DPP Newsletter Jan2009

8/7/2019 DPP Newsletter Jan2009

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- 1 -Please no te tha t a rtic les in this publica tion should not b e used as direc t quotat ion unless with the e xplic it

pe rmission from the ed itor.

* A MONTHLY NEWSLETTER PUBLISHED BY THE DPPS DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS.

Democracy &Progress

JANUARY2009

Happy Lunar New Year!

DEMOCRACY&PROGRESS

Department of

International Affairs

Democratic Progressive Party

8F, No. 30, Pei-Ping East Rd.

Taipei, Taiwan

t. 886-2-23929989 ext. 306

f. 886-2-23930342

e-mail: [email protected]

web: http://www.dpp.org.tw

Director:

Lin, Chen-wei

Deputy Director:Huang, Chih-ta

Editor-In-Chief:

Liu, Hsiaoching

Editor:

Mike Fonte

Staff Writer:

James Chen

Britt Mercadante

Dr. Tsai Ing-wens Open Letter to Members of the DPP: Break out of

This Stagnation, Be the Party That Surprises Everyone (p2)

DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen Returns from a Successful

Relationship-Building Trip to Manila (p3)

Taiwan Human Rights Updates (Part 2) (p5)

Dr. Tsai Ing-wen received a delegation from Freedom House and expressed her concern over problemswith freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and political freedom in Taiwan.

Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs(Part 1):What & Why?(p7) Since President Ma Ying-jeou took office in May, his government has carried out many policiesthat have resulted in the erosion of the nations sovereignty, economy, democracy and human rights.Thus, the DPP and TSU have decided to co-sponsor the Taiwan Citizen Conference on NationalAffairs to provide the public with a chance to voice their opinions.

2009 Three-in-One Local Election in Taiwan (Part 1) (p8)What is the Three-in-One local election, how will the DPP nominate its candidates this time and whowill the candidates be?

A Statement From The DPP in Response to Hu Jintao's 'Six-Points'

Proposition (p9)

The DPPs Appeal to the Ma Government to Voice Taiwans Support for

Chinas Charter 08 Activists (p10)

A Response to the KMT-CCP Forum: The DPP Calls for Supervision by

the Legislature and Citizen Participation & The Risks and Effects of

Signing a Financial MOU with China (p11)

Highlights of the 2008 DPP Public Survey Results (p14)


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Open Letter to Members of the DPP:Break Out of This Stagnation, Be the Party That Surprises Everyone

Dr. Tsai Ing-wen

January 1, 2009

A political party can survive in a society only if its policies express

the peoples desire to push for social progress. If a political party

becomes stagnant, stops moving forward and fails to respond to the

peoples expectations, this party will inevitably lose the faith and trust of

the people.

This is the belief I have held since the first day I became the

Chairperson of the DPP. Every day I feel myself becoming more DPP,

in that I have become aware of the great responsibility this party

shoulders for Taiwan. For more than 200 days, I have gone over many

things with each one of you: together we dried our tears and worked

hard to get back on our feet following the election defeat earlier this year; together on August 14 we

witnessed former President Chen Shui-bian holding his press conference; together we took to the

streets on August 30th and October 25th respectively to protest the incompetent administration of Ma

Ying-jeou and ask the Ma administration to admit responsibility for its failing performance; together we

declared to the worldon November 6 that Taiwan is a democratic and sovereign state.

In my heart, I know clearly that it is your support that makes me a better chairperson. In return, myresponsibility is to reform and improve the DPP. These past few days, I have met with many people who

have sent their warmest support and highest expectations for the DPP. Many of them didnt know each

other, but they all sent me the same message: the future of Taiwan is in danger and the DPP must be

strong and stand by the people to overcome all the current difficulties. Taiwan needs the DPP.

