Participant FGGF10 suggested that other people‘s reactions to
her reinforced her sense of being an outside, while Participant FGGF7 indicated, ―I never
say I‘m an American citizen. I always say I‘m Indian.‖
Finally, members from both groups made statements that represented the theme of
dual membership. For instance, Participant FGGF11 stated, ―I don‘t believe I‘m an
outsider. I don‘t think I‘m a part of the dominant culture either,‖ and Participant FGGF6
shared an almost identical comment. In the immigrated group, Participant IGF3 stated,
―I‘m proud to be American citizen, proud to be Indian citizen, and I will, you know,
move from Indian society to American,‖ and Participant IGM2 stated, ―Certain aspects of
my life, I think, you know, I‘m part of the dominant culture, for example my professional
life.‖
Results revealed that, overwhelmingly, the immigrated group members were
adapting to the dominant culture. Further, they were more likely to feel a sense of dual
membership, especially if they had been in the U.S. for many years. Finally, even though
they had immigrated, they felt more like members of the dominant group. On the other
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hand, the first-generation group members indicated that they felt they were adapting and
were part of the dominant culture; however, they also had more frequent thoughts about
not belonging to the dominant culture.
Classic content analysis yielded notable differences and similarities in the
responses offered by participants to interview question 5 (see Table 12). For example,
whereas 15% (3 participants) of the first-generation group made statements that were
indicative of the adapting process, 33% (4 participants) of respondents in the immigrated
group made such statements. Also, both groups equally (10 FGG participants and 6 IG
participants, or 50% of each group) made statements suggesting that they viewed
themselves as having a dual membership. A majority of participants in the first-
generation group also made statements indicating that they did not feel as though they
were part of the dominant culture (60% or 12 participants), as did members of the
immigrated group (58% or 7 participants). Further, 58% (7 participants) of the
immigrated group members also indicated that they felt they were part of the dominant
culture, whereas only 40% (8 participants) of respondents from the first-generation group
made comments suggesting that they identified with the dominant group.
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type of experience with counseling and without knowing someone who had gone to
counseling); (f) resolve with family and friends (i.e., participants were more inclined to
resolve their personal issues by talking to friends and family); (g) stigma (i.e.,
participants felt there was a stigma associated with going to counseling); and (h) last
resort (i.e., counseling would be an option if all other avenues failed). The classic content
analysis, conducted after the constant comparison analysis, revealed some prevalent
attitudes in participants‘ views of counseling. For example, several members of both
groups perceived a stigma associated with being in counseling. Participant FGGF1 stated,
―My aunts and my mom didn‘t want my aunts or anyone to know, because they would
gossip and say, ‗Oh, look, something‘s wrong.‘ ‖ Similarly, Participant IGM4 stated, ―It‘s
still going to a psychologist, big taboo like in India and you don‘t— yeah.‖
Many members of both groups expressed a positive view as a result of a prior
experience. Participant IGM3 stated that counseling ―changed my life because I really
feel there are certain things, you know, uh, in your life where your family, your God,
cannot help you.‖ Similar sentiments were conveyed by the first-generation participants
as well. For example, Participant FGGF1 stated, ―I personally knew that I kinda needed
to get help, so, like, I made an appointment with my doctor and, like, I mean, I‘m pretty
open about it now,‖ as did Participant FGGF3: ―Uh, but then I went through a life crisis
of my own, in which I did resort to counseling, and I felt like the people around me, even
my friends or my family couldn‘t truly understand what it was that I was feeling.‖
Finally, many participants indicated that they considered counseling acceptable,
but only as a last resort. FGGM1 stated, ―To me, it‘s a last resort, like I said before, and
as that being a last resort, I probably would let them (family) know if I do go see a
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counselor.‖ Participant FGGF3 also indicated, ―I can‘t solve it that, that way, if I just,
there‘s not, like, if I‘m not just with what I‘ve seen or heard, then I would go to a
counselor, but that wouldn‘t be my first resort.‖ Similarly, the immigrated group also
indicated that counseling was a last resort. For example, Participant IGF4 stated, ―Um,
professional counseling is the last resort. Especially that‘s how I feel,‖ and Participant
IGM1 stated, ―I mean definitely if I have to I will go to an Indian counselor with the
same values.‖ By conducting a classic content analysis, I was able to determine how
often each theme was mentioned. Based on that information, I made inferences about the
groups. For example, the theme of stigma was common in the responses from members
of both groups. The classic content analysis revealed that 65% (13 participants) of the
first-generation group and 50% (6 participants) of the immigrated group made statements
that connected a stigma with seeking counseling. Further, 50% (6 participants) of the
members of the immigrated group and 35% (7 participants) of the first-generation group
viewed counseling as a last resort. Also, whereas just 5% (1 participant) of the first-
generation group viewed counseling as negative and unnecessary, 25% (3 participants) of
the immigrated group viewed it in this way. Finally, 50% (6 participants) of the
immigrated group members made statements that they would resolve issues with their
family and friends; in the first-generation group, only 15% (3 participants) of the
participants made such statements.
The immigrated group participants, in general, were more likely to indicate that
counseling was unnecessary and that issues should be resolved within the family, that a
stigma is associated with going to counseling, and that, if they had to go, it would be as a
last resort. The first-generation group had a much more positive view of counseling, but
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still frequently expressed a sense that a stigma was attached to seeking counseling or that
they would pursue it only as a last resort. Members of the first-generation group were
more likely to have had prior experiences with counseling and less likely to resolve
personal issues with family and friends. A detailed analysis is provided in Table 13.
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Table 13
Results from Classic Content Analysis View of Counseling
Theme
Number of
participants
FGG, n = 20;IG, n = 12
Referencesmade
Percent of
sample population
Last resort-FGGG 7 9 35%
Last resort-IG 6 10 50%
Negative unnecessary-FGG 1 2 5%
Negative unnecessary-IG 3 9 25%
Neutral – no experience-FGG 2 2 10%
Neutral – no experience-IG 0 0 0%
Positive prior experience-FGG 10 24 50%
Positive prior experience-IG 3 8 25%
Positive view family or friends‘
personal experience-FGG 4 4 20%
Positive view family or friends‘ personal experience-IG 2 3 17%
Positive view – no personal
experience-FGG 9 21 45%
Positive view – no personalexperience-IG 6 13 50%
Resolve with Family and Friends-FGG 3 5 15%
Resolve with family and friends-IG 6 9 50%
Stigma-FGG 13 27 65%
Stigma-IG 6 10 50%
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Summary
In this chapter I presented the results of both the quantitative and the qualitative
analyses. The data from the quantitative analyses indicated that there were no statistically
significant mean differences between the two groups concerning self-concept and
attitudes toward seeking professional counseling, based on the results of the TSCS-2
(Fitts & Warren, 1996) and the ATSPPHS (Fischer and Turner, 1970). However, I did
find a statistically significant difference between these two groups concerning their levels
of acculturation as measured by the SL-ASIA; specifically, immigrated Asian Indian
Hindus had lower levels of acculturation when compared to first-generation American-
born Asian Indian Hindus. Moreover, there was no correlation between the length of time
spent in the United States and the three constructs (i.e., acculturation, self-concept, and
attitudes toward counseling).
The qualitative data revealed certain differences between these two groups on the
three main questions that I analyzed. There were minor differences in the groups‘ views
toward seeking professional counseling, the role of Hinduism in defining who they are,
and the extent to which they felt acculturated to the dominant culture around them. There
were also many similar ities between the two groups‘ comments; for example, both
groups tended to view counseling positively but believed there was a stigma associated
with going to counseling, and both groups saw counseling as a last resort. Further, both
groups identified strongly with Hinduism and stated that it has had a positive impact on
their lives in defining who they are. Finally, with regards to acculturation, several of the
sentiments expressed were similar, as the two groups expressed feelings of being part of
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the dominant culture, retaining dual cultural membership and trying to adapt to the
dominant culture with approximately equal frequency.
