Design thesis; cultural assimilation of Korean immigrants in the U.S

ME YOU

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CULTURAL ASSIMILATION OF KOREAN IMMIGRANTS IN AMERICA.

tableTABLE ofOFcontentsCONTENTSIntroduction

Chapter 1Up or outMelting potBeyond the melting potCultural pluralismRainbow coalitionAcross the ideological spectrumNot a single event but a process

Chapter 2 Korean immigrants infographicKorean immigrant InterviewsKorean American infographic Korean American interviews

My goal is to inform the assimilation and the life of immigrants in

America. America is the country of immigrants and I want to look

deeper into their life. The first generation must be confused between

the values of their culture and American culture and take long to

assimilate. After all culture shock and confusion, are they fitted into

American society? Then, how about their next generation? Which

country do they feel belonged? How do they identify themselves?

I wonder if they are satisfied with their life, especially immigrants

who give up their life and start new in this country because I saw

some who like to live here and the other who like to go back to their

country; I want to know what is in their mind. Looking for the truth

about immigrants and their family, I wish it would help readers to

understand immigrants who are members of the society, embrace

them, and build a healthier society together.

prefacePREFACE

1chapterCHAPTER 1People from all over the world come to America for better future;

some say that when you try hard, regardless of your background,

you can achieve whatever you dream in America. I was amazed to

see people from countries who I would never expect to see when

I was in my country, and to see all kinds of races and nationali-

ties live harmoniously in New York; I thought Melting Pot theory

perfectly works. However, the longer I stay, the clearer the reality

becomes. I became aware of invisible walls between people. Im-

migrants were more likely to interact with people from their coun-

try; some people had business only dealing with people from their

countries. Also, based on their experiences, people had good or

bad prejudice against other races or nationalities. Questions rose

inside me; is Melting Pot theory real? is it just an ideal theory

which never works in real world? Is there an better word to ex-

plain the assimilation in the reality?

In this chapter, I will discuss some cultural assimilation theories,

including Melting Pot.

“up” to native cultural standards, or “out” of the charmed circle of the national culture.

MELTING POT

UP OR OUT

“Others argue that the melting pot policy did not achieve its declared target.”

Most Americans, both those who favor and those who oppose

assimilation, believe that for immigrants to assimilate, they

must abandon their original cultural attributes and conform

entirely to the behaviors and customs of the majority of the

native-born population. In the terminology of the armed forc-

es, this represents a model of “up or out”: Either immigrants

bring themselves “up” to native cultural standards, or they are

doomed to live “out” of the charmed circle of the national cul-

ture.

Here is the example of Israel on that kind of assimilation. In

the early years of the state of Israel the term melting pot, also

known as “Ingathering of the Exiles”, was not a description of

a process, but an official governmental doctrine of assimilat-

ing the Jewish immigrants that originally came from varying

cultures. This was performed on several levels, such as educat-

ing the younger generation, with the parents not having the

final say, and, to mention an anecdotal one, encouraging and

sometimes forcing the new citizens to adopt a Hebrew name.

Activists such as the Iraq-born Ella Shohat that an elite which

developed in the early 20th Century, out of the earlier-arrived

Zionist Pioneers of the Second and Third Aliyas, immigration

waves, and who gained a dominant position in the Yishuv,

pre-state community, since the 1930s, had formulated a new

Hebrew culture, based on the values of Socialist Zionism, and

imposed it on all later arrivals, at the cost of suporessing and

erasing these later immigrants’ original culture.

Proponents of the Melting Pot policy asserted that it applied

to all newcomers to Israel equally; specifically, that Eastern Eu-

ropean Jews were pressured to discard their Yiddish-based

culture as ruthlessly as Mizrahi Jews were pressured to give

up the culture which they developed during centuries of life

in Arab and Muslim countries. Critics respond, however, that a

cultural change effected by a struggle within the Ashkenazi-

East European community, with younger people voluntarily

discarding their ancestral culture and formulating a new one, is

not parallel to the subsequent exporting and imposing of this

new culture on others, who had no part in formulating it. Also,

it was asserted that extirpating the Yiddish culture had been in

itself an act of oppression only compounding what was done

to the Mizrahi immigrants.

Today the reaction to this doctrine is ambivalent; some say

that it was a necessary measure in the founding years, while

others claim that it amounted to cultural oppression. Others

argue that the melting pot policy did not achieve its declared

target: for example, the persons born in Israel are more similar

from an economic point of view to their parents than to the

rest of the population. The policy is generally not practised

today though as there is less need for that - the mass immi-

gration waves at Israel’s founding have declined. Nevertheless,

one fifth of current Israel’s Jewish population have immigrated

from former Soviet Union in the last two decades; The Jewish

population includes other minorities such as Haredi Jews; Fur-

thermore, 20% of Israel’s population is Arab. These factors as

well as others contribute to the rise of pluralism as a common

principle in the last years.

And here is also an interesting case of the politics of identity in

post-independence Latvia. There has been a spectrum of re-

sponses to the presence of Russians in the Newly Independent

States of Eurasia, from polite disinterest to seething animos-

ity. In the Baltics, Estonia and Latvia in particular, nationalizing

states disenfranchised a large number of Russians and other

non-indigenous nationalities. In order to meet the stringent

citizenship requirements, Russians and other non-titulars had

to meet historical residency requirements (typically requir-

ing an individual or his or her forebears to have been living in

the state prior to Soviet annexation in 1940), prove language

proficiency, make loyalty oaths, and satisfy other benchmarks.

Many have been unable or unwilling to meet these metrics

(which are not required of titulars). In the case of Estonia,

the Law on Aliens (1993) went beyond simple disenfran-

chisement and implied that Russians and other non-citi-

zens (Jews, Tatars, etc.) may be subject to expulsion in the

future.

As a result of this denial of citizenship, the Russian com-

munity complains of loss of jobs (e.g., pharmacists, lawyers,

firemen, doctors, policemen and elected politicians are no

longer careers open to non-citizens regardless of talent or

experience), complications traveling abroad, attempts at

forcible assimilation and other calculated policies intended

to provoke people into emigrating. Thus many Russians,

who form majorities in many areas of these states (upwards

of 95 percent in some localities), are now stateless people

without the ability to vote for their leaders or run for office,

and whose guarantee of basic human rights within their

state of residence remain tenuous. Latvia and Estonia de-

fend the actions taken against their minority communities

as an appropriate response to illegal migration conducted

under the aegis of the occupying Soviet Army.

“Here shall they all unite to build the Republic of Man and the Kingdom of God.”

MELTING POT

In America, however, assimilation has not meant repudiating immigrant culture.

Assimilation, American style has always been much more flexible and accom-

modating and, consequently, much more effective in achieving its purpose—to

allow the United States to preserve its “national unity in the face of the influx of

hordes of persons of scores of different nationalities,” in the words of the sociolo-

gist Henry Fairchild.