In 2009, the DPP must be able to actively respond to the peoples expectations by taking a leading

role in social progress. The DPPs social responsibility is clear: if Taiwanese society becomes divided

under the administration of Ma Ying-jeou, the party must play a role in bringing together public opinion; if

the government reverts back to its authoritarian nature, we must preserve freedom and democracy; if the

government supports pro-big enterprise policies, we must speak for the middle class, laborers and

farmers; if Mas cross-strait policies lean toward China too much, the DPP must safeguard Taiwans

sovereignty and consolidate Taiwanese identity in civil society,

2009 is a critical year for the DPP, and not only because of the upcoming local elections for mayors

and county magistrates. The rights of the Taiwanese people have been rapidly eroding, and, as a result,

the Taiwanese people have become frustrated, as they have lost their faith in party politics. The failure

and incompetence of Ma Ying-jeous administration will not automatically bring votes to the DPP. We have


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to allow people to observe our self-examination and change and to see that our determined spirit serves

our society.

The DPPs next step should be the next step of Taiwan. In 2009, we will present our view and take

action on DPP party reform, national polity, homeland planning, economic development, cross-strait

policies and social justice. Our positions and action plan will not be limited to a few articles in the

newspaper. We expect it will become a movement not just within the party, but also within society. In

other words, we have to propose a comprehensive vision and plan for Taiwan. And using it, we can have

a dialogue with intellectuals, social activists and laborers.

This is where we can stand up again: only by clearly telling our society about the DPPs policy

positions, and communicating directly with the people. By thus encouraging each other and growing

together, we can make the rethinking of Taiwans future become a national movement and have

sufficient energy to save Taiwanese society which is in danger. This year we will co-host a 2009 Taiwan

Civil National Affairs Conference with civic groups to integrate public opinion on national affairs; we will

have small-scale seminars with intellectuals and professionals to discuss what Taiwan should do next;

we will hold a National Unemployment Conference to integrate the voices of the unemployed and urge

the government to ensure their rights; we will enthusiastically visit intellectuals and professionals and

ask them to stand up to safeguard our homeland; we will actively visit towns and villages to explain what

the DPPs next policy proposals and positions are; we will take to the streets with civic groups to present

our discontentment with the government. This is the future of the party. In 2009, if we dont move forward,

we will lose the support of the Taiwanese people.

My dear Taiwanese, we are members of a party that has always been surprising. When others

thought there was no hope for us, we survived; when others thought we would never develop from ourroots, we always managed to find a way. We will continue to progress. I believe that the next time the

Taiwanese grant us the opportunity to rule, we will do a better job!

DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen Returns from a SuccessfulRelationship-Building Trip to Manila

Dr. Ing-wen Tsai led a delegation that visited Manila January 17-18, 2009 to engage in a

dialogue with the DPPs sister-party in Manila, the Liberal Party of the Philippines (LP) and the Council of

Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD), as well as to meet with the Taiwanese community in Manila. The

delegation included Mr. Wen-tsang Cheng, the DPP spokesperson, Mr. Fa-hui Shen, director of the DPP

Department of Social Development and Ms. Hsieng-hwei Chang.

Attending Taiwanese Compatriot Association in Philippine General Assembly

The delegation also attended Taiwanese Compatriot Association in Philippine General Assembly

attended by more than 400 Taiwanese oversea compatriots. Dr. Tsai was invited to speak about

Taiwans democratic development in the meeting. She presented the concept of Democracy 1, 2, 3:


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terminate 1-party dominance, push for 2nd-time democratic reform and complete the 3rd-time peaceful

transfer of political power.

Dr. Tsai also stated that Taiwans democracy is still in transition. Taiwan needs a meaningful and

strong opposition party to balance the KMT, which dominates both legislative and executive branches;

otherwise, we may see a danger of roll-backs in Taiwans democracy: either returning to the old

authoritarian regime or becoming Singapores model of democracy.