In Chapter V, I discuss the implications of my results and how they pertain to my
research questions. Further, I will include suggestions for future research and
implications for the counseling profession.
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CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS
Chapter V begins with an overview of the purpose of the study and the structural
design that I used. Next, I discuss the quantitative and qualitative data in depth, followed
by a discussion of the combined results. Finally, I present recommendations for the
counseling practice and future research.
Overview of the Purpose and Structure
In my study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation,
self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. The purpose of my study was to enhance
understanding of the experience of Asian Indian Hindus in the United States and to
contribute to the literature available for mental health practitioners who work with this
population.
To accomplish the study‘s purpose, I administered quantitative instruments to the
study sample and then conducted interviews with a portion of the sample population. The
interviews further explored results of the quantitative portion of the study and obtained
added insight into participants‘ views with regard to professional counseling, their self-
concept, and their acculturation.
For my study, I applied a sequential mixed-methods design using nested samples
(Collins et al., 2006). The sequential mixed-methods design is defined as the combination
of both quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques in a single research study.
This design allowed me to confirm study results and strengthen the study‘s explanatory
power (Collins et al., 2006; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004; Onwuegbuzie & Leech,
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2004; Walker, 2007). The mixed-methods design was used to address the following four
research questions:
1. What are the differences between first-generation American-born Asian
Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-
concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling?
2. What is the relationship between length of time in the U.S. and level of
acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling for immigrated Asian Indian
Hindus?
3. What are the perceptions of first-generation American-born Asian Indian
Hindus about counseling?
4. What are the perceptions of immigrated Asian Indian Hindus about
counseling?
Discussion of Quantitative Results
Research Question 1
It was my intention to explore whether there was a significant difference between
these two groups on the three constructs that I was analyzing. To analyze the data for
question 1 I conducted a multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA). The results of the
acculturation scale (SL-ASIA) showed a statistically significant difference. Analysis of
the results from the other two instruments (TSCS-2 & ATSPPHS) did not yield any
significant mean differences between these two groups. These findings did not meet my
expectations, and I noted the lack of differentiation between the two groups in terms of
their attitudes toward seeking professional counseling and their level of self-concept. The
statistically significant finding for the acculturation construct was in the direction
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expected, as first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus had higher mean scores
indicating higher acculturation when compared to immigrated Asian Indian Hindus.
Regarding acculturation, 77% (43 participants) of the IG gave answers indicating
that they were bicultural and 23% (13 participants) had low acculturation, whereas 100%
(52 participants) of the FGG qualified as bicultural. I expected to find a difference in
acculturation, and several previous authors had found similar results (Abrahams, 2007;
Balasubramanyam, 2005; Reddy, 2002). However, it was surprising that 43 out of 56 IG
group members were bicultural. Similarly, I did not expect the entire FGG to be
bicultural; however, these findings are consistent with previous literature that examined
acculturation in Asian Indians (Farvar, Bhadha, & Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 2007).
Moreover, I speculated that, because the FGG members had been born and raised
in the U.S., they would be more likely to go to counseling and to have a positive view of
counseling. Again, with regard to seeking professional counseling, both groups were very
similar, and overall, the majority of the respondents from each group were not inclined to
seek psychological help. Specifically, 48% (25 participants) and 66% (37 participants) of
the FGG and IG, respectively, had negative views of counseling. Eighteen percent (9
participants) of the FGG and 20% (11 participants) of the IG had a positive view of
counseling, whereas 34% (18 participants) and 14% (8 participants), respectively, had a
mixed attitude toward receiving counseling. Previous studies conducted with different
immigrated groups as well as Asian Indian groups reported similar results when they
compared their immigrated sample to their American-born sample (Panova, 2007;
Pangamala & Plummer, 1998). However, even though the majority of both groups had
negative attitudes, some persons in each group had very positive attitudes.
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Finally, I postulated that there would be a difference between these groups with
regard to self-concept. I expected that the IG group would have a higher self-concept
while the FGG would be impacted by trying to balance both cultures and, hence, would
have a lower self-concept. The research data indicated that 77% (40 participants) of the
FGG and 75% (42 participants) of the IG fell within the average range; only 9% (5
participants) of the FGG and 18% (10 participants) of the IG scored in the high to very
high range, and 14% (7 participants) of the FGG and 7% (4 participants) of the IG fell
within the low to very low range. Even though there was no statistically significant
difference, my assumption was mildly supported by the percentages. For example, 18%
(10 participants) of IG respondents had a high or very high self-concept as compared to
only 9% (5 participants) of the FGG respondents. Similarly, only 7% (4 participants) of
IG respondents had a low self-concept as compared to 14% (7 participants) of the FGG
respondents.
Research Question 2
I examined the same three constructs (acculturation, self-concept, and attitude
toward seeking counseling) for the immigrated Asian Indian group (IG), taking into
consideration the factor of length of time spent in the U.S. Previous research on
acculturation and self-concept had yielded results indicating that acculturation had no
impact on self-concept and ethnic identity, or on psychological adjustment and self-
concept (Balasubramanyam, 2005; Reddy, 2002). The results from my study yielded
similar findings. The variable of length of time spent in the U.S. had no relation to the
constructs of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking professional
counseling.
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Discussion of Qualitative Results
Using qualitative analyses procedures, I analyzed the responses of the participants
who agreed to be interviewed. I attempted to triangulate my data by conducting the
following procedures: (a) multiple forms of analysis, including a constant comparison
analysis and a classic content analysis; (b) member-checking procedure, allowing the
participants to review their transcripts and make any changes that they deemed necessary,
so as to ensure accuracy; (c) a debriefing interview, allowing myself to be interviewed to
uncover any possible bias or reactions that I may have had; and (d) the use of software
for analysis purposes. By triangulating my data collection and analysis, I was able to
achieve saturation of data, leave an audit trail so that others could replicate my steps, and
thereby increase rigor (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). The interview questions were
reviewed by a panel of counselor educators, and their suggestions were incorporated into
the final version.
I analyzed three research questions in order to obtain a deeper understanding of
the results from the quantitative portion of the study. Results related to each question are
discussed below.
Interview Protocol Question 4: How has your self-concept (“who am I”) been
influenced by being an American-born Asian Indian Hindu or Immigrated Hindu?
Shah (2009) found that, among Asian Indian clients (a non-religious sample),
attitudes toward seeking counseling were impacted by adherence to Asian values, and
Heine (2001) found that, when working with people of East Asian descent, the helper
must have an intimate knowledge of the culture of origin. Self-concept, it seems, has
been associated with ethnic identity for Asian Indians (Balasubramanyam, 2005; Phinney
& Alipuria, 1990). I wished to examine the importance of religion as the basis for ethnic
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identity for Asian Indians, based on the results of several previous researchers (Coogan,
2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004; Holaday,
Leach, & Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002; Moodley, 1999).
For this reason, I used Hindu participants in my study.