A popular way of getting hold of the assimilation idea has been to use a metaphor,

and by far the most popular metaphor has been that of the “melting pot,” a term

introduced in Israel Zangwill’s 1908 play of that name: “There she lies, the great

Melting-Pot—Listen! Can’t you hear the roaring and the bubbling?...Ah, what a

stirring and a seething! Celt and Latin, Slav and Teuton, Greek and Syrian, black

and yellow...Jew and Gentile....East and West, and North and South, the palm and

the pine, the pole and the equator, the crescent and the cross—

how the great Alchemist melts and fuses them with his purify-

ing flame! Here shall they all unite to build the Republic of Man

and the Kingdom of God.”

The term melting pot refers to the idea that societies formed

by immigrant cultures, religions, end ethnic groups, will pro-

duce new hybrid social and cultural forms. The notion comes

from the pot in which metals are melted at great heat, melding

together into new compound, with great strength and other

combined advantages. In comparison with assimilation, it im-

plies the ability of new or subordinate groups to affect the val-

ues of the dominant group. Sometimes it is referred to as amal-

gamation, in the opposition to both assimilation and pluralism.

Although the term melting pot may be applied to many coun-

tries in the world, such as Brazil, Bangladesh or even France,

mostly referring to increased level of mixed race and culture, it

is predominantly used with reference to USA and creation of

the American nation, as a distinct “new breed of people” amal-

gamated from many various groups of immigrants. As such it

is closely linked to the process of Americanisation. The theory

of melting pot has been criticised both as unrealistic and rac-

ist, because it focused on the Western heritage and excluded

non-European immigrants. Also, despite its proclaimed “melt-

ing” character its results have been assimilationist.

The history of the melting pot theory can be traced back to

1782 when J. Hector de Crevecoeur, a French settler in New

York, envisioned the United States not only as land of opportu-

nity but as a society where individuals of all nations are melted

into a new race of men, whose labours and posterity will one

day cause changes in the world (Parrillo, 1997). The new nation

welcomed virtually all immigrants from Europe in the belief

that the United States would become, at least for whites, the

“melting pot” of the world. This idea was adopted by the histo-

rian Frederick Jackson Turner (1893) who updated it with the

frontier thesis. Turner believed that the challenge of frontier

life was the country s most crucial force, allowing Europeans

to be “Americanised” by the wilderness (Takaki, 1993). A ma-

jor influx of immigrants occurred mainly after the 1830s, when

large numbers of British, Irish, and Germans began entering,

to be joined after the Civil War by streams of Scandinavians

The theory of melting pot has been criticised both as unrealistic and racist.

and then groups from eastern and southern Europe as well as

small numbers from the Middle East, China, and Japan. Before

the outbreak of World War I in 1914, the American public gen-

erally took it for granted that the constant flow of newcomers

from abroad, mainly Europe, brought strength and prosperity

to the country. The metaphor of the “melting pot” symbolized

the mystical potency of the great democracy, whereby people

from every corner of the earth were fused into a harmonious

and admirable blend. A decline in immigration from north-

western Europe and concerns over the problems of assimilat-

ing so many people from other areas prompted the passage in

the 1920’s legislation restricting immigration, one of the mea-

sures reflecting official racism.

The melting pot reality was limited only to intermixing between

Europeans with a strong emphasis on the Anglo-Saxon culture

while the input of minority cultures was only minor. Non-white

Americans were for centuries not regarded by most white

Americans as equal citizens and suitable marriage partners.

The mixing of whites and blacks, resulting in multiracial chil-

dren, for which the term “miscegenation” was coined in 1863,

was a taboo, and most whites opposed marriages between

whites and blacks. In many states, marriage between whites

and non-whites was even prohibited by state law through anti-

miscegenation laws.

Did therefore Non-white Americans not fit into melting pot

discourses at all. Intermarriage between Anglo-Americans and

white immigrant groups was acceptable as part of the melt-

ing pot narrative. But when the term was first popularized in

the early twentieth century, most whites did not want to ac-

cept non-whites, and especially African-Americans, as equal

citizens in America’s melting pot society. Native Americans in

the United States enrolled in tribes did not have US citizenship

until the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924, and were subjected to

government policies of enforced cultural assimilation, which

was termed “Americanization.”

Since the Second World War, the idea of the melting pot has

become racially inclusive in the United States, gradually ex-

tending also to acceptance of marriage between whites and

non-whites. This trend towards greater acceptance of ethnic

and racial “minorities” by “WASPs” (Anglo-Americans and

other, mainly Protestant Americans of Northern European de-

scent) was first evident in popular culture.

Since the successes of the American Civil Rights Movement

and the enactment of the Immigration and Nationality Act

of 1965, which allowed for a massive increase in immigration

from Latin America and Asia, intermarriage between white

and non-white Americans has been increasing. The taboo on

marriage between whites and African Americans also appears

to be fading. In 2000, the rate of black-white marriage was

greater than the rate of Jewish-Gentile marriage (between

Jewish Americans and other whites) in 1940.

“The point about the melting pot...is that it did not happen.”

MELTING POTBEYOND THE

Critics of the metaphor have spanned the ideological spectrum and mounted

several different lines of attack on it. Empiricists submitted evidence that the

melting pot wasn’t working as predicted and concluded, as did Nathan Glazer

and Daniel Patrick Moynihan in Beyond the Melting Pot (1963), “The point about

the melting pot...is that it did not happen.” Other critics rejected the second

corollary of the metaphor—that natives were changed by it, too—and saw no

reason that native Americans should give up any part of their cultural attributes

to “melt” into the alloy. If true assimilation were to occur, the criticism went,

immigrants would have to abandon all their cultural baggage and conform to

The concept of melting pot should also entail mixing of various races, not only cultures.

American ways. It is the immigrant, said Fairchild, representing

the views of many Americans, “who must undergo the entire

transformation; the true member of the American nationality is

not called upon to change in the least.”

A third strain of criticism was first voiced by sociologist Horace

Kallen in the early part of this century. Among the most prolific

American scholars of ethnicity, Kallen argued that it was not

only unrealistic but cruel and harmful to force new immigrants

to shed their familiar, lifelong cultural attributes as the price of

admission to American society. In place of the melting pot, he

called for “cultural pluralism.” In Kallen’s words, national policy

should “seek to provide conditions under which each [group]

might attain the cultural perfection that is proper to its kind.”