She emphasized that the DPP cannot effectively

ensure by itself that the KMT will not take advantage of

its majority power. By establishing a platform to

coordinate different voices as well as initiate an

intra-party dialogue, the DPP will become a unified party

that at the same time appreciates diverse voices and

values.

Dr. Tsai also initiated a fundraising activity, which was

well supported by those in attendance, during the meeting.

Through fundraising activities, the distance between the DPP

and the people is lessened. The number of people who

contribute donations is much more important than the amount

donated from each person. We would rather see more people

making small contributions than very few people offering a big

donation, she said.

Meeting with LP Philippines and CALD

Among those who welcomed the delegation at the joint offices of CALD and FNF were Hon. Jun

Abaya, MP, secretary general of LP, Hon. Dina Abad, a former Member of Parliament and current chair

of the CALD Womens Caucus, Mr. Chito Gascon, Esq., director general of LP, Mr. Lambert Ramirez,

executive director of the National Institute for Policy Studies, Ms. Argee Gallardo, deputy director foradministration, Dr. Neric Acosta, secretary general of CALD, Mr. Paolo Zamora and Mr.Carlo Religioso,

program officers of CALD, Mr. Siegfried Herzog, the resident representative of Friedrich Naumann

Foundation (FNF) Manila Office and Mr. Narwin Espiritu, the web developer of FNF-Manila.

(From left to right : Dr. Tsai Ing-we n, Mr. Hung Chichua n, former Com missioner o f Ove rsea s Comp atriot Affa irs Co mm ission a nd

Mr. Hsieh, Shih-Ying, Co mm issioner o f OCAC and Presiden t o f Taiwanese Co mp at riot Assoc iation in Philipp ine)


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(From le ft to right: From le ft-right : Mr. Shen Fa-Hui, Mr. Che ng Wen-Tsang , Hon. Dina Ab ad, Mr. Sieg fried Herzog, Hon . Jun

Ab aya , MP, Dr. Ing -wen Tsa i, Dr. Neric Ac osta , Ms. Hsieng-hwe i Cha ng, Mr. Chito Ga sc on a nd Mr. Lam bert Ram irez)

Dr. Tsai was thankful for the warm welcome the delegation received, as well as for the valuable

information gained from the presentations and dialogue. According to her, she now has a deeper

understanding and appreciation of the Philippines and the history of the LPs struggle for democracy. Dr.

Tsai is convinced that democracy in action is significant and vital. She realized that the LP and DPP

have been witness to the same difficult path endured by their founders, as they had to make sacrifices

for the sake of freedom. She also said that relations between the Philippines and Taiwan should be seen

as more than just about trade and business. Economic gains may not be sustainable without

democracy, she further added. In closing, she reconfirmed the commitment to building a stronger and

sustained partnership between the DPP and the LP through CALD in order to promote and advance the

partnerships of liberals in the region and to safeguard democracy and human rights in Asia.

The DPP and LP are founding member-parties of CALD. Since CALDs inauguration in 1993, boththe DPP and LP have twice presided over the CALD leadership. The DPP chaired the organization in

1995 and 2004, while the LP led CALD in 1997 and 2007.

Taiwan human rights updates (Part 2)

Dr. Tsai Ing-wen Receives A Delegation From Freedom Houseand Expresses Her Concern Over Freedom Of Speech, Freedom Of

Assembly And Political Freedom In Taiwan

Freedom House held the global release of their flagship

publication, Freedom in the World, on January 13, 2009 in

Taipei, an event hosted by the Taiwan Foundation for

Democracy (TFD). This is the first time that Freedom House

has launched such a report in Asia. Dr. Tsai Ing-wen received

the Freedom House delegation, which consisted of Mr.

Christopher Walker, Director of Studies of Freedom House, Professor Bridget Welsh of Johns Hopkins


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University and Ms. Sarah Cook, Freedom House Asia Researcher, at the DPP headquarters a day

before the event.