I postulated that religious affiliation should be examined as a variable in my
study, so I used a homogeneous sample of Hindu participants to examine the importance
of Hinduism to their self-concept. I asked the participants in the study to define what role
Hinduism plays in their life and found that 92% (11 participants) of the IG members and
85% (17 participants) of the FGG group viewed their religion as having a positive
influence in their lives. Conversely, only 5% (1 participant) of FGG members and none
of the IG members believed that their religion had a negative influence on their lives. The
IG identified more strongly with their religious affiliation, but both groups gave similar
responses. However, a notable difference existed with regard to group members‘ strict
adherence to the religion. Thirty percent (6 participants) of the FGG members, compared
to only 8% (1 participant) of the IG members, defined their practice of the faith as being
eclectic, including picking and choosing what applies to them, believing in a higher
power but being Hindu because that was all they knew, or believing that all religions are
good.
Overall, group members expressed the importance of their Hindu affiliation to
their self-concept, worldview, and day-to-day living. Balasubramanayam (2005) found
that ethnic identity was a strong predicting factor in self-concept; similarly, I found that
religious affiliation impacted the self-concept of the participants in my study. These
results suggest that, when working with Asian Indian Hindu clients, one must take into
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suggested that American-born Asian Indians do not feel connected to the dominant
culture. Likewise, Ghuman (1997) found that Asian Indian adolescents were aware of the
differences between themselves and the dominant culture and had experienced racism.
Further, the extent of the racism experienced affected subjects‘ willingness to adopt the
dominant culture‘s values. Addressing the experience of racism was outside the scope of
my study, but could be considered an explanation as to why the FGG members believed
that they had dual membership status. Another explanation could be that FGG members
had held to their family values even while entering a new culture.
Moreover, I expected that IG members would see themselves as adapting to the
dominant culture more than the FGG members due to their effort to preserve their Indian
Hindu culture. Both FGG and IG Asian Indian Hindus maintained an inner-
connectedness with their religion in all aspects of their lives. Juthani (2001) recognized
that Hinduism is not just a religion but a way of life; Abrahams (2007) found that Asian
Indians view personality from their homeland‘s distinctive value and cultural perspective.
The fact that Asian Indians have a different worldview was also highlighted by Rao
(2007) in his discussion of the difficulties encountered by foreign medical graduates
working in the psychiatric field as a result of the differences in worldviews. Results of
my study also suggest that membership in the dominant cultural group was strikingly
higher for the IG, again highlighting a willingness to adapt.
Interestingly, the FGG members did not perceive themselves as part of the
dominant culture and reported, at an even higher rate than the IG, that they saw
themselves as outsiders or non-members. Farvar, Bhadha, and Narang (2002) found that
Asian Indian adolescents who retained their heritage encountered alienation from the
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dominant cultural group, and, if they identified with their religion strongly, they tended to
separate themselves from the dominant culture. Participants in my study recognized the
influence of Hinduism in their lives and overwhelmingly rated the influence as positive;
valuing this Eastern religious influence could increase these persons‘ sense of
distinctness from the dominant culture. Similarly, Sundar (2008) found that Asian Indian
adolescents felt isolated from the mainstream culture and remained unsure about their
affiliation. The theme of not being a part of the dominant culture was voiced repeatedly
by the FGG in the present study.
In summation, the lived experiences of both groups were indicative of their
beliefs about cultural membership. Members of both groups indicated that they were
adapting to the dominant culture, believed that they shared membership with both
cultures, and made comments suggesting that, in various ways, they were both members
and non-members of the dominant culture.
Interview Protocol Question 7: How do you view professional counseling?
Results of my study suggested differences between the two groups in their views
of professional counseling; however, there were similarities in some group members‘
negative perceptions of counseling. Shah (2009) found that when working with Asian
Indian clients (a non-religious sample), attitudes toward seeking counseling were
impacted by adherence to Asian values. He found that, as adherence increased, positive
attitudes toward seeking counseling decreased for both groups (American-born and
Indian immigrant).
I noted a difference in the findings between the participants in my study and those
in the studies conducted by Shah (2009) and Pangamala and Plummer (1998). For
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example, in my sample, the overall view of the majority of participants toward seeking
professional counseling was positive, whereas other researchers found a negative attitude
toward professional counseling, or only a slightly positive attitude (Pangamala &
Plummer, 1998; Shah, 2009).
Even though 50% (10 participants) of the FGG group viewed counseling as
positive based on prior experience, as compared to 25% (3 participants) of the IG, the
rate of responses concerning stigma was high for both groups — 65% (13 participants)
among the FGG and 50% (6 participants) of the IG. Further, 50% (6 participants) of the
IG members viewed counseling as a last resort as compared to 35% (7 participants) of the
FGG members, indicating that FGG members would be somewhat more likely to seek
counseling services. Also, only 5% (1 participant) of the FGG members viewed
counseling as negative and unnecessary, but 25% (3 participants) of the IG members
viewed counseling in this way. Once again, these results indicate the relative
unwillingness of IG members to seek counseling. With regard to resolving personal
issues with family and friends rather than through counseling, 50% (6 participants) of the
IG members indicated that they were more likely to do so as compared to 15% (3
participants) of the FGG members. This finding supports the other results because IG
members were unwilling to seek out counseling whereas FGG members were more
willing. Finally, even though 45% (9 participants) of the FGG had no prior experience
with counseling, FGG members viewed it as something positive, as did 50% (6
participants) of the IG members.
FGG group members who admitted to seeking counseling found it to be positive
and preferred not to resolve personal issues simply with family and friends. Further,
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based on the results of the classic content analysis, the FGG members believed that there
was a stigma associated with counseling and viewed it as a last resort. On the other hand,
IG members had positive views of counseling also, but preferred to resolve issues with
family or friends. Also, half of the IG members indicated that seeking psychological help
was associated with a stigma and that it would be a last resort.
I found it interesting that members of both groups had had positive prior
experiences with counseling, yet a majority of group members from both groups believed
there was a stigma attached. These results were not expected. I anticipated that there
would be differences, such as the FGG members having a more positive view of
counseling, but, for this group, the belief of stigma and use of counseling as a last resort
were very high and similar to the IG members. Further, I expected to find that IG
members would prefer to resolve personal issues with family and FGG members would
not. I also found that negative attitudes resulted due to the stigma (i.e., weakness, shame,
inability to take control of one‘s life) associated with counseling. Finally, even where
positive attitudes toward counseling are present, actually seeking outside help remains a
last resort. This result suggests that Asian Indians, when they eventually agree to seek
counseling, may already be in a state of desperation after exhausting all other possible
avenues to resolve the issue.
Discussion of Combined Results
In this section, I discuss the results of both the quantitative and qualitative
research. I conducted a MANOVA to examine the mean differences between the groups
on measures of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward seeking counseling, and I
conducted semi-structured interviews to understand participants‘ perceptions of
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counseling, cultural group membership, and the influence of Hinduism on their self-
concept.
With regard to participants‘ views of counseling, the ATSPPHS results indicated
an overall negative attitude toward seeking professional counseling for both groups.
Eighteen percent of the FGG members indicated having a positive attitude toward
counseling as compared to 28% of the IG members. Even though some participants had
positive attitudes toward counseling, most of the members of both groups had negative
attitudes. Similarly, previous researchers have reported similar results when comparing
Indian-born and American-born participants (Pangamala & Plummer, 1998; Shah, 2009).
In contrast, the results of the classic content analysis revealed that most IG
participants in my sample had a positive view of counseling, even with no personal
experience (50%), as compared to FGG members (45%). However, most participants
indicated their belief that a stigma is associated with receiving counseling (50% of the IG
and 65% of the FGG), and many IG members reported viewing counseling as a last resort
(50%), as did the FGG members (35%). When I compared both forms of data, I found
that the qualitative results did not support the results obtained from participants‘
responses on the ATSPPHS instrument, which elicited fewer negative replies. However,
the high percentage of participants who had negative attitudes could be explained by the
stigma associated with seeking counseling, along with the tendency among members of
both groups to resolve their personal issues with family and friends (50% of the IG and
15% of the FGG). Further, half of FGG members reported having had a prior positive
experience with counseling; however, the strong stigma associated with counseling could
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lead them to make more negative comments about counseling in personal interviews.