One of the early critiques of the melting pot idea was Louis

Adamic, novelist and journalist who wrote about the experi-

ence of American immigrants in the early 1900s and about

what he called the failure of the American melting pot in

Laughing in the Jungle (1932). Both the frontier thesis and

the melting pot concept have been criticised as idealistic and

racist as they completely excluded non-European immigrants,

often also East and South Europeans. The melting pot real-

ity was limited only to intermixing between Europeans with a

strong emphasis on the Anglo-Saxon culture while the input of

minority cultures was only minor. Some theorists developed

a theory of the triple melting pot arguing that intermarriage

was occurring between various nationalities but only within

the three major religious groupings: Protestant, Catholic, and

Jewish. Milton Gordon and Henry Pratt Fairchild proposed the

assimilation theory as an alternative to the melting pot one

(Parrillo, 1997).

Many current proponents of the melting pot are inspired by

the “English only” movement with exclusive emphasis on

Western heritage and argument against pluralism and accom-

modation and related policies, such as bilingual education.

Ideally the concept of melting pot should also entail mixing of

various “races”, not only “cultures”. While promoting the mix-

ing of cultures the ultimate result of the American variant of

melting pot happened to be the culture of white Anglo Saxon

men with minimum impact of other minority cultures. More-

over, the assumption that culture is a fixed construct is flawed.

Culture should be defined more broadly as the way one ap-

proaches life and makes sense of it. Group’s beliefs are deter-

mined by conditions and so culture is a continuous process

of change and its boundaries are always porous. In a racist

discourse, however the culture needs to be seen as a prede-

termined and rigid phenomenon that would be appropriate for

replacing the no longer acceptable concept of race in order to

perpetuate inequalities. Many multicultural initiatives aiming at

integration/ inclusion of minorities, while following the melting

pot ideal, often result in assimilationist and racist outcomes.

Melting pot would assume learning about other cultures in

order to enhance understanding, mixing, and mutual enrich-

ment; in practice it often tends to ignore similarities of differ-

ent “races” as it does not allow to include them.

BEYOND THE

CULTURAL

CULTURALPLURAL I SM Immigrants to the U.S. should not “melt” into a common national ethnic alloy.

Cultural pluralism rejects melting-pot assimilationism not on empirical

grounds, but on ideological ones. Kallen and his followers believed that immi-

grants to the United States should not “melt” into a common national ethnic al-

loy but, rather, should steadfastly hang on to their cultural ethnicity and band

together for social and political purposes even after generations of residence

in the United States. As such, cultural pluralism is not an alternative theory of

assimilation; it is a theory opposed to assimilation.

Cultural pluralism is, in fact, the philosophical antecedent of modern multi-

culturalism—what I call “ethnic federalism”: official recognition of distinct, es-

sentially fixed ethnic groups and the doling out of resources based on mem-

bership in an ethnic group. Ethnic federalism explicitly rejects the notion of a

transcendent American identity, the old idea that out of ethnic diversity there

would emerge a single, culturally unified people. Instead, the United States is

to be viewed as a vast ethnic federation—Canada’s Anglo-French arrange-

ment, raised to the nth power. Viewing ethnic Americans as members of a fed-

eration rather than a union, ethnic federalism, a.k.a. multiculturalism, asserts

that ethnic Americans have the right to proportional representation in matters

of power and privilege, the right to demand that their “native” culture and pu-

tative ethnic ancestors be accorded recognition and respect, and the right to

function in their “native” language (even if it is not the language of their birth

or they never learned to speak it), not just at home but in the public realm.

Ethnic federalism is at all times an ideology of ethnic grievance and inevitably

leads to and justifies ethnic conflict. All the nations that have ever embraced

it, from Yugoslavia to Lebanon, from Belgium to Canada, have had to live with

perpetual ethnic discord.

Kallen’s views, however, stop significantly short of contempo-

rary multiculturalism in their demands on the larger “native”

American society. For Kallen, cultural pluralism was a defen-

sive strategy for “unassimilable” immigrant ethnic groups that

required no accommodation by the larger society. Contem-

porary multiculturalists, on the other hand, by making cultural

pluralism the basis of ethnic federalism, demand certain ethnic

rights and concessions. By emphasizing the failure of assimila-

tion, multiculturalists hope to provide intellectual and political

support for their policies.

The pluralistic defense of cultural diversity typical of Vico,

Herder, and James has grown more powerful in the modern

world as ethnic and racial groups within multiethnic societies

have increasingly sought to exercise political power and re-

tain their cultural heritage in the face of demands for cultural

conformity. In the United States the pragmatists Horace Meyer

Kallen (1882–1974) and Randolph Silliman Bourne (1886–1918)

supplied a spirited defense of diversity during World War I. Al-

though the American political tradition of classical liberalism

championed individual rights, it failed to extend those rights

to include the right to be culturally different. Liberal rights had

wrongly assumed “that men are men merely, as like as marbles

and destined under uniformity of conditions to uniformity of

spirit,” Kallen wrote in “Democracy versus the Melting Pot” (p.

193). The right to cultural identity was essential to selfhood,

however, and Kallen called for a “Federal republic,” a “democ-

racy of nationalities, cooperating voluntarily and autonomous-

ly in the enterprise of self-realization through the perfection of

men according to their kind” (p. 220).

Similarly Bourne’s 1916 essay “Transnational America” remind-

ed dominant Anglo-Saxons that even the early colonists “did

not come to be assimilated in an American melting-pot. They

did not come to adopt the culture of the American Indian” (p.

249). Bourne also called for a “cosmopolitan federation of na-

tional colonies” within which ethnic groups “merge but they

do not fuse” (pp. 258, 255). Thus an immigrant would be both

a Serb and an American or both a German and an American ,

for example, as difference harmonized with common ground.

Although both men challenged what was taken by most Ang-

lo-Saxons to be the absolute truth regarding what it meant to

be an American, Bourne went well beyond Kallen’s demand

for freedom defined simply as a private right to be different.

Influenced by the Enlightenment, Kallen assigned ethnicity to

private life while he placed the public world in the hands of

technical experts. Bourne, on the other hand, urged a nation-

al collaboration in the construction of a new national culture

by all racial and ethnic groups in terms reminiscent of Herder.

Contrarily then, Bourne’s freedom meant “a democratic coop-

eration in determining the ideals and purposes and industrial

and social institutions of a country” (p. 252). Thus while Kal-

len’s vision served to strengthen the dominance of experts in

the public sphere of work and politics, Bourne called for a “Be-

loved Community” that placed democratic participation and

a discussion of values at the very center of public life (p. 264).

Animated by these somewhat contradictory ideals, cultural

pluralism constituted a protean movement in the first half of

the twentieth century in the United States. Particularly impor-

tant achievements include the efforts of John Collier (1884–

1968) as commissioner of Indian Affairs during the administra-

tion of Franklin Roosevelt to overturn the U.S. government’s

policy of assimilation of the American Indian. Due to Collier’s

efforts, Native Americans regained the right to their cultures,

lands, and tribal political institutions after decades of denial.

The Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s also reflected the prin-

ciples of cultural pluralism. Alain Leroy Locke (1886–1954),

America’s first African-American Rhodes scholar and a former

student of William James, furnished the guiding vision of the

Renaissance and helped to achieve Bourne’s “beloved com-

munity.” Finding beauty within himself, through a rebirth of

black art, the “new Negro” would thereby achieve the moral

dignity suited to a “collaborator and participant in American

civilization” (Locke, 1925, p. 5). Langston Hughes, Zora Neale

Hurston, Claude Mackay, Jean Toomer, and others awakened

“Life can be see through many windows, none of them clear or opaque, less or more distorting than the others.”

black pride and offered an aesthetically and spiritually barren

industrial capitalist America African-American wisdom and

beauty instead of the ashes of materialism.

During the second half of the twentieth century, cultural plural-

ist thought in the United States was increasingly eclipsed by

the lingering commitment of liberal intellectuals to the Marxist

notion of culture as mere superstructure or as determined by

the more fundamental struggle for power. Nevertheless, mi-

nority groups continue to struggle to achieve cultural democ-

racy in the early twenty-first century’s multicultural societies.

As the Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor, following Herder,

has argued, being true to oneself requires an acknowledgment

by both self and other of the indispensable role of culture in

the creation of identity. Because culture imparts those par-

ticular aspects—religion, language, traditions—that make an

individual or group unique, the forced assimilation of minori-

ties to the hegemonic standard of identity by a majority group

constitutes a form of oppression and violence of the spirit. This

recognition has led in turn to efforts to expand the political

theory of liberalism to include not only a defense of identical

universal rights but the right of groups to cultural differences

as well. Cultural pluralists therefore seek to supplant cultural

monism or absolutism with pluralism by reconciling commu-

nity with diversity in the modern world.

RA INBOWCOALI TION

“We are more than a melting pot; we are a kaleidoscope.”

The multiculturalists’ rejection of the melting pot idea is seen

in the metaphors they propose in its place. Civil rights activ-

ist Jesse Jackson suggested that Americans are members of

a “rainbow coalition.” Former New York Mayor David Dinkins

saw his constituents constituting a “gorgeous mosaic.” Former

Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm characterized America’s

ethnic groups as being like ingredients in a “salad bowl.” Bar-

bara Jordan, recent chairperson of the U.S. Commission on

Immigration Reform, said: “We are more than a melting-pot;

we are a kaleidoscope.”

These counter-metaphors all share a common premise: that

ethnic groups in the United States may live side by side har-

moniously, but on two conditions that overturn both assump-

tions of the melting-pot metaphor. First, immigrants (and

black Americans) should never have to (or maybe should not

even want to) give up any of their original cultural attributes.

And second, there never can or will be a single unified national

identity that all Americans can relate to. These two principles

are the foundations of cultural pluralism, the antithesis of as-

similationism.

Multiculturalism is the acceptance or promotion of multiple

ethnic cultures, for practical reasons and/or for the sake of di-

versity and applied to the demographic make-up of a specific

place, usually at the organizational level, e.g. schools, busi-

nesses, neighborhoods, cities or nations. In this context, mul-

ticulturalists advocate extending equitable status to distinct

ethnic and religious groups without promoting any specific

ethnic, religious, and/or cultural community values as central.

proponents of multicultural programs often charge multiculturalists with practicing cultural relativism.

Some countries have official policies of multiculturalism aimed

at promoting social cohesion by recognizing distinct groups

within a society and allowing those groups to celebrate and

maintain their cultures or cultural identities. Many critics of

deliberated, government-instituted policies believe they arti-

ficially perpetuate social divisions, damaging the social cohe-

sion of the nation-state.

However, proponents of multicultural programs argue that so-

cial cohesion has too often been achieved either by explicit

discrimination against cultural minority groups, for example,

laws that restrict the freedoms of certain groups, or by an im-

plicit discrimination which rejects other cultural forms as being

without value, for example, school programs that never teach

the historic and artistic contributions of minorities.

Critics of multiculturalism often charge multiculturalists with

practicing cultural relativism such as judging customs and

practices of other cultures in their contexts, often confusing

this with moral relativism (lack of an idea of right and wrong),

and they emphasize that not all cultural values and practices

must be held in equal regard in every given society. They warn

against special treatment that might violate the principal of

equality before the law, and emphasize that citizenship de-

notes an tacit agreement to abide by the laws, customs and

accepted value system of nation, especially in regards to those

who chose to emigrate from abroad to join their newly ad-

opted society.

Advocates of multiculturalism counter these objections by

claiming that 1) the issue is not cultural relativism but the white-

washing of history, i.e., that history has been written to play up

the contributions of the dominant group and to downplay the,

often significant, contributions of minority groups; 2) with re-

gards to cultural/artistic contributions, the claim that minority

culture is inferior is often based less on aesthetic quality than

on politically-motivated criteria; 3) the issue is often not legal

equality but simply recognition that minorities do exist in the

culture; and 4) many minority groups did not immigrate but

were either imported or previously living on the land.

Criticism of multiculturalism often debates whether the multi-

cultural ideal of benignly co-existing cultures that interrelate

and influence one another, and yet remain distinct, is sustain-

able, paradoxical or even desirable. Nation states that, in the

case of many European nations, would previously have been

synonymous with a distinctive cultural identity of their own,

lose out to enforced multiculturalism and that this ultimately

erodes the host nations distinct culture.

Other critics argue that multiculturalism leads directly to re-

strictions in the rights and freedoms for certain groups and

that as such, it is bad for democracy, undemocratic and against

universal human rights. For instance, Susan Moller Okin wrote

about this question in her essay “Is Multiculturalism Bad for

Women?” (1999).

Harvard professor of political science Robert D. Putnam con-

ducted a nearly decade long study how multiculturalism af-

fects social trust. He surveyed 26,200 people in 40 American

communities, finding that when the data were adjusted for

class, income and other factors, the more racially diverse a

community is, the greater the loss of trust. People in diverse

communities “don’t trust the local mayor, they don’t trust the

local paper, they don’t trust other people and they don’t trust

institutions,” writes Putnam.

THEIDEOLOGICAL SPECTRUM

ACROSS

By being compelling, idealistic, the melting-pot idea has helped to discredit the assimilation paradigm.

While all these metaphors—including the melting pot—are col-

orful ways of representing assimilation, they don’t go far in giv-

ing one an accurate understanding of what assimilation is re-

ally about. For example, across the ideological spectrum, they

all invoke some external, impersonal assimilating agent. Who,

exactly, is the “great alchemist” of the melting pot? What force

tosses the salad or pieces together the mosaic? By picturing

assimilation as an impersonal, automatic process and thus

placing it beyond analysis, the metaphors fail to illuminate its

most important secrets. Assimilation, if it is to succeed, must

be a voluntary process, by both the assimilating immigrants

and the assimilated-to natives. Assimilation is a human accom-

modation, not a mechanical production.