Dr. Tsai first expressed her admiration for Freedom Houses long-term efforts to research and

monitor countries practice of democracy, political freedom and human rights worldwide. She said

Freedom in the World has been recognized internationally as a very credible monitoring report and has

a significant impact on global democratization. She also expressed her appreciation for Freedom

Houses support as well as its concerns for Taiwans recent developments. While the Ma administration

has boasted about stabilization and progress in relations between Taiwan and China, and in the

process labeled protesters and demonstrators as troublemakers, Freedom House expressed its

concerns over Taiwans human rights and political freedom crisis that was hiding behind this success.

Concerns over the Assembly and Parade Act ()Dr. Tsai briefed the delegation about the current situation by placing special emphasis on an

independent judicial system, free media and freedom of assembly. Since on the following day (January

13, 2009) the Legislative Yuan was going to review the amendment on the Assembly and Parade Act

(), she pointed out that the DPP does not oppose amending the Act but believes that ademocratic government should provide maximum protection for freedom of speech and freedom of

assembly. However, the current amendment proposed by the Executive Yuan was even more restrictive

than the current law. The amendment restricts people more than it protects them. This is not

acceptable to theDPP and numerous civic groups, she said. She explained that the three major

problems in the amendment are: (1) the obligatory report requirement that gives the government an

excuse to intervene in every rally and assembly; (2) the restricted area clause has been removed from

the amendment, but new measures, such as a line of control and safe distance, have been included;

and (3) though criminal offenses have been removed from the amendment, more administrative

penalties have been added, which will further affect the peoples freedom of assembly.

(From left to right: Ms. Amy Hsieh, Dr. Lin Wen-che ng , Vice Presiden t o f Taiwan Founda tion fo r Demo c rac y, Dr. Mr. Christop her

Walker, Direc to r of Stud ies of the Freed om House, Dr. Tsai, Ing-we n, Ms. Sara h C oo k, Asia Resea rche r of Free do m House and

Professor Bridget Welsh, Academic Advisor of Freedom House and Johns Hopkins University Professor)


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Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs(Part 1):

What Is Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs &Why We Need It?

Why is the Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs necessary?

Since President Ma Ying-jeou took office in May, his government has carried out many policies that have

resulted in the erosion of the nations sovereignty, economy, democracy and human rights, all of which

have turned the Taiwanese peoples high expectations towards Ma Ying-jeous administration to deep

disappointment and anxiety. Despite growing frustration and anxiety among the people, the KMT

government, seemingly reverting to its authoritarian past, has refused to listen to public opinion. Taiwan

now faces its most serious challenge in decades.

Thus, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) have decided to

co-sponsor the Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs to provide the public with a chance to

voice their opinions.

What is the purpose of the Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs?

The objectives of the conference are to:

1. Propose a basic direction for Taiwans society and offer a blueprint for the next five to ten years in

the nations development.

2; Apply pressure on the government by ensuring that the concerns and wishes of the public are

broadcast through every possible medium.

3. Institute immediate action by promoting those practical issues that reach a consensus within the

conference - in particular for those which would help disadvantaged groups.


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Who will be invited?

Everyone who cares about the future direction of Taiwan. We will invite researchers and academics from

think tanks and universities, lawmakers and representatives of political parties, experts and activists in

various fields, as well as government officials and policy advisors from Ma administration to join in the

discussion.

How will it proceed?

There are two main parts in the conference agenda:

I. Current Financial and Economic Situations in Taiwan and the Impacts on Social Security

(1) Three town meetings, served as preparatory meetings, will be held in Kaohsiung (January

16), Taichung (February 6), and Taipei (February 13). The objective is to gather inputs and

ideas from the public through brainstorming and panel discussion.