I also examined the construct of self-concept and how participants‘ experience of
the Hindu religion affected their self-concept. Each participant in the study completed the
TSCS-2, and again I interviewed participants from each group to understand the
relationship between religion and their self-concept. Overall, no differences between the
groups were indicated by the results of the TSCS-2. Even though the majority of both
group samples (75% of the IG and 77% of the FGG) fell within the average range (i.e., T
= 41 – 59) with regard to level of self-concept, 14% of the FGG members scored either
low or very low, as compared to only 7% of the IG members. Further, 18% of the IG
members fell within the range of high or very high for self-concept as compared to only
9% of the FGG members. These differences were not large enough to be statistically
significant in view of the modest sample size, but I believe that, if I had had a larger
sample, I would have found significant differences in self-concept.
I contended that religious affiliation should be taken into consideration when
working with clients of Asian Indian descent. Therefore, I examined the influence that
the Hindu religion had on the self-concept of the sample members who participated in the
interview portion of the study. Interview results showed that religious affiliation and
participation were considered a positive force in defining oneself (FGG = 85% and IG =
92%). Just one respondent reported negative repercussions due to affiliation with the
Hindu religion (FGG = 5% and IG = 0%). Thus, I found that self-concept and religious
affiliation were important in defining oneself, as emphasized by previous researchers
(Coogan, 2005; Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004;
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Holaday, Leach, & Davidson, 1994; Juthani, 2001; Kamal & Loewenthal, 2002;
Moodley, 1999). Further, previous research has indicated that cultural values impact the
views of Asian Indians (Balasubramanyam, 2005; Heine, 2001; Phinney & Alipuria,
1990). Based on the responses offered by participants, it is clear that Asian Indians who
continue to practice Hinduism value their cultural and religious beliefs and rely on these
factors strongly when defining themselves.
Finally, I examined the construct of acculturation. Participants completed the SL-
ASIA, and the results indicated a significant difference between the groups. Most of the
IG members reported bicultural membership (77%) and a smaller percentage reflected
low acculturation (23%). In contrast, all FGG members had a bicultural membership. I
expected a higher prevalence of acculturation for the FGG. Unlike the acculturation
instrument results, the qualitative interviews revealed that participants in both groups
believed with approximately equal frequency that they were not members of the
dominant group (FGG= 60% and IG = 58%), that they had dual membership (FGG =
50% and IG = 50%), or that they were strictly members of the dominant group (FGG=
40% and IG = 58%). The results of the interviews support the findings both of the
quantitative SL-ASIA instrument and of previous researchers who examined the impact
of acculturation on Asian Indians born in the U.S. (Abrahams, 2007; Farvar, Bhadha, and
Narang, 2002; Ghuman, 1997; Sundar, 2008).
Members of both groups overwhelmingly reported being bicultural, and the
findings from the classic content analysis found that a high percentage of participants
believed that they had dual membership. Members of neither group tended to identify
fully with the dominant culture, hence the bicultural affiliation. Moreover, 23% of IG
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members reported low acculturation, and the interview analyses suggested that 33% were
in the adapting process and that 58% did not identify with the dominant culture. Again,
an examination of the results indicated that there was no difference between FGG and IG
members on the measure of acculturation; the qualitative interview findings thus
supported the results of the quantitative analyses. As stated earlier, non-membership in
the dominant culture is to be expected of this IG and FGG cause of the members‘ values
and the importance they place on their religion.
Conclusions
In this study, I examined the differences between first-generation American-born
Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation,
self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. The quantitative data reveals no significant
differences between the groups, except with regard to their extent of acculturation, as the
first-generation group was more fully acculturated.Interview data found that FGG
members were more likely to view themselves as non-members of the dominant group.
Further, dual membership status was found to be equally common in both groups, and,
finally, IG members were more likely to view themselves as members of the dominant
group when compared with their counterparts. Also, Hinduism was viewed by most of
the members of both groups as having a very positive impact on their self-concept and
how the participants defined themselves. Finally, the group members‘ views of
counseling varied. FGG members were more likely to have counseling experience, were
less likely to resolve problems with family and friends, had higher rates indicating a
stigma associated with receiving counseling, and viewed counseling as an option more
than as a last resort when compared to the IG members.
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desperation and face further social stigma for their decision. The counseling practitioner
must be aware of the seriousness of these issues and stress that the purposes of
counseling include restoring hope and quality of life not just for the client, but for the
client‘s family and friends.
Also, members of both groups indicated that they did not feel included in the
dominant culture, and FGG members reported especially high rates of alienation and
feelings of dual membership. These results indicate that first-generation American-born
Asian Indians recognize that they are not completely American or Indian. This generation
is trying to adjust or fit in to their new culture. Similarly, the IG members reported
adapting to the dominant culture and revealed several common struggles, such as racism,
feelings of alienation, and lack of social support. FGG members identify with their native
culture more strongly and define themselves with this cultural identity more than by their
lived experiences in the United States. These findings suggest that FGG Hindus adhere to
the traditional worldview of their family of origin, and that this worldview continues to
be transmitted across generations.
The common experience between these groups was the influence of religion.
Many members of both groups indicated the positive influence that Hinduism had on
their lives and their ongoing involvement with Hindu rituals, functions, and social
occasions. Knowledge of the basic tenets of the religion and the meaning given to it by
potential clients should be of value to practitioners as they seek to deliver effective
treatment. Several researchers have recognized the need to incorporate cultural and
religious understanding when working with Asian Indian clients (Coogan, 2005;
Deshpande, Reid, & Rao, 2005; Firth, 2005; Hanna & Green, 2004; Holaday, Leach, &
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born Asian Indian Hindus and immigrated Asian Indian Hindus on measures of
acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling. In the following paragraphs,
I discuss the limitations of my study, followed by recommendations for future research.
The current research is generalizable only to the Asian Indian Hindu population
living in the Houston, Texas, and Chicago, Illinois areas, where I obtained my sample. I
assumed that all participants responded truthfully. Parts of my research relied heavily on
self-reporting. Participants might have presented themselves in a more favorable manner
once they were informed about the purpose of the current research; for example, some
may have exaggerated their commitment to their Hindu faith. However, I observed that
the participants responded openly and the consistency of participant responses indicated
that the findings were accurate and representative. Also, knowing that I was a member of
the same religious and cultural group, participants might have adjusted their responses so
as to present themselves in a favorable light. I did not take into consideration the age or
socioeconomic status of the participants.
Future research is needed to examine the impact of differences in age, gender,
socioeconomic status, and region of origin (within India). Further, future studies should
examine the differences within the immigrated group resulting from the impact of
globalization. The westernization of India, especially in its major cities, could be a
possible explanation of the lack of differences found within the immigrated group in
terms of length of time in the U.S. Further research on reasons for the stigmatization of
counseling within this population would be beneficial, as would an exploration of
methods to improve the reputation of counseling services so that they would not be
considered a last resort. Finally, future research is needed to explore the counselor
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preferences of Asian Indian Hindu clients — for example, whether they prefer Indian or
non-Indian, immigrant or American-born, male or female, or older or younger
counselors.