The metaphors also mislead as to the purposes of assimilation.

The melting pot is supposed to turn out an undifferentiated

alloy—a uniform, ethnically neutral, American protoperson.

Critics have long pointed out that this idea is far-fetched. But

is it even desirable? And if it is desirable, does it really foster

a shared national identity? The greatest failing of the melting-

pot metaphor is that it overreaches. It exaggerates the degree

to which immigrants’ ethnicity is likely to be extinguished by

exposure to American society and it exaggerates the need to

extinguish ethnicity. By being too compelling, too idealistic,

the melting-pot idea has inadvertently helped to discredit the

very assimilation paradigm it was meant to celebrate.

On the other hand, behind their unexceptionable blandness,

the antithetical cultural pluralist metaphors are profoundly in-

sidious. By suggesting that the product of assimilation is mere

ethnic coexistence without integration, they undermine the

objectives of assimilation, even if they appear more realistic.

Is assimilation only about diverse ethnic groups sharing the

same national space? That much can be said for any multieth-

nic society. If the ethnic greens of the salad or the fragments

of the mosaic do not interact and identify with each other, no

meaningful assimilation is taking place.

Melting Pot came under fire when it became apparent that the

mainstream public had no intention of “melting” with certain

“other” races and cultures. Subsequently, American immigra-

tion policies became restrictive based on race, an example

of state sponsored racism intended towards reducing the di-

versity of the melting pot (Laubeová). Much has been written

about the so-called “myth” of the melting pot theory (Frey;

Booth). However, the metaphor has persisted and epitomizes

what some Americans see as an ideal model for this country.

The melting pot theory, also referred to as cultural assimilation,

revolves around the analogy that “the ingredients in the pot

(people of different cultures and religions) are combined so

as to lose their discrete identities and yield a final product of

uniform consistency and flavor, which is quite different from

the original inputs.” This idea differs from other analogies, par-

ticularly the salad bowl analogy where the ingredients are en-

couraged to retain their cultural identities, thus retaining their

“integrity and flavor” while contributing to a tasty and nutri-

tious salad. Yet another food analogy is that of the ethnic stew,

where there is a level of compromise between integration and

cultural distinctiveness.

What these food analogies have in common is an appreciation

that each of these ethnicities has something to contribute to

the society as a whole. By comparing ethnic and/or cultural

groups to ingredients in a recipe, we start with the assumption

that each ingredient is important and the final product would

not be the same if some distinct ingredient were missing. How-

ever, in the melting pot analogy, this premise is the least ap-

parent and can be criticized for its dismissively simplistic social

theories. This is one appropriate evaluation of the weaknesses

of the melting pot and the tossed salad analogies:

In the case of the melting pot the aim is that all cultures be-

come reflected in one common culture, however this is gen-

erally the culture of the dominant group - I thought this was

mixed vegetable soup but I can only taste tomato. In the case

of the salad bowl, cultural groups should exist separately and

maintain their practices and institutions, however, Where is the

dressing to cover it all?

This criticism that the melting pot produces a society that pri-

marily reflects the dominant culture instead of fusing into a

completely new entity is reiterated by other sociologists, an-

thropologists, and cultural geographers as “Anglo-conformity”

(Kivisto 151). This type of assimilation was seen as working like

a one-way street and it was viewed as something that depend-

ed primarily on the cooperativeness of immigrants to be reori-

ented towards the dominant culture. The idea that the domi-

nant culture would be infused with new energy through the

“signals the proliferation of diversity. Rather than enforced conformity, it makes possible a greater degree of individual autonomy.”

influences of ethnic groups retaining their distinctive cultural

attributes and thereby forging a new, stronger America due

to their divergent cultural contributions was not given much

weight by early researchers (Kivisto 152-154).

It should be noted in this discussion that earlier in American

sociology history, some of these terms took on distinctly dif-

ferent flavours. This ambiguity of terminology contributes to

confusion in the current discourse. For instance, in 1901, Sarah

Simons is quoted as making this conclusion with regards to as-

similation: In brief, the function of assimilation is the establish-

ment of homogeneity within the group; but this does not mean

that all variation shall be crushed out. In vital matters, such

as language, ideals of government, law, and education, uni-

formity shall prevail; in personal matters of religion and habits

of life, however, individuality shall be allowed free play. Thus,

the spread of “consciousness of kind” must be accompanied

by the spread of consciousness of individuality (qtd. in Kivsito

153).

Furthermore, according to Peter Kivisto’s interpretation of

Chicago School sociologist Robert E. Park’s writings on the

subject, theories on assimilation originally differed from the

melting pot fusion theory in that assimilation “signals the prolif-

eration of diversity. Rather than enforced conformity, it makes

possible a greater degree of individual autonomy” and creates

“a cultural climate that is predicated by pluralism” whereby this

“cultural pluralism (or multiculturalism) can coexist with assimi-

lation” (156-157). The idea that a multiethnic society could at-

tain an interdependent cohesion based on national solidarity

while maintaining distinct cultural histories not dependent on

like-minded homogeneity was thus proposed back in the early

1900’s (Kivisto 161).

However, it is vital to recognize that coercive assimilation the-

orists often do not support the idea that immigrants should

maintain distinct cultural attributes. In the modern-day discus-

sion, coercive assimilation theories often take on a decidedly

racist overtone (Laubeova), with many assimilation proponents

urging Americentric policies such as English-only education,

strict immigration policies, stipulations of nationalistic criteria

for citizenship, and eliminating programs aimed at helping mi-

norities (Booth; Hayworth). This issue over terminology and

social metaphors is vitally important because America stands

at a critical ideological turning point. Cultural geographers

describe our current society as experiencing a “multicultural

backlash” that will drastically affect immigration legislation

and ethnic studies and possibly lead us towards a more re-

strictive and intolerant nation (Mitchell 641). The current dis-

course about cultural assimilation seeks to relegate incongru-

ent cultural attributes to the private arena so as not to disturb

the dominant society (Mitchell 642), and instead of promoting

a tolerance of diversity, we see the modern-day assimilation

proponents urging strict deportation and increasingly restric-

tive immigration policies in order to protect socalled American

values (Hayworth). The stance of many coercive assimilation

proponents smacks of racist overtones and is based on ap-

prehension of “others” and exclusionary thinking more than it

is based on preservation of core values.