(2) Conference schedule:

Time: February 21 and 22, 2009

Venue: Howard International House (30, Xinsheng S. Rd., Sec. 3, Taipei)

II. Social Reform and Reconstruction of National System

(1) Town meeting schedule: (tba)

(2) Conference schedule:

Time: Mid-March, 2009 (tba)

Venue: (tba)

(For mo re informa tion, plea se refe r to the DPP website: http://www.dpp.org.tw/)

2009 Local Election in Taiwan~ Part 1

Three-in-One Local Election Coming Up at the End of 2009!

What is the Three-in-One local election?

The "Three-in-One Election" is an election of county magistrates, county council members, and

township governors for twenty-one counties and province-administered cities in Taiwan (not including

the centrally-administered cities of Taipei and Kaohsiung).

How is the DPP nominating its candidates this year?

Candidates are normally nominated based on the DPP party platform, which dictates that the

candidates participate in a party primary election. But this year, the 13th DPP National Party Congress,

the highest decision-making body of the DPP, resolved to unify the party and best utilize the limited

resources and person power available. They reached this decision on July 20th, 2008. Instead of

competing in a party primary, the nominations would be undertaken through cooperation and negotiation.

The National Party Congress thus authorized the Central Executive Committee to set up a special task


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force responsible for the nomination of 2009 county magistrates and mayors for province-administered

cities candidates.

Leading the special task-force is Jia-Chyuarn Su (), a former member of parliament andformer Minister of Interior Affairs.

Who has been nominated so far? Yunlin County: Su, Ji-feng () (current Yunlin magistrate)

Pingtung County: Tsao, Chi-hung () (current Pingtung magistrate)

Yi-Lan County: Lin, Tsong-Shyan () (current Lo-Tung town governor)

Hsin-chu County: Perng, Shaw-jiin () (former Member of Parliament)

Keelung City: Lin, Yu-Chang () (member, the DPP Central Executive Committee)

Taichung City: Lin, Jia-long () (former deputy secretary-general to the President)

Taitung County, Liu, Chou-hao () (former Judge, Tai-tung District Court and former Deputy

Magistrate of Taitung County)

Chia-Yi County, Tu, Shing-Che ( ) (Member of Parliament, National Policy Advisor of

Presidential office and Director General, Department of Health, Executive Yuan)

Tai-Nan City: Lai, Ching-Te () (Member of Parliament)

Kaohsiung County: Lin, Tai-Hua () (former Member of Parliament)

Penghu Co unty: Tsa i Chien-hsing () (former spokesperson of Kaohsiung City Council)

(For mo re informa tion, plea se refe r to the DPP website: http://www.dpp.org.tw/)

Statement in Response to Hu Jintao's 'Six-Points' Proposition

(DPP Department of International Affairs)Taiwan is an independent, sovereign state whose sovereignty belongs to the twenty-three million

Taiwanese people. Taiwans future has to be decided by the Taiwanese- this is not only the DPPs

position, but also the position held by a majority of Taiwanese society. China has to understand and

respect the fact that, in a democratic country, no one has the right to ask people to relinquish their

freedom of expression.

We feel that the biggest problem between Taiwan and China right now is not how the DPP is acting

but how the Taiwanese people perceive China. China consistently flaunts the success of its Taiwan

policy, yet this policy is based solely on military threat, diplomatic blockade, economic exploitation and

all kinds of political intimidation. China continually attempts to internalize the cross-strait issue, which

downgrades Taiwan to yet another region of China and transforms Taiwan into another Hong Kong or

Macau. Chinas intentional ignorance of the true feelings of the Taiwanese has made true harmonization

between the two sides impossible.


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express our strong dissent concerning the actions of President Ma, and urgently demand that he

condemn the actions of the Chinese officials responsible for the human rights crimes committed

against the leaders of Charter 08.