Summary
India is an ethnically and religiously diverse subcontinent, and social identity in
India is largely influenced by affiliation with an organized religion (Ibrahim et al., 1997;
Juthani, 2001; Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). Hinduism is the largest Asian Indian
religious group in India, with 83% of the population identified as Hindu (Deshpande et
al., 2005). Hindus, most of them immigrants from India, now represent a significant
population in the U.S. (Das & Kemp, 1997; Hodge, 2004; Lugo et al., 2008; Smith,
2002). According to Juthani (2001), Hinduism is not just a religious affiliation for a
Hindu, but a way of life that creates a distinct and unique cultural group. As a unique
cultural group, Hindus have been described by some researchers (Coogan, 2005; Firth,
2005; ―Hindu Arrival in America,‖ 2006; Moodley, 1999) as a self-contained or closed
group. Therefore Hindus may not be comfortable seeking help from a secular source
outside the Hindu religion (Hanna & Green, 2004; ―Hindu Arrival in America,‖ 2006;
Hodge, 2004; ―The Swamis,‖ 2003).
I sought to examine the differences between immigrated Asian Indian Hindus and
first-generation American-born Asian Indian Hindus on measures of acculturation, self-
concept, and attitudes toward counseling. Quantitative results indicated no significant
differences between group members for the constructs of attitudes toward seeking
counseling and self-concept. However, a difference was found in acculturation.
Qualitative data obtained from semi-structured interviews allowed me to explore the
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differences and similarities between the two groups and to obtain clarification of the
responses for the three constructs.
As cultural and religious diversity increases in the U.S., mental health
practitioners must become trained to counsel these diverse groups of people. I believe
that treatment for Asian Indians must take into account religious affiliation in order to
adequately understand and address possible scenarios or mental health issues that might
arise. Mental health practitioners should expand their knowledge base by continually
challenging themselves to meet the demands of the changing population in the U.S.
Specifically, the population of Hindus is growing exponentially, and mental health
practitioners must be aware of the religious influence in these clients‘ lives; their family
support; their social involvement; and the challenges they face, such as stigmas
associated with seeking counseling and feelings of hopelessness. This knowledge will
assist counselors in delivering effective treatment in accordance with their clients‘
worldviews.
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Samovar, L. A., Porter, R. E., & Stefani, L. A. (1998). Communication between cultures
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Setty, P. (2006). Relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem in second
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Institute of Integral Studies.
Sharma, A. (2005). Modern Hindu thought: An introduction. New York, NY: Oxford.
Sharma, B. (2008). Personal experiences of a doctoral student regarding quality of life:
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APPENDIX A
Consent Form
Sam Houston State University
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Bipin Sharma from thedepartment of Educational Leadership and Counsellor Education at Sam Houston StateUniversity. The information obtained will be used to write a dissertation and articles forpublication. I plan to use the information obtained by the interview for a paper which I planto submit for publication in a journal.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of my study is to increase the literature that pertains to the Hindu populationand recognizes the Hindu population as a unique group amongst the Asian Indianpopulation in America. Specifically, my study will examine the differences in
acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes toward counseling between immigrated AsianIndian Hindus and first generation American born Asian Indian Hindus.
PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study you will complete a quantitativecomponent for the study which will require you to fill out the following instrument protocolwhich may take 40-50 minutes:
The protocol will include a (a) demographic information questionnaire; (b) theSuinn-Lew Asian Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn et. al, 1987); (c) the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996); and (d) the Attitudes Toward Seeking ProfessionalHelp Scale (Fischer & Turner, 1970).
Once you have completed the instrument protocol, I will ask for you to voluntarilycomplete an interview that will be recorded and will take approximately 40 minutes. Iwould ask that you respond openly and honestly when answering the following questions:
The following seven questions in the instrument will be used to obtain theexperience of the participants: (1) How do you identify yourself to people outside of yourcommunity? Can you give me a few examples? (2) Whom do you turn to when you needhelp in your personal life? (3) How do you take care of yourself when you encounter acrisis? (4) How has your self-concept (who am I) been influenced by being an AmericanBorn Asian Indian Hindu or an Immigrated Hindu? (5) To what degree do you see yourselfas part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you are an outsider? Discuss yourresponse. (6) How do you identify yourself to people within your community? Can you
give me a few examples? (7) How do you view professional counseling?
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
This is voluntary participation. You do not have to answer any questions that you feel aretoo intrusive. Further, if you feel that discussing your past may cause you psychologicalpain, again you do not have to reveal any information at all. There is the possible risk ofpsychological discomfort because during the process of the interview we may discussyour past or your experiences.
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POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
The benefit of this research is that the importance of recognizing Hindus due to theincrease in the population of Hindus living in the United States. This information may behelpful in trying to understand the levels of acculturation, self-concept, and attitudes
toward seeking professional psychological help. Further, the information obtained fromthis study will inform mental health practitioners that work with Asian Indian Hindus in acounseling setting.
PAYMENT FOR PARTICIPATION
This is voluntary interview for research that may or may not be used, and there will nopayment for participation.
CONFIDENTIALITY
Every effort will be made to ensure confidentiality of any identifying information that isobtained in connection with this study. During the interview phase names will not be used.Participants will be given codes, and a description of the participants will be used only.
For the purposes of this interview, an audio recorder will be used to gather data.
AUDIO RECORDING
For the purposes of the interview, an audio recorder will be used to gather data and datawill be destroyed upon completion.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study, youmay withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may exercise the optionof removing your data from the study. You may also refuse to answer any questions youdon’t want to answer and still remain in the study. The investigator may withdraw you
from this research if circumstances arise that warrant doing so.
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your participation inthis research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a research participant,contact:
Bipin Sharma Dr. Mary NichterTelephone: 708-250-0520 Telephone: 936-294-4148E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]
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SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT/LEGAL REPRESENTATIVE
I have read the information provided for the study as described herein. My questions havebeen answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have beengiven a copy of this form.
________________________________________Name of Participant (please print)
_________________________________________ ______________Signature of Participant Date
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APPENDIX B
IRB Approval Notice
Office of Research and Special ProgramsSam Houston State University903 Bowers Blvd, PS Box 2448
Huntsville, TX 77341
Phone: 936.294.3621Fax: 936.294.3622
Approval NoticeInitial Review
23-Dec-2009
Bipin Sharma
Box 2027
Huntsville, TX 77341
RE: Protocol # 2009-11-053
"THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN FIRST GENERATION AMERICAN
BORN ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS AND IMMIGRATED ASIAN INDIAN HINDUS
ON MEASURES OF ACCULTURATION, SELF-CONCEPT, AND ATTITUDES
TOWARD COUNSELING:A MIXED METHODS STUDY"
Dear Bipin Sharma,
Your Initial Review submission was reviewed and approved under Expedited
procedures by PHSC-IRB on 23-Dec-2009.
Please note the following information about your approved research protocol:
Provisions:
Protocol Approval period: 23-Dec-2009 - 23-Dec-2010
Sponsor:Drug(s):
Investigational Device:
Device Risk Determination: N
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3. Informed Consent. You are responsible for obtaining and documenting effective
informed consent using only the IRB-approved consent documents, and for
ensuring that no human subjects are involved in research prior to obtaining theirinformed consent. Please give all subjects copies of the signed informed consent
documents. Keep the originals in your secured research files for at least five (5)
years. When appropriate, you should place a copy of the informed consentdocument in the subject's medical record.4. Continuing Review. The IRB must review and approve all IRB-approved research
protocols at intervals appropriate to the degree of risk but not less than once per
year. There is no grace period. Prior to the date on which the IRB approval ofthe research expires, the IRB office will send you a reminder to submit a
Continuing Review Application. Although the IRB office sends reminders, it is
ultimately your responsibility to submit the continuing review report in a
timely fashion to ensure a lapse in IRB approval does not occur. If IRBapproval of your research lapses, you must stop new subject enrollment, and
contact the IRB office immediately.