The implications of this type of proposed legislation drives fear

into minority groups seeking to preserve their cultural heri-

tage against a tide of Americentric propaganda. Ultimately,

those seeking to enact coercive assimilation policies threaten

to fracture the common ground of the American dream that

they claim to be focused on protecting. Minority groups are

nearing such numbers in this country that it is projected that

the word “minority” will soon become obsolete. Enacting ex-

clusionary policies will only fracture an already delicate social

framework and potentially further disenfranchise the very

groups America needs for inclusive unity.

On the other hand, multiculturalism has its own set of weak

points that need further evaluation and revision. The melt-

ing pot and the tossed salad metaphors are both inherently

flawed, at least sofar in their practical application. On this,

there are many social theorists who are writing about a com-

promise between the melting pot approach and the tossed

salad analogy. One such new theory is the aforementioned

“ethnic stew” from Laura Laubeova, who hopes that such an

analogy can help bridge the gap between the two concepts to

create “a sort of pan-Hungarian goulash where the pieces of

different kinds of meat still keep their solid structure.” Indeed,

some sort of compromise between full assimilation and multi-

culturalism will be necessary to retain our multiethnic flavour

while building a cohesive society.

The bottom line is that people are people, not food. Despite

the variety of food metaphors at our disposal, the power of

this rhetoric is limited and wears thin during pragmatic ap-

plication. Food metaphors can be useful, but we do not need

more vague metaphors that lead to interpretive disparities.

What we need is an entirely new dialogue on the subject, one

that completely and clearly redefines America’s objective for

a multiethnic society that allows for diversity, not just in the

private realm, but also in the public sphere. We do not need

a coercive assimilation program that reverts back to outdated

nationalistic paranoia. We need an inclusive working social

theory that unites the disparate enclaves of this society into

a manageable entity moving in the same collective direction.

Whether Americans will ever eventually be reformed into what

Israel Zangwill called “a fusion of all races” remains to be seen

(Zangwill). Right now, what America needs is a definitive social

direction that leans away from coercive assimilation dogma

and towards a truly inclusive national identity. True American

dreamers should not settle for anything less.

NOT A SINGLE EVENT EVENT A PROCESS

BUT

“long-term processes that have whittled away at the social foundations of ethnic distinctions.”

Perhaps a new assimilation metaphor should be introduced—

one that depends not on a mechanical process like the melting

pot but on human dynamics. Assimilation might be viewed as

more akin to religious conversion than anything else. In the

terms of this metaphor, the immigrant is the convert, American

society is the religious order being joined, and assimilation is

the process by which the conversion takes place. Just as there

are many motives for people to immigrate, so are there many

motives for them to change their religion: spiritual, practical

(marrying a person of another faith), and materialistic (joining

some churches can lead to jobs or subsidized housing). But

whatever the motivation, conversion usually involves the con-

sistent application of certain principles. Conversion is a mutual

decision requiring affirmation by both the convert and the re-

ligious order he or she wishes to join. Converts are expected

in most (but not all) cases to renounce their old religions. But

converts do not have to change their behavior in any respects

other than those that relate to the new religion. They are ex-

pected only to believe in its theological principles, observe its

rituals and holidays, and live by its moral precepts. Beyond

that, they can be rich or poor, practice any trade, pursue any

avocational interests, and have any racial or other personal at-

tributes. Once they undergo conversion, they are eagerly wel-

comed into the fellowship of believers. They have become part

of “us” rather than “them.” This is undoubtedly what writer G.K.

Chesterton had in mind when he said: “America is a nation with

the soul of a church.”

In the end, however, no metaphor can do justice to the

achievements and principles of assimilation, American style.

As numerous sociologists have shown, assimilation is not a

single event, but a process. In 1930 Robert Park observed, “As-

similation is the name given to the process or processes by

which peoples of diverse racial origins and different cultural

heritages, occupying a common territory, achieve a cultural

solidarity sufficient at least to sustain a national existence.”

More recently, Richard Alba defined assimilation as “long-term

processes that have whittled away at the social foundations

of ethnic distinctions.” But assimilation is more complex than

that because it is a process of numerous dimensions. Not all

immigrants and ethnic groups assimilate in exactly the same

way or at the same speed.

Having immigrants identify as Americans is, of course, the whole point of assimilation.

In Assimilation in American Life (1964), Milton Gordon suggested

that there is a typology, or hierarchy, of assimilation, thus

capturing some of the key steps that immigrants and ethnic

groups go through as their assimilation--their cultural solidar-

ity with native-born Americans, in Park’s words--becomes

more complete.

First, and perhaps foremost, natives and immigrants must ac-

cord each other legitimacy. That is, each group must believe

the other has a legitimate right to be in the United States and

that its members are entitled to pursue, by all legal means, their

livelihood and happiness as they see fit. Second, immigrants

must have competence to function effectively in American

workplaces and in all the normal American social settings. Im-

migrants are expected to seize economic opportunities and

to participate, at some level, in the social life of American so-

ciety, and natives must not get in their way. Third, immigrants

must be encouraged to exercise civic responsibility, minimally

by being law-abiding members of American society, respect-

ful of their fellow citizens, and optimally as active participants

in the political process. Fourth, and most essential, immigrants

must identify themselves as Americans, placing that identifi-

cation ahead of any associated with their birthplace or ethnic

homeland, and their willingness to do so must be reciprocated

by the warm embrace of native Americans.

The speed and thoroughness with which individual immigrants

conform to these criteria vary, but each dimension is critical

and interdependent with the others. The absence of legitima-

cy breeds ethnic conflict between natives and immigrants and

among members of different ethnic groups. The absence of

competence keeps immigrants from being economically and

socially integrated into the larger society and breeds alienation

among the immigrants and resentment of their dependence

among natives. The absence of civic responsibility keeps im-

migrants from being involved in many crucial decisions that af-

fect their lives and further contributes to their alienation. Hav-

ing immigrants identify as Americans is, of course, the whole

point of assimilation, but such identification depends heavily

on the fulfillment of the other three criteria.

chapterCHAPTER22Since I cover theories in chapter one, I will focus on practical side

in this chapter; the life of immigrants. These will be covered; if

immigrants are succesfully assimilated, how is the life of an im-

migrant and his/her America-born children, and how much they

are satisfied with every aspects of their life. The information was

collected by survey and interviews. When it comes to survey and

interview, I felt it would make it easier and faster to get responds

from a certain group of people because I didn’t have enough time

to get answers from every immigrant in New York. I chose Korean

immigrants and their America born children because Koreans are

one of the largest minority and they have been immigrating into

the United States over 100years. Therefore, I believe their opin-

ions might be agreed by other immigrants.

Did you expect better quality of life when you decided to immigrate?

When you retire, do you want to go back to Korea?

Yes61%

No39%

never19% 52% 19% 10%

once a while often always

How often do you have homesick?

Do you want them to know Korean culture?

pretty much50%

No4%

little bit11%

a lot36%

Who do you want them to date and/or marry?