In Response to the KMT-CCP Forum: DPP Calls for Supervision of theLegislature and Citizen Participation

In a speech concerning the 4th Cross Strait Economic and Cultural Forum (KMT-CCP Forum)

given at a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) policy symposium, Dr. Tsai Ing-wen stated Ma

Ying-jeous announcement that the policy of effective management had become history was a cause of

worry. The DPP administrations policy of effective management was a risk management measure and

not an act of self-isolation. The Ma administrations wholesale opening up to China without instituting any

defensive or risk management controls will cause great harm to the Taiwanese economy.

Dr. Tsai also brought up other points of concern:

1. Damage to Taiwans democracy and government accountability The KMT-CCP

platform has taken the lead in establishing the cross-strait agenda and turning it over to the

Ma government to execute. However, the direction of the nation must be decided by its

people, and the peoples choices must be carried out through democratic processes. The

Chinese Nationalist Partys (KMT) actions have seriously eroded the authority of government

institutions and turned Taiwans democratically elected government into a puppet of a single

political party. This greatly harms Taiwans democratic system as well as the faith and trust

that the public holds for the government. We do not wish for Taiwan to return to the

party-state of the past which is exactly what the situation is in China. Taiwan is a democratic

and progressive country. Why should we regress into the same state as China?

2. Lack of transparency The topics under negotiation at the KMT-CCP forum involve

important national issues dealing with the economy, transportation, and national security.

However, the negotiation process lacks transparency and supervision by the legislature.

Cross-strait talks should never become like backroom negotiations. Ma Ying-jeou should

clearly explain to the Taiwanese people what the channels and content of discussions are.

The KMT, which has been leading the process, has its own commercial and political interests,

but it has not taken any measures to avoid conflicts of interests. We are worried that the

KMT will lead Taiwan down a road of no return.

3. The government wields too much power over the administration of cross strait issues

while the legislative supervisory mechanisms are too weak and inadequate. On July 16,

1992, the Legislature passed the Act Governing Relations between Peoples of the Taiwan


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Area and the Mainland Area (Cross Strait Relations Act) which is one of the most important

laws that provides the framework for interactions between Taiwan and China. This law

covers everything from contractual agreements between governments to contacts between

private organizations to personal issues such as marriages and inheritance.

However, Dr. Tsai pointed out that this law is seriously deficient in setting up legislative

supervisory mechanisms for cross strait affairs. The text of the law only briefly mentions that

any cross strait agreements which involve writing or revising laws must be evaluated by the

Legislature. Everything else is just sent to the Legislature for reference. The law also is

clearly deficient in the area of legislative supervision of cross strait agreements. For example,

it does not specify whether the Legislature has the authority to amend agreements. The law

does not specify how amendments would affect the agreements validity or execution. Such

an enormous amount of power given to the executive is a cause for concern in Taiwan where

the ruling party has an inordinate amount of power.

4. Dr. Tsai stated that Ma Ying-jeous view of the DPPs effective management policy as

ideological in nature is a serious mistake. This shows that the Ma administration has

completely no regard for the small and medium-size enterprises and traditional

manufacturing companies that have been hurt by the establishment of direct links. He has

ignored the threats of higher unemployment faced by the people. He has also neglected the

importance of a national economic defense mechanism in the face of the globalization of

economic activity. When the DPP was in power, it performed an Evaluation of the Influence

of Cross Strait Direct Air Links which provided a comprehensive examination of the

opportunities and risks of direct links. However, the Ma administration has only parroted thepart about the opportunities and remained silent on the risks. In contrast to the

KMTs risky cross strait policy, the DPP cares about how the direct links have caused

traditional manufacturers to relocate abroad or downsize, the dumping of agricultural

products from China, how agricultural products can compete with low-priced products from

China, the closing or idling of factories and the accompanying unemployment, and how to

control the spread of diseases. However, no matter how loud our voices are, the government

has not proposed a single economy security plan or precautionary measure. The Ma

administration only cares about the winners of the direct links and ignores the

disadvantaged losers.