5. Amendments and Changes. If you wish to amend or change any aspect of yourresearch (such as research design, interventions or procedures, number of
subjects, subject population, informed consent document, instruments, surveys or
recruiting material), you must submit the amendment to the IRB for review using
the current Amendment Form. You may not initiate any amendments or changesto your research without first obtaining written IRB review and approval. The
only exception is when it is necessary to eliminate apparent immediate hazards to
subjects and the IRB should be immediately informed of this necessity.6. Adverse or Unanticipated Events. Any serious adverse events, subject complaints,
and all unanticipated problems that involve risks to subjects or others, as well as
any research related injuries, occurring at this institution or at other performance
sites must be reported to the IRB within five (5) days of discovery of theincident. You must also report any instances of serious or continuing problems, or
non-compliance with the IRB's requirements for protecting human research
subjects. The only exception to this policy is that the death of a research subjectmust be reported within 24-48 hours of discovery. All reportable events should
be submitted to the IRB using the Adverse Event/Unanticipated Problem Report
Form.7. Research Record Keeping. You must keep the following research related records,
at a minimum, in a secure location for a minimum of five years: the IRB
approved research protocol and all amendments; all informed consent documents;
recruiting materials; continuing review reports; adverse or unanticipated events;and all correspondence from the IRB.
8. Reports to FDA and Sponsor. When you submit the required annual report to the
FDA or you submit required reports to your sponsor, you must provide a copy of
that report to the IRB. You may submit the report at the time of continuing IRBreview.
9. Provision of Emergency Medical Care. When a physician provides emergency
medical care to a subject without prior IRB review and approval, to the extent
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APPENDIX C
Demographics Questionnaire
I.D. # ____________
Date: ____________
Please answer the following questions to the best of your ability.If you have any questions, please direct them to your facilitator.
1. My current age is _________________
2. I am currently
a. Marriedb. Widowedc. Divorcedd. Separatede. Never Married
3. I consider myself a member of the following racial/ethnic group:
a. Specify:__________________________
4. I have lived in the United States for (number of years):
a. (Specify):__________________________
5. Of all reincarnations of the Hindu Religion I mainly worship
a. (Specify):__________________________
6. I was born in
a. The United Statesb. India
7. I immigrated to the United States when I was:
a. Specify (Age):__________________________
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8. In regards to gender I classify myself as:
a. Specify:__________________________
9. My native language is:
a. Specify:__________________________
10. The highest level of education that I have completed is:
a. Grade schoolb. High schoolc. Some colleged. College degreee. Post-graduate degreef. Other (specify):__________________________
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APPENDIX D
Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale
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APPENDIX E
Semi-Structured Interview Protocol
Semi-Structured Interview
The following seven questions in the instrument will be used to obtain the
experience of the participants:
(1) How do you identify yourself to people outside of your community? Can you give
me a few examples?
(2) Whom do you turn to when you need help in your personal life?
(3) How do you take care of yourself when you encounter a crisis?
(4) How has your self-concept (who am I) been influenced by being an American Born
Asian Indian Hindu or an Immigrated Hindu?
(5) To what degree do you see yourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe
that you are an outsider? Discuss your response.
(6) How do you identify yourself to people within your community? Can you give me a
few examples?
(7) How do you view professional counseling?
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APPENDIX F
Sample Transcription
Interviewer: Uh, thank you for participating in my research. I have sevenquestions that I wanna ask you. This is question number one.How do you identify yourself to people outside of your
community, and can you give me a few examples?
Participant IGF3: I identify myself as an Indian and I‘m proud of that and, uh, in
American society I‘m still friendly with them and I, you know, I‘m
fine. I can adapt with anything. In the beginning when I came to
this country I was finding, you know, difficult, but later I adaptedvery fast. One of my daughters is married to an American and I,
you know, have very good relations with him and his parents, so,
um, I can say I, you know, I have a good experience, good learningexperience.
Interviewer: Okay. Question number two is whom do you turn to when you
need help in your personal life?
Participant IGF3: Well, uh, now I turn to my friends, one of my friend, and then I
also confide help in one of my aunts who understands me and she‘sof my same age as me. Why I do that because, you know, she, um,
because I have family problems with my husband and she knows
my husband as well as me, and uh, she won‘t tell my mom and my
sisters, so that‘s why that, but only I used to do counseling atUniversity of Chicago for many years, but that didn‘t work
because the counselor wanted my husband to come and he‘s just
opposite me. He won‘t like and he refused to go, so it didn‘t work.
Interviewer: So for you it‘s good to have, you know, you would go to
counseling, but you also have some good family members that youcan talk to?
Participant IGF3: Yes. Yes. Exactly.
Interviewer: And your friends, are they of Indian descent, Asian Indian also?
Participant IGF3: Yes. Mostly I have Indians and the people who understand me
more because it‘s a cultural issue.
Interviewer: Okay.
Participant IGF3: So, you know, I have friends who are Indian, you know?
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Interviewer: So it‘s good that way. Okay. Uh, question number three probably
is similar to question two, but how do you take care of yourselfwhen you encounter a crisis?
Participant IGF3: Uh, I would say again I talk to my friend and my aunt, and if Ineed to or when I‘m alone I also depend on reading books, positivethinking, and this is the way I‘ve become better relationship with
my husband, thinking he has very good points also, and, uh, what
can I do, you know? So he will never change, so I‘ve got tochange myself.
Interviewer: So reading is good, talking to your friends is helpful.
Participant IGF3: It‘s good. Yeah.
Interviewer: And some type of influence.
Participant IGF3: Yeah. Yes.
Interviewer: Okay. Good.
Participant IGF3: Definitely.
Interviewer: Question number for is how has your self-concept, the idea of
―Who am I?‖ been influenced by being an immigrated Hindu?
Participant IGF3: Um, with that I‘m just, um, normal. I didn‘t have any no problems. I am a Hindu. I tell everybody I‘m an Indian, and I
don‘t think I have any problem.
Interviewer: Do you think having that religious component in your life though
is – does it help you being immigrated, having that Hindu thinking
and Hindu beliefs, Hindu religious beliefs? Do you think it helpsyou kind of deal with -?
Participant IGF3: I am actually to be honest with you, I‘m not, um, ‗cause I‘ve been
brought up in Kuwait and there was no temples. My mother didn‘teven go to a temple. I never was brought up going to temples
although I was a Hindu, and I‘ve been brought up to be a nice
person, to be a good person, means, you know, do unto others as
you would like others to do to you. Be a nice person, and I believein one God and all religious are same.
Interviewer: They‘re good.
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Participant IGF3: They‘re good. There‘s one God and I believe in all religions.
Interviewer: Okay. Question number five is to what degree do you see yourselfas part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that you‘re an
outsider?
Participant IGF3: No. I know I felt that I‘ve been _____, you know, _____ make mefeel that I‘m outsider. No. I mean I feel very comfortable in this
country, better than my country, and I‘m proud to be American
citizen, proud to be Indian citizen, and I will, you know, movefrom Indian society to American -
Interviewer: Easily?
Participant IGF3: Yeah. Easily. I worked in Chicago with American people. That
was fine. I have a social life with Indian people. That‘s fine. So
yeah.
Interviewer: Okay. Question number six is how do you identify yourself to
people within your community?
Participant IGF3: As a Hindu, as an Indian.
Interviewer: Okay, and question number seven is how do you view professionalcounseling?