Anyone they like to date

Korean persons preferred for dates

Anyone they like to marry

Korean persons preferred for marriage

Did you feel satisfied with your life in Korea?

Yes78%

No22%

Yes80%

No20%

KOREAN IMMIGRANT

Yes80%

No20%

Do you keep in touch with friends in Korea? 여보세요 여보세요 야오랜만이야 그동안 잘 지냈우리 딸은 올해 대학들어갔어뒷바라지하느라고 등골이 휘겠어 넌 잘 지내고 있냐? 통 연락이 없어 왜이렇게 한국오면 연락해라

...Yes67%

Do you have close friends in the States who you know from Korea?

Yes44%

No56%

Do you have close friends who don’t speak Korean?

No33%

Where were your children born?

62%The U.S.Korea

38%

Do/Did you send them to Korean school after regular school?

No50%

Yes50%

가 나 다라 마 바 아

PARENTHOOD

KOREA &THE U.S.

FRIENDSHIP

?

Q. How long have you lived in America? Why did you immigrate?

A. I came here on February 1982. I’ve been living for 28years. I came with

my husband for better life but I also wanted to continue my study.

Q. What was the hardest part when you first got here and assimilated into

new environment?

A. It was about my self-esteem. I was in a certain position in Korea, but I

had to start new here because even though I had ability to do it, my English

wasn’t good enought to get the job. That made me frustrated.

Q. When do you feel you are americanized?

A. Even when I was in Korea, I was a bit different from others. I am open-

minded and very active. So when I came here, I felt more comfortable.

Except for language barrier.

Q. Are there more americanized behaviors or views of yours?

A. I got more patience. Everything goes so fast in Korea, and people

repetidly say, “fast! fast! fast!” You can just walk into any doctor’s office

without appointment, your package get delivered within a day. Here it is

different. I had to learn to wait patiently.

Q. On the other hand, do you still have any Korean habit or thinking?

A.I don’t want to keep any Korean thoughts. I don’t think most of them are

realistic or reasonable.

Q. Do you think you don’t know America fully yet?

A. No. I gave birth to two children and raised them here. I went through

a lot of things and I don’t think there are more to learn about America.

Q. Have you experienced any discrimination as an immigrant?

A. Even though my children were raised in same environment with other

white kids, my kids were always considered as immigrants just because of

skin color.

Q. Do you think you are successfully assimilated and your Korean cultural

background contribute to American culture?

A. I started my second life here and I feel like this is my country. I don’t think

my cultural background contiributed to American culture.

Q. What does America mean to you?

A. I learned a lot in America. It made me mature.

Q. Would you immigrate to America again, if you can go back to past?

A. yes. But this time maybe Canada?

Sungsook Joo, 53, housewife

How old are you?

20s10%

30s13%

40s40%

50s33%

60s3%

Who decided to immigrate?

you and/or your spouse56% 38% 6%

your parents older generation

CHANGYOUNG CHOI

IMMIGRATION


A. I have lived here for 24 years. When I was a teenager, I watched many

American movies. What I got about American life from those movies was

that a man had a decent job, a beautiful wife, children, a dog, and a house

with backyard. Everyone looked happy and everything seemed perfect.

Since then, I started dreaming of my own American Dream.

Q. What was the hardest part when you first got here and assimilated

into new environment?

A. Language barrier and cultural difference were the hardest part.

When I was in Korea, I worked in a chemical company. I had meetings with

American buyers and had a problem with communication. They couldn’t

understand my pronunciation and I couldn’t understand their English. I

had the problem for long time when I settled here too.

As for cultural difference, Americans were not familiar with Asian culture

24 years ago. I was embarrassed to look into eyes of people I talked to,

while they tried to look at my eyes.

Also I tried to be polite and consider the person’s feeling when I refused

someone’ request. However, for Americans turning someone down seemed

very easy and nothing.


A. When I talk to Koreans who just got off the boat, I feel different. And

when I sneeze I say to excuse me and cover my mouth with my sleeve,

while Korean men sneeze in the air.

Q. Are there more americanized behaviors or views of yours?

A. I form a line and wait for my turn patiently. And I have learned how to

get along with other races.

Q. On the other hand, do you still have any Korean habit or thinking?

A. I have very Korean, patriarchal thoughts. As a father, I believe that I

should support my family, take care of my parents, and be a good example

for my son. And I expect respects back from my family.


A.yes, I do. I still don’t know their traditions and customs and their donation

culture is very new to me.


A. No, I haven’t experienced.

Q. Do you think you are assimilated and your Korean cultural background

contribute to American culture?

A. I guess so. I am open to American culture and try to understand. Also, I

tell people about Korean culture.


A. As an American citizen, America is my second homeland. I will put down

my roots here.


A. yes. But Korea will always be on the first place on my mind. haha

Seungwoo Hong, 53, entrepreneur

When did you and/or your family immigrate? Why did you immigrate?

financial reason

19%

children’s education

23%

1960 1990 present

31%69%

Etc(study, marriage)

29%

invitation from family

29%


A. I have lived here for 23 years. I came here for my study.


new environment?

A. Everything in daily life was different so that it took a bit to get used to.

The train system was different from Korea, I had to check if I was going to

right direction couple times. And in Korea, the bathroom floor has drain.

When I came here, without thinking, I wet the floor to clean and realized

there was no drain. I had to clean the wet floor with paper towels. And

sometimes I forgot to close the faucet, I had to clean the whole floor too.

Q. When did you feel you became almost American?

A. When I got American citizenship, I felt I am officially accepted.


A. When I see Koreans who just got here. They are way too considerate and

humble. I know that is proper in Korea but I feel they look less confident.

Q. Do you find Koreaness inside you which you can’t help?

A. I can’t live without Korean food.


A. Yes. I have a lot to learn about laws and regulations.


A. When I worked in a bank, white people never consulted about mortage

loan to me or other asian bankers.

Q. Do you think you are assimilated and your Korean cultural background

contribute to American culture?

A. I came to America when I was 31 and still I don’t think I am successfully

assimilated. And I don’t think my cultural background contributes to

culture in the United States.


A. It is not my homeland but I have my life here. I will finish my life here.


A. Yes.

Nicole Cho, 53, mortgage broker

Yes87%

No13%

RELIGION

Who attend services (church, temple, etc)? Do you make friends from temple or church?

Korean90%

International7%

American3%


A. It has been 6years and 6months. I wanted to educate my children in

better environment, and I also wanted to live freely without worrying how

people look at me.


new environment?

A. Language difference was the hardest part for me and for my children it

took a lot of time to get used to new school system.

Q. Do you have any americanized behavior or ideas of yours?

A. Whenever I had a gathering in Korea, someone took charge of the

dinner or drinks. The turn goes around and it was quite big money to

spend at once. Since I came here, I feel comfortable to pay dutch. and I

foam a line and wait for my turn more patiently.