Consequently, Dr. Tsai stated that the DPP will always be helping the public to understand the

problems present in the policymaking and overall defensive mechanisms for cross strait affairs. The

DPP will be launching two important social movements. The first will call for the immediate revision

of the Cross Strait Relations Act so that the Legislature retracts the outsized authority given to

government departments.

Dr. Tsai said, The writing of that law occurred in a specific historical context, but we have

already entered a new era. Cross strait political and economic interactions are much more complex now


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and a diverse set of opinions exist in a democratic society. There, Legislature must provide a strong

check and balance against the executive. The Legislature, which is made up of different political parties,

should be a tangible and effective check against the executive.

For the second social movement, the DPP hopes that the people will retract the authority they

have given to the executive and legislative organs in the area of cross strait issues. There should be

room for the people to exercise direct authority over the carrying out of cross strait policy. Therefore, the

DPP will propose an amendment to the Referendum Law that will give the public the authority to

express their opinion towards cross strait issues instead of just turning it over to representative

groups to handle.

The Risks and Effects of Signing a Financial MOUDr. Tsai stated that the signing of a financial supervisory memorandum of understanding (MOU) is

a neutral issue. Whether it benefits or harms Taiwan depends on three things: 1. Whether there is

sovereign equality, 2. Whether there is adequate risk management, and 3. What the overall economic

benefits are.

1. Sovereign equality: If Taiwan is forced to sign something like a Closer Economic Partnership

Agreement (CEPA), this would seriously harm Taiwans sovereignty. We strongly demand that

the KMT not sacrifice our sovereignty and dignity in order to reach an agreement.

2. Risk management: If Taiwan does not establish precautionary measures when opening itself up

to mutual establishment of bank branches, it will face the following risks. The Financial

Supervisory Commission has also failed to explain whether it will institute any protective

mechanisms:a. Allowing Taiwanese banks to set up branches in China: If ten banks in Taiwan decide to

establish five branches in China, they will need to transfer $NT50 billion over as

operating capital. If the Chinese government depreciates their currency, this will lead to a

liquidity crisis that will force the Taiwanese bank headquarters to transfer more funds to

sustain their branches in China. When a problem occurs between Taiwan and China,

Chinese account holders will most likely seek to withdraw their funds which would affect

the banks liquidity and result in a systemic crisis for Taiwan.

b. Allowing Chinese banks to set up branches in Taiwan: Chinese bank branches in Taiwan

will be able to have access to personal, commercial, and relational data from the Joint

Credit Information Center (JCIC). The financial condition of Taiwanese businessmen will

also be exposed. Under a situation in which hostility still exists in the political cross-strait

situation, this is undeniably a serious security hole through which confidential information

may be obtained. Chinas primary ambition in signing an MOU is to obtain JCIC data.

Has the Ma administration been aware of this?

3. Evaluation of Economic Interests: There are actually limited economic benefits for liberalizing

financial exchanges. The government should not make exaggerations:


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a. When Wang Chien-shien was Finance Minister, he approved too many applications to

set up banks which led to the overly competitive nature of todays banking market in

Taiwan where interest rates have remained low for a long period. This is the reason why

many banks wish to set up branches in China at this time.

b. However, if one combined all 37 banks in Taiwan into a single bank, its size would still be

smaller than the Bank of China, Chinas fourth-largest bank. China also places all sorts

of restrictions on foreign banks which would most likely limit any gains that Taiwanese

banks would have from setting up operations in China.

c. The government should think through whether obtaining these benefits is worth the cost.

In consideration of the risks and benefits, has the government come up with any

precautionary measures to manage risk?

Highlights of 2008 DPP Public Survey Results(DPP Survey Center)

Period between the Parliamentary Election and President Mas Inauguration:

Nearly 60% of respondents were satisfied with the results of the Legislative Yuan elections;

however, nearly 50% of those polled were worried that the KMT, which won the majority of the

seats, may abuse its majority power and funnel benefits to limited groups of people.