Participant IGF3: Very nice. I would say I had, you know, I believe I go to a
psychiatrist now also ‗cause I have health problems like I getseizes and anxiety attacks sometimes, so I believe in this, but, um,
unfortunately I couldn‘t continue and another problem with me is
because I‘m on medicines I‘m not allowed to drive and that is ahindrance in my life and I, you know, don‘t even walk around
wherever _____ myself because if I fall I fall, you know,
sometimes, and end up in the emergency room. So my family isalso concerned. Whenever I go I call them and I _____ I call them,
things like that.
Interviewer: Sure, but overall you think counseling is helpful?
Participant IGF3: Yes. Yes I agree.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, do you have any other questions for me or do you wantto elaborate on any of your responses?
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Interviewer: I want to thank you for participating in my research. I want to ask
you the following seven questions. Question No. 1 is how do you
identify yourself to people outside of your community and can yougive me a few examples?
Participant FGGF10: Um, I generally keep race out of it unless it‘s asked. Um, I‘ll tellthem where I grew up or things like that or, um, I steer away fromrace. I think it‘s a sensitive topic, so.
Interviewer: Okay. If they do ask, what do you say?
Participant FGGF10: I say I‘m Indian and, um, and then they usually say, ―Oh, well, you
know, were you born here?‖ or something of that sort and I say,
―No, I was born there and I immigrated here when I was just akid.‖
Interviewer: Okay. Um, who do you turn to when you need help in your personal life?
Participant FGGF10: Um, family and friends.
Interviewer: Are most of your friends Asian-Indian, as well?
Participant FGGF10: No. I don‘t have any Indian friends.
Interviewer: At all?
Participant FGGF10: No.
Interviewer: Okay. Would you turn to family first and then friends or would it
be friends and then family?
Participant FGGF10: Uh, that would depend on the problem.
Interviewer: Okay.
Participant FGGF10: Yeah. If, I don‘t know, if it was something like school or work,
most problems I come to my family with, but if I was like – I guessnot even my own problem. If I was upset ‗cause, you know,
something happened to a friend and I thought that it‘s something
that my family wouldn‘t understand, I would go to another friend
for advice or just to vent.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, Question No. 3 is how do you take care of yourself
when you encounter a crisis?
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Participant FGGF10: Um, I don‘t know. I – I internalize a lot. I don‘t really – I don‘t
talk about things unless I have to. I‘d say I‘m the quietest out of
the bunch in this house.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, Question No. 4 is how has your self-concept been
influenced by being an American-born Asian-Indian Hindu or animmigrated Hindu?
Participant FGGF10: Um, I don‘t know. I think we were instilled with a lot of like
having pride in yourself or, you know, even if we were born here,even if we were white, we would all still be different so you might
as well just em brace yourself the way you are, and, um, I don‘t
know. We were always kind of, at least my parents were, kind of
always told me that if people really care about you, they care aboutthe person you are inside and that stuff doesn‘t matter. So well, I
don‘t know. I think that‘s probably the biggest thing is that and
some of the values, family values we have.
Interviewer: Hm.
Participant FGGF10: That‘s probably the biggest way I was influenced. I mean I‘m 24and I still live at home and I don‘t see a pro blem with that.
Interviewer: Hm.
Participant FGGF10: So and I don‘t – I‘m not gonna move out until I‘m married or, you
know, I get into school out of state. That‘s the only time I‘d
probably move out.
Interviewer: So being an Indian Hindu has obviously been a significant part –
part of defining yourself?
Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I think I always do quote-unquote ―the Indian thing‖ –
Interviewer: Okay.
Participant FGGF10: – to do.
Interviewer: All right. Um, Question No. 5 is to what degree do you see
yourself as part of the dominant culture or do you believe that
you‘re an outsider?
Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I‘d say I‘m, yeah, I‘m an outsider, I‘d say, in this country.
Interviewer: _____ you feel that.
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Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I mean, well, you can tell by the way people – people‘s
initial reactions with you. I work in an office where I‘m the only
non-white person and I think almost – I don‘t take offense to it, butthere‘s lots of questions about like, ―Oh, well, what do your people
do?‖
Interviewer: Hm.
Participant FGGF10: Or, you know, you guys don‘t eat meat so what do you guys eat?
Do you just eat vegetables all day? ―Well, no (laughs). There‘sother foods you can eat.‖
Interviewer: You did say earlier that, you know, you were talk ing about it‘s
kind of sensitive when you identify yourself. Is – is that somehowrelated to this feeling of being an outsider?
Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I think, I don‘t know, I just – I feel like if I bring up racefirst then it automatically sets up a wall.
Interviewer: Hm.
Participant FGGF10: That, you know, I‘m – I feel like I always have to be, um, the more
understanding person. If I‘m talking to someone that‘s – that‘s
mainly white, I have to be the more understanding or the moreembracing of other –
Interviewer: Of their –
Participant FGGF10: – of what they‘ve been through. Um, and then I always I feel like I
kinda have to defend myself. So if I bring up race and I say, ―Oh,
well, I‘m – I‘m Indian American.‖ then it‘s like, oh, well, that‘s – I bring – I put race on the table and then it opens up the door for all
this other stuff, so.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, how do you identify yourself to people within your
community?
Participant FGGF10: Like the Indian community?
Interviewer: Um-hum.
Participant FGGF10: Um, I mean, well, I‘m not really exposed to people outside myfamily, um, I think, and that‘s intentionally. I don‘t hang out with
other Indians outside of the family, um, so I don‘t really have the
opportunity to identify myself, you know.
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Interviewer: Okay.
Participant FGGF10: ‗Cause my family knows who I am. I don‘t –
Interviewer: Right.
Participant FGGF10: I wouldn‘t have to justify anything to them.
Interviewer: Obviously. Um, Question No. 7 is how do you view professional
counseling?
Participant FGGF10: Um, I think that it‘s something that some people need. It‘s not for
everybody. I think it‘s something that you have to have the will to
do. It – it‘s not something someone can say, ―Go to this and do it.‖Unless you really want the help, it‘s not gonna work.
Interviewer: Would you ever consider – would counseling – I know you saidthat you would talk to your family and friends based on the issue.
Participant FGGF10: Right.
Interviewer: Um, would counseling be sort of like a last resort if you ever
thought about attending _____?
Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I‘d say it‘d be a last resort if it was just something that I felt
– an issue I felt wasn‘t being resolved by talking to the people that
were close to me or wasn‘t getting – I don‘t know. I wasn‘t getting
that reassurance from – from the people that I‘m closest to, then Iwould go somewhere else to get it or if it – if I felt like I had some
serious –
Interviewer: Hm.
Participant FGGF10: – emotional or psychiatric issue.
Interviewer: Do you think there‘s a stigma associated with that?
Participant FGGF10: Yeah.
Interviewer: Do you think it‘s more predominant in the Indian culture?
Participant FGGF10: Yeah. I think family matters are kept within the family and if youhave a family, why go to someone else? I think that‘s what we‘re
taught.
Interviewer: Um-hum.
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Participant FGGF10: It‘s keep everything with the family. Don‘t trust anybody else
‗cause they‘re not family.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, uh, I guess at this time, would you want to elaborate
on any of the responses that you gave or do you have any questionsfor me specifically?
Participant FGGF10: Um, yeah. Well, I, just the whole why – why I‘m not part of other
Indian, outside of my family, other groups. I don‘t think that it‘s – the what I‘ve been exposed to from college, I didn‘t grow up – I
grew up in – in mainly black neighborhood or Hispanic
neighborhood, but in college is when I was exposed to other
Indians and I viewed them as not Indian.