Q. On the other hand, do you still have a very Korean habit or thinking?

A. When I meet japanese people, I don’t like them that much. It is very

Korea-Japan thing. Japanese had done brutal things like Nazi did to Jews.

And they never apologized officially and teach their children distorted

history. and with their politics and everything, they are always getting on

nerves on Koreans.

During winter, my neighbor helped me to clean snow and invited me for

dinner, but I was so shy and was reluctant to accept the invite. It hardly

happens in Korea and I feel strange. I was afraid to open up myself.


A. Yes. I searched for some supplies to buy and just found out the system

was different from in Korea and each store has very specific products. I

realized I have lots to know about. Also when I have a problem to solve,

I have no idea where to get the help or how to start, while natives figure

that out easily.

Q. Do you think you are successfully assimilated and your Korean cultural

background contribute to American culture?

A. Watching TV helped me to figure out the life in America and I think I am

assimilated. And I always explain about my culture, especially about how

young people respect the elderly, and people understand it. I always try

to tell about my country and that might contribute to American culture?


A. where I live now, my children get education, and it is a friendly country

to Korea.


A. No. I wouldn’t immigrate to America unless i go back to 30 years ago.

Taewoong Go, 55, entrepreneur

90%of Korean immigrants have a religion.

25%of Korean immigrants spend more than 6hours in a week for their religion.

Korean-Americans who understand and/or speak Korean

Korean-Americans who speak Korean with their parents

Korean-Americans who speak Korean with their siblings

82%of Korean Americans feel more comfortable with English.

90.9%of Korean Americans think they should know Korean language.

Were you in trouble with figuring out your identity in your adolescene?

Did you like having Korean appearance?

Who do you think you are? How do you like people to recognize you?

Do you watch Korean dramas, series? Have you been to Korea? Are you willing to do long-term stay in Korea?

Yes95%

KOREAN CULTURE

IDENTITY

LANGUAGE

지금 보실 영상은 정신과 전문의의 조언에 따라 진행된 무한도전멤버 들의 관찰카메라입니다. 카메라가 없는 자연스러운 상황에서 보이는 버릇이나 언행을 정신과 전문의가 면밀히 관찰 후 이들의 성격 스타일

It all began on New Year’s day in my thirty-second year of being single. Once again,I found myself on my own.and going to my mother’sannual turkey curry

Yes77%

No23%

Yes55%

No45%

KOREAN AMERICAN

100%of Korean Americans say they want their children to know Korean culture and language.

? ?

No86%

Yes14%

American

Korean

Korean American

you people

Yes77%

No23%

Q. Where were you raised?

A. I was raised in Queens Bayside surrounded by a mixed culture of Asians and White.

Q. Some Asian Americans said that they thought they were white until 6, 7. When and

how did you recognized that you were not exactly same with other Americans?

A. Probably the same age around 6 when i was in elementary school.

Q. Did that experience bring any change in you?

(like your feelings, personality, thoughts, etc)

A. No.

Q. What kind of kid were you at school?

A. active outgoing kid

Q. Have you had any trouble with your Korean parents as a teenager? (such as miscom-

munication brought from language differences, different mindsets, etc)

A. No. I didn’t have any problem communicating with my parents, I can speak Korean,

and my parents can speak English too. They support me all the time, so I didn’t have

hard time as a teenager.

Q. Did your parents push you to pursue successful jobs in Korean standards?

A. No. My parents respect my opinions. My mom worked in boutiques and when I de-

cided to go for fashion, she supported me a lot.

Q. What kind of family do you have?

A. I have a very open minded, supportive family. We are all very outspoken individuals.

We all are comedic.

Q. Are you happy to have Korean heritage? What do you like about?

A. Yes, I am happy. I like that we have traditions and different foods.

Q. What do you dislike about Korean heritage?

A. some Korean people are very close minded.

Q. Are you more involved with being Korean or American? Do you try to balance be-

tween your Americanness and Koreanness?

A. I’m more American because I was born here. However I do value my traditions and

heritage.

Q. Do you think your Koreanness assimilated into American culture or it exists along

with other cultures?

A. I think it exists amongst other cultures since New York is so diverse in cultures.

Jane Pang, 27 fashion account executive

Do you have close Korean friends from Korea?

Do you feel cultural differences from them?

Do you have close Korean friends from Korea?

No60%

Yes40%

No50%

?

Yes50%

FRIENDSHIP

Who mostly are your close friends?

Korean Americans

Koreans22.7%

41%

Internationals 22.7%

Americans13.6%

Q. Where were you raised?

A. I was raised in a mixed environment. However, there was a large Asian population.

Q. Some Korean Americans said that they thought they were white until 6, 7. When and

how did you recognized that you were not exactly same with other Americans?

A. I recognized it very early on since I grew up in a mixed population.

Q. Did that experience bring any change in you?

(like your feelings, personality, thoughts, etc)

A. No, I just realized people came from different places and had different roots, culture,

and personalities.

Q. What kind of kid were you at school?

A. I was a little on the shy side.

Q. Have you had any trouble with your Korean parents as a teenager? (such as miscom-

munication brought from language differences, different mindsets, etc)

A. I had some trouble due to different mindsets and culture clashes. i.e., I wouldn’t be

able to go out as often.

Q. Did your parents push you to pursue successful jobs in Korean standards?

A. No. I was fine to pursue my own interests and desires.

Q. What kind of family do you have?

A. I think we have a normal family with two parents and two children. you could say we

are living the American Dream.

Q. Are you happy to have Korean heritage? What do you like about?

A. Yes, it makes me proud that my parents came from Korea and started new and had

the means to raise my sister and I.

Q. What do you dislike about Korean heritage?

A. I feel there are too many social rules.

Q. Are you more involved with being Korean or American? Do you try to balance be-

tween your Americanness and Koreanness?

A. I am more involved with being American as I was born here.

Q. how do you think about Korean immigrants and cultural assimilation?

A. I feel that it is very important for immigrants to assimilate and learn the language of

the country they are in and not to isolate themselves.

Q. Do you feel your Koreanness assimilated into American culture or it exists along with

other cultures?

A. I feel that being Korean is where I came from, and being American is who I am.

LOVE

Anyone you like to date

Korean persons preferred for dates

Anyone you like to marry

Korean persons preferred for marriage

No

23%

Yes

77%

DateYes

45%

No55%

Marriage

Who do your parents prefer for you to date and/or marry?

doesn’t matter32%

Korean68%

Jason Pae, 23 underwriter Who would you like to date and/or marry?

Do your parents influence you on choosing who you date and/or marry?

Documents

Design thesis; cultural assimilation of Korean immigrants in the U.S