Approval Rate for the President and the Cabinet

1. The approval rate for President Ma Ying-jeou has been sharply declining since he took office

in May. Before his inauguration, his approval rate topped off at 70%. After his second month in

office, however, it dropped to approximately 50%. By August, it had fallen to well below 40%,

and dipped to under 30% in the following month of September.

2. Women have formed the majority of support for President Ma (the approval rate among

women was nearly 80% during his second week as president); however, after the third month

of his tenure, 60% of women said they were not satisfied with President Mas performance.

3. The approval rate for Premier Liu Chao-shiuan is slightly lower than President Mas, but has

declined in a similar manner consistent to that of the Presidents.

4. The approval rate for members of the cabinet has also experienced fluctuations. When

Premier Liu first came to the office, Minister of Foreign Affairs Francisco Ou () andMinister of Defense Chen Chao-min () were the least popular members of the cabinet;however, Economics Minister Yiin Chii-Ming () and Finance Minister Lee Sush-derhave since replaced them as the two least popular members of the cabinet.


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5. The approval rate for the Cabinet has dropped sharply. On average, 60% of respondents (by

September, this number reached well over 80%) said they would like to see the cabinet

reformed and members re-shuffled.

Economic issues

1. When President Ma first came to office in May, about 50% of respondents said that they had

confidence in the governments ability to stabilize the consumer prices. After Mas first month in

office, though, 63% said they were not satisfied with the governments performance.

2. When the government first proposed its Strengthen Regional Constructions, Expand Domestic

Demand program to the public, only 40% of the public supported the program while 53% of

respondents preferred a direct tax return.

3. More than 60% of respondents did not believe President Ma would be able to achieve his

6-3-3 (6 percent annual economic growth, per capita GDP of US$30,000 and unemployment

of less than 3 percent) campaign promise.

4. 71% of respondents said their property and assets have depreciated under Mas administration,

while 65% felt the standard of living has declined.

5. Approximately 70% of respondents felt pessimistic about their personal economic situation for

next year.

6. About 4,000,000 of the employed population have been affected by negative economic shock,

as seen in a decrease in salary and unpaid leave but an increase in unpaid working hours.

Cross-strait issues and sovereignty issues

1. 67% of respondents said they cannot accept President Mas statement that Taiwans relations

with China is a non-state-to-state relationship

2. 51% of respondents opposed Mas diplomatic truce with China

3. 66% of respondents thought the Ma government will lead Taiwan toward the direction of

unification with China

4. 51% of respondents worried that President Ma will not be able to safeguard Taiwans

sovereignty when negotiating with China.

5. The general reception of the Taiwanese public towards China is negative: 58% think China is

hostile to Taiwan, 85% think China is autocratic, and 75% think China is black-hearted.

6. 56% of respondents thought the KMT-CPP Forum not appropriate and 76% of respondents felt

the ruling party should consult and reach a consensus with the opposition party before


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initiating negotiations with the Chinese government.

7. 84% of respondents think that when agreements or treaties are made by the two sides, they

should be ratified by the Legislative Yuan or a referendum.

8. 47% of respondents thought improving relations between Taiwan and China will be beneficial

to Taiwans economy while 49% disagreed.

9. 55% of respondents said that the Presidential Offices response to the opposition partys

invitation to a debate on sovereignty and cross-strait policy by saying people have made their

choice in the presidential election, so there is no need for further debates on this issue was

not appropriate.

10. 54% of respondents thought President Ma has sacrificed too much to China.

11. 44% of respondents said they trust President Ma on handling cross-strait affairs, while 50%

said they do not trust President Ma.

Chinese envoys visit to Taiwan in November 2008

1. 52% of respondents thought the safety measures adopted by the police during Chens visit

were not appropriate.

2. 76% of respondents agreed that the police should not have prohibited any demonstrations or

protests so long as they were conducted in a peaceful manner.

Documents

DPP Newsletter Jan2009