Interviewer: Hm.
Participant FGGF10: I – I mean it sounds kind of mean, but I thought, ―I‘m Indian.
You‘re not.‖
Interviewer: Um-hum.
Participant FGGF10: We don‘t – Indians don‘t do that, especially the girls. That‘s how I
felt.
Interviewer: Okay.
Participant FGGF10: And so I kind of steered way away from it ‗cause I felt like I think because of the way I was raised, I was smart enough to say if I
surround myself with that, there‘s a chance that I might become
there.
Interviewer: Um-hum.
Participant FGGF10: So I intentionally didn‘t.
Interviewer: Okay.
Participant FGGF10: So, okay, that‘s it.
Interviewer: Okay. All right. Thank you. I appreciate it.
[End of Audio]
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Interviewer: Uh, thank you for participating in my research. I‘m gonna ask you
the following seven questions. Question one is how do you
identify yourself to people outside of your community, and canyou give me a few examples?
Participant IGM4: Sure. Hmm, usually I identify myself as an Indian to peopleoutside my community. Um, usually I go to interviews most of thetimes, conferences with most of the people around me are
Americans, so I identify myself as Indian, so yeah.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, question number two is whom do you turn to when
you need help in your personal life?
Participant IGM4: Um, my family comes first and my family, my mom. Yeah.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, question three is how do you take care of yourself
when you encounter a crisis?
Participant IGM4: Again go back to family and friends, and usually my go-to man
will always be my mom first.
Interviewer: Okay. Uh, question number four is how has your self-concept
been influenced by being an immigrated Hindu?
Participant IGM4: Um, well I haven‘t been here for much long, so the concept of
being an Indian is still there.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, question number five is to what degree do you seeyourself as part of the dominant culture, or do you believe that
you‘re an outsider?
Participant IGM4: I still think I‘m an outsider that hasn‘t been – it‘s been just six
months for me staying here so I still think I‘m an outsider, but I‘m
slowly and steadily acclimatizing myself and acculturation willtake time, but yeah.
Interviewer: Okay. Question number six is how do you identify yourself to
people within your own community, and can you give a fewexamples?
Participant IGM4: You know when I‘m with people of my community, in the sense
people from my own native place; I identify myself as a Punjabi.With other Indians from different states of India I identify myself
as a North Indian.
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Interviewer: Okay. Question number seven is how do you view professional
counseling?
Participant IGM4: I think it‘s pretty good move. I think people who need it should
take it and it‘s not something, which you should be ashamed of.
These people are here to help you out and they are trained to dothat, and I think you should – it should be a part of your thing inthe sense that you shouldn‘t be afraid of going to professional
people for counseling because they really help you a lot. In my, in
my experience yes they have helped me a lot as well as my friends.Yes.
Interviewer: So in India you had actually gone to a counselor or psychologist or
something along those lines?
Participant IGM4: We had a social counselor in our school. Yes we did.
Interviewer: You‘re saying like high school, right?
Participant IGM4: In high school. Yes.
Interviewer: Okay. What was like, what were some of the reasons that people
went to the counselor?
Participant IGM4: Usually it would be relationships and hard to deal with this,
breakups and all. Very few had the juvenile delinquent thing.
They were – yeah, for that, that purpose.
Interviewer: Okay. Um, would you ever go to a counselor? Well I guess are
you, would you be more inclined to go to a counselor here on your
own in the United States or would you still say like in India youwould go to a counselor if you had a problem?
Participant IGM4: I think more so in America.
Interviewer: Okay. Why would we – the problem in India? What do you think
the __________ is?
Participant IGM4: It‘s still going to a psychologist, big taboo like in India and you
don‘t – yeah. You have most of your family too as a backup, so
usually you don‘t, and you solve everything within the family with
your parents, so you don‘t actually require a psychologist, psychiatrist‘s help there, but here I mean I think the _____
structure isn‘t that well defined or well structured, so that is the
reason why people go to professional counseling.
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Interviewer: Okay. Um, do you have anything else that you wanted to clarify
for anything that you‘ve, any answers that you‘ve given, or do you
have any questions for me?
Participant IGM4: No thanks.
Interviewer: Okay. Thank you for participating.
Participant IGM4: You‘re welcome.
[End of Audio]
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APPENDIX H
Debriefing Interview Transcription
Interviewer: Do you wanna do a check or are you
Interviewee: No, it‘s good.
Interviewer: Okay. All right, which participant responses did you feel were the
most helpful in terms of richness and information?
Interviewee: I think the most interesting responses I received were from the
immigrated group, and I think the reason that was, was because it
gave me a lot of insight into their mindset into what they werethinking. Um, as far as the foreign group, I – I‘m sorr y. As far as
the first generation group, some of the responses were typical.
Some of them did surprise me to a certain extent. Um, you know, but, but it was, I felt, I felt people answered honestly throughout
the interview process that I conducted.
Interviewer: In what ways did you think they were the most helpful?
Interviewee: Technically, they were just like, specific, specific, uh, statements
that were made that just kind of showed peoples‘ thinking processwhen it came down to how they balanced their religion versus the
culture that they were raised in, um, and, actually, their home
culture, so, you know, it, it‘s back and forth a little bit. And that
was, that was very insightful for me to see – not only how peoplehave balanced it well, um, but how they also struggle with it.
Interviewer: How did these feelings that you have described influence your perception of the interview process as a whole?
Interviewee: I think, you know, being a member of that, of that group, um, andinterviewing, like, people my age was one thing, but interviewing
people that were elder to me – because these questions that I asked
were somewhat personal, and, uh, that was kind of a challenge for
me, because I didn‘t know what the older, the older people wouldsay or respond to or, you know, if they would be honest. But I
think that most of them were not very defensive. They, they were
very helpful, because they knew that I was doing my dissertation
work and so on and so they were, they were actually, you know,welcoming, which was nice.
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Interviewer: To, uh, to what degree do you think the pacing of the conversation,
uh, the length of time between questions asked and answered,
impacted the dynamics of the interviews?
Interviewee: Even though I asked seven open-ended questions, I found that the
response times varied. Um, some of them were, I think the earlieron interviews were a little bit shorter than what I expected and thatwas probably also for me to gain some practice, um, conducting
the interviews as well.
And later on, I was able to kind of use what my participants said
and, uh, and, you know, lengthen the interview. And it was, it was
fine, because, you know, I would ask follow up questions that
were, uh, based off of their information that they gave. So, youknow, it, do I think it impacted the dynamic? I don‘t think it, it
was hurtful in any way. I think it was just what it is, you know, the
conversation was finished.
Interviewer: To what degree were the findings similar or dissimilar to your
thoughts prior to conducting the interviews?
Interviewee: Um, prior to conducting the interviews, I thought that the
American-born Hindus, that first, that group, would have been
more open-minded – not so much open-minded, but I thought theywould score definitely higher on, uh, issues related to their
attitudes towards seeking psychological help. And I was kind of
surprised to find that several people were very hesitant and a
common theme that emerged from that group was the fact that itwas going to counseling would be more of a last resort than
anything else.
And with the immigrant group, I was surprised to find that there
were several people that had been to counseling and that they also
had a, they had a positive view of it, but then again, it, it was, Ithink it reaffirmed my belief that, you know, most immigrated
population people that come over from India, they‘re not very, um,
keen for outside help, like they‘d like to resolve things on their
own.
Interviewer: Mm-hmm.
Interviewee: But they, you know, both groups had overwhelming positive thingsto say about counseling and mental health issues and things like
that.
Interviewer: Which part of the interviews, if any, impacted you?